David Domke and Kevin Coe
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195326413
- eISBN:
- 9780199870431
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326413.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religion has always been a part of American politics, but something profound has changed in recent decades. This book demonstrates that, beginning with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in ...
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Religion has always been a part of American politics, but something profound has changed in recent decades. This book demonstrates that, beginning with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980, US politicians have employed religion as a partisan weapon, using it in a no-holds-barred calculus designed to attract voters, identify enemies, and solidify power. The book reveals this political approach by identifying four crucial religious signals used by leading Republicans and Democrats, from Reagan to Bill Clinton to George W. Bush to the front-running candidates for the 2008 presidential election. In their emphasis on God and faith in public addresses, commemorations of tragedies and requests for divine blessing for the nation, the issue agendas pursued, and even the audiences addressed and the nature of Christmas celebrations, today's political leaders use religion for partisan gain in a manner distinct from those who came before. These signals become apparent through analysis of thousands of public communications by American politicians over the past seventy-five years, the tracking of public sentiment on several topics during the same period, and the perspectives of interest groups and political strategists. The result of these developments is an environment in the United States in which religion and politics have become almost inseparably intertwined — an outcome which benefits savvy politicians but endangers the vitality of church, state, and the entire American experiment in democracy. Less
Religion has always been a part of American politics, but something profound has changed in recent decades. This book demonstrates that, beginning with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980, US politicians have employed religion as a partisan weapon, using it in a no-holds-barred calculus designed to attract voters, identify enemies, and solidify power. The book reveals this political approach by identifying four crucial religious signals used by leading Republicans and Democrats, from Reagan to Bill Clinton to George W. Bush to the front-running candidates for the 2008 presidential election. In their emphasis on God and faith in public addresses, commemorations of tragedies and requests for divine blessing for the nation, the issue agendas pursued, and even the audiences addressed and the nature of Christmas celebrations, today's political leaders use religion for partisan gain in a manner distinct from those who came before. These signals become apparent through analysis of thousands of public communications by American politicians over the past seventy-five years, the tracking of public sentiment on several topics during the same period, and the perspectives of interest groups and political strategists. The result of these developments is an environment in the United States in which religion and politics have become almost inseparably intertwined — an outcome which benefits savvy politicians but endangers the vitality of church, state, and the entire American experiment in democracy.
Robert Elgie
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199585984
- eISBN:
- 9780191729003
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585984.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book examines the relationship between semi‐presidentialism and democratic performance. Semi‐presidentialism — where a constitution provides for both a directly elected president and a prime ...
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This book examines the relationship between semi‐presidentialism and democratic performance. Semi‐presidentialism — where a constitution provides for both a directly elected president and a prime minister and cabinet responsible to the legislature — has become the regime type of choice for new democracies. There are now over fifty countries in the world with a semi‐presidential constitution and the vast majority of these countries have chosen this form of government since the early 1990s. This book operationalizes Shugart and Carey’s distinction between president‐parliamentarism — where the prime minister is responsible to both the legislature and to the directly elected president — and premier‐presidentialism — where the prime minister is responsible to the legislature alone. The book shows that, all else equal, the president‐parliamentary subtype is more likely to be associated with a poorer democratic performance than its premier‐presidential counterpart. The evidence is based on a mixed‐method approach, including large‐n comparative statistical studies of all semi‐presidential democracies since 1919, as well as in‐depth case studies. The case studies include Guinea‐Bissau, Mali, Portugal, and Senegal.Less
This book examines the relationship between semi‐presidentialism and democratic performance. Semi‐presidentialism — where a constitution provides for both a directly elected president and a prime minister and cabinet responsible to the legislature — has become the regime type of choice for new democracies. There are now over fifty countries in the world with a semi‐presidential constitution and the vast majority of these countries have chosen this form of government since the early 1990s. This book operationalizes Shugart and Carey’s distinction between president‐parliamentarism — where the prime minister is responsible to both the legislature and to the directly elected president — and premier‐presidentialism — where the prime minister is responsible to the legislature alone. The book shows that, all else equal, the president‐parliamentary subtype is more likely to be associated with a poorer democratic performance than its premier‐presidential counterpart. The evidence is based on a mixed‐method approach, including large‐n comparative statistical studies of all semi‐presidential democracies since 1919, as well as in‐depth case studies. The case studies include Guinea‐Bissau, Mali, Portugal, and Senegal.
Elvin T. Lim
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195342642
- eISBN:
- 9780199851843
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195342642.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Why has it been so long since an American president has effectively and consistently presented well-crafted, intellectually substantive arguments to the American public? Why have presidential ...
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Why has it been so long since an American president has effectively and consistently presented well-crafted, intellectually substantive arguments to the American public? Why have presidential utterances fallen from the rousing speeches of Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and FDR to a series of robotic repetitions of talking points and 60-second soundbites, largely designed to obfuscate rather than illuminate? This book draws on interviews with more than 40 presidential speechwriters to investigate this relentless qualitative decline, over the course of 200 years, in our presidents' ability to communicate with the public. The book argues that the ever-increasing pressure for presidents to manage public opinion and perception has created a “pathology of vacuous rhetoric and imagery” where gesture and appearance matter more than accomplishment and fact. The book tracks the campaign to simplify presidential discourse through presidential and speechwriting decisions made from the Truman to the present administration, explaining how and why presidents have embraced anti-intellectualism and vague platitudes as a public relations strategy. The book sees this anti-intellectual stance as a deliberate choice rather than a reflection of presidents' intellectual limitations. Only the smart, it suggests, know how to dumb down. The result, it shows, is a dangerous debasement of our political discourse and a quality of rhetoric which has been described, charitably, as “a linguistic struggle” and, perhaps more accurately, as “dogs barking idiotically through endless nights.”Less
Why has it been so long since an American president has effectively and consistently presented well-crafted, intellectually substantive arguments to the American public? Why have presidential utterances fallen from the rousing speeches of Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and FDR to a series of robotic repetitions of talking points and 60-second soundbites, largely designed to obfuscate rather than illuminate? This book draws on interviews with more than 40 presidential speechwriters to investigate this relentless qualitative decline, over the course of 200 years, in our presidents' ability to communicate with the public. The book argues that the ever-increasing pressure for presidents to manage public opinion and perception has created a “pathology of vacuous rhetoric and imagery” where gesture and appearance matter more than accomplishment and fact. The book tracks the campaign to simplify presidential discourse through presidential and speechwriting decisions made from the Truman to the present administration, explaining how and why presidents have embraced anti-intellectualism and vague platitudes as a public relations strategy. The book sees this anti-intellectual stance as a deliberate choice rather than a reflection of presidents' intellectual limitations. Only the smart, it suggests, know how to dumb down. The result, it shows, is a dangerous debasement of our political discourse and a quality of rhetoric which has been described, charitably, as “a linguistic struggle” and, perhaps more accurately, as “dogs barking idiotically through endless nights.”
Michael A. Bailey and Forrest Maltzman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151045
- eISBN:
- 9781400840267
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151045.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
How do Supreme Court justices decide their cases? Do they follow their policy preferences? Or are they constrained by the law and by other political actors? This book combines new theoretical ...
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How do Supreme Court justices decide their cases? Do they follow their policy preferences? Or are they constrained by the law and by other political actors? This book combines new theoretical insights and extensive data analysis to show that law and politics together shape the behavior of justices on the Supreme Court. The book shows how two types of constraints have influenced the decision making of the modern Court. First, the book documents that important legal doctrines, such as respect for precedents, have influenced every justice since 1950. The book finds considerable variation in how these doctrines affect each justice, variation due in part to the differing experiences justices have brought to the bench. Second, it shows that justices are constrained by political factors. Justices are not isolated from what happens in the legislative and executive branches, and instead respond in predictable ways to changes in the preferences of Congress and the president. This book shatters the myth that justices are unconstrained actors who pursue their personal policy preferences at all costs. By showing how law and politics interact in the construction of American law, this book sheds new light on the unique role that the Supreme Court plays in the constitutional order.Less
How do Supreme Court justices decide their cases? Do they follow their policy preferences? Or are they constrained by the law and by other political actors? This book combines new theoretical insights and extensive data analysis to show that law and politics together shape the behavior of justices on the Supreme Court. The book shows how two types of constraints have influenced the decision making of the modern Court. First, the book documents that important legal doctrines, such as respect for precedents, have influenced every justice since 1950. The book finds considerable variation in how these doctrines affect each justice, variation due in part to the differing experiences justices have brought to the bench. Second, it shows that justices are constrained by political factors. Justices are not isolated from what happens in the legislative and executive branches, and instead respond in predictable ways to changes in the preferences of Congress and the president. This book shatters the myth that justices are unconstrained actors who pursue their personal policy preferences at all costs. By showing how law and politics interact in the construction of American law, this book sheds new light on the unique role that the Supreme Court plays in the constitutional order.
Michael Schaller
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195090499
- eISBN:
- 9780199854196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195090499.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the accomplishments and achievements of Ronald Reagan as U.S. president. Reagan achieved many of the symbolic goals he had pledged to strive ...
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This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the accomplishments and achievements of Ronald Reagan as U.S. president. Reagan achieved many of the symbolic goals he had pledged to strive for, including the reduction of federal tax rates and improved relations with the Soviet Union. He retired with a public approval rating of 70 percent, higher than any president since Franklin Roosevelt. However, Reagan also left a number of economic, social and environment problems. These include the Iran-Contra affair and an increase in federal debt. In addition, his administration's approach to a variety of social problems, such as teenage pregnancy and AIDS remained essentially negative.Less
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the accomplishments and achievements of Ronald Reagan as U.S. president. Reagan achieved many of the symbolic goals he had pledged to strive for, including the reduction of federal tax rates and improved relations with the Soviet Union. He retired with a public approval rating of 70 percent, higher than any president since Franklin Roosevelt. However, Reagan also left a number of economic, social and environment problems. These include the Iran-Contra affair and an increase in federal debt. In addition, his administration's approach to a variety of social problems, such as teenage pregnancy and AIDS remained essentially negative.
Louis Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores the constitutional source of ‘inherent powers’. Firstly it analyzes what is meant by express, implied, and emergency powers. Then it examines closely the 1936 Supreme Court ...
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This chapter explores the constitutional source of ‘inherent powers’. Firstly it analyzes what is meant by express, implied, and emergency powers. Then it examines closely the 1936 Supreme Court case, Curtiss-Wright, that is most often cited for supporting inherent and extra-constitutional powers for the president. The chapter then moves to discussing the use of inherent powers by President Harry Truman in 1952 to seize steel mills to prosecute the war in Korea, and the reliance on inherent powers by President George W. Bush to accomplish a range of war-related actions. Truman's initiative was repudiated by the Supreme Court in the Youngstown case, but the legal and political limits of Bush's actions are still being played out.Less
This chapter explores the constitutional source of ‘inherent powers’. Firstly it analyzes what is meant by express, implied, and emergency powers. Then it examines closely the 1936 Supreme Court case, Curtiss-Wright, that is most often cited for supporting inherent and extra-constitutional powers for the president. The chapter then moves to discussing the use of inherent powers by President Harry Truman in 1952 to seize steel mills to prosecute the war in Korea, and the reliance on inherent powers by President George W. Bush to accomplish a range of war-related actions. Truman's initiative was repudiated by the Supreme Court in the Youngstown case, but the legal and political limits of Bush's actions are still being played out.
Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter discusses the possible roads to democratization of the EU that have been suggested in the literature by assessing eight different models of democracy such as federalism, parliamentary ...
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This chapter discusses the possible roads to democratization of the EU that have been suggested in the literature by assessing eight different models of democracy such as federalism, parliamentary democracy, and majority rule. The ability of each model to encapsulate the EU system (descriptive strengths) is evaluated, then each is assessed for its ability to address the socio-psychological deficit of the union.Less
This chapter discusses the possible roads to democratization of the EU that have been suggested in the literature by assessing eight different models of democracy such as federalism, parliamentary democracy, and majority rule. The ability of each model to encapsulate the EU system (descriptive strengths) is evaluated, then each is assessed for its ability to address the socio-psychological deficit of the union.
Zbyněk Zeman and Antonín Klimek
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205838
- eISBN:
- 9780191676802
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205838.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter introduces Edvard Beneš as a foreign minister during the rise of the Czechoslovak Republic, and as the second president during the fall at Munich. Beneš's person attracted journalists ...
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This chapter introduces Edvard Beneš as a foreign minister during the rise of the Czechoslovak Republic, and as the second president during the fall at Munich. Beneš's person attracted journalists and writers, particularly from writers of memories rather than from historians. There exists a full-length biography of Beneš in Czech. One of his severest critics hinted that Beneš was not a democrat by nature. Beneš thought of politics as a scientific pursuit, and approached politics with a significant resilience. Beneš was slow in coming to terms with the changing international circumstances, and he did not informed his countrymen about the true extent of change that they were to experience.Less
This chapter introduces Edvard Beneš as a foreign minister during the rise of the Czechoslovak Republic, and as the second president during the fall at Munich. Beneš's person attracted journalists and writers, particularly from writers of memories rather than from historians. There exists a full-length biography of Beneš in Czech. One of his severest critics hinted that Beneš was not a democrat by nature. Beneš thought of politics as a scientific pursuit, and approached politics with a significant resilience. Beneš was slow in coming to terms with the changing international circumstances, and he did not informed his countrymen about the true extent of change that they were to experience.
John F. Cogan and Olivia S. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199226801
- eISBN:
- 9780191710285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226801.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Pensions and Pension Management
In 2001, President George W. Bush appointed the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security, composed of sixteen members from both major political parties. Members were tasked with providing ...
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In 2001, President George W. Bush appointed the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security, composed of sixteen members from both major political parties. Members were tasked with providing the president with recommendations on how to modernize the Social Security system, restore its fiscal soundness, and develop a workable system of personal retirement accounts as part of a newly structured program. This chapter presents perspectives on Social Security reform, drawn from service on the President's Commission. It begins with a discussion of the use of personal retirement accounts as a method of prefunding the Social Security system. The Commission to Strengthen Social Security developed three reform scenarios that incorporate personal retirement accounts as a central element in a modernized system of old-age security. The chapter focuses on one reform plan in particular — one that promises an enhanced and more reliable safety net while also providing workers the opportunity to invest in personal accounts with diversified investment choice and potentially lower risk. It is argued that reforms of this sort can help put Social Security on a self-financing basis for the first time in over a quarter of a century.Less
In 2001, President George W. Bush appointed the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security, composed of sixteen members from both major political parties. Members were tasked with providing the president with recommendations on how to modernize the Social Security system, restore its fiscal soundness, and develop a workable system of personal retirement accounts as part of a newly structured program. This chapter presents perspectives on Social Security reform, drawn from service on the President's Commission. It begins with a discussion of the use of personal retirement accounts as a method of prefunding the Social Security system. The Commission to Strengthen Social Security developed three reform scenarios that incorporate personal retirement accounts as a central element in a modernized system of old-age security. The chapter focuses on one reform plan in particular — one that promises an enhanced and more reliable safety net while also providing workers the opportunity to invest in personal accounts with diversified investment choice and potentially lower risk. It is argued that reforms of this sort can help put Social Security on a self-financing basis for the first time in over a quarter of a century.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0041
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter forty-one deals with the years immediately following the death of so many of Hodge’s friends and family. He underwent intense bouts of grief and his physical health was not strong. He was ...
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Chapter forty-one deals with the years immediately following the death of so many of Hodge’s friends and family. He underwent intense bouts of grief and his physical health was not strong. He was also named to Princeton College’s Board of Trustees in 1850. He served on the Board until his death in 1878. While a Trustee, Hodge worked closely with Presidents Carnahan, Maclean and McCosh to keep religious instruction an important part of the school’s curriculum. He also stressed a broad-based liberal arts approach to the College’s curricular agenda.Less
Chapter forty-one deals with the years immediately following the death of so many of Hodge’s friends and family. He underwent intense bouts of grief and his physical health was not strong. He was also named to Princeton College’s Board of Trustees in 1850. He served on the Board until his death in 1878. While a Trustee, Hodge worked closely with Presidents Carnahan, Maclean and McCosh to keep religious instruction an important part of the school’s curriculum. He also stressed a broad-based liberal arts approach to the College’s curricular agenda.
Melanie M. Morey and John J. Piderit
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305517
- eISBN:
- 9780199784813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305515.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter discusses the role of leadership in cultural change and provides practical approaches to assessing and enhancing Catholic institutional culture. Two composite types of visionary leaders ...
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This chapter discusses the role of leadership in cultural change and provides practical approaches to assessing and enhancing Catholic institutional culture. Two composite types of visionary leaders (connective and directive), as well as two degrees of cultural change (adjustment and correction), are adopted to illuminate important strategic leadership choices and analyze their implications for religious cultural enhancement. The chapter explores the connection between leadership style and cultural context, clarifies the role of boards of trustees in choosing presidents and assessing their performance, and identifies the adoption of effective measurement tools for religious performance as a necessary policy change for Catholic colleges and universities.Less
This chapter discusses the role of leadership in cultural change and provides practical approaches to assessing and enhancing Catholic institutional culture. Two composite types of visionary leaders (connective and directive), as well as two degrees of cultural change (adjustment and correction), are adopted to illuminate important strategic leadership choices and analyze their implications for religious cultural enhancement. The chapter explores the connection between leadership style and cultural context, clarifies the role of boards of trustees in choosing presidents and assessing their performance, and identifies the adoption of effective measurement tools for religious performance as a necessary policy change for Catholic colleges and universities.
Michael J. Gerhardt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195150506
- eISBN:
- 9780199871131
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195150506.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter suggests that precedent is often discounted as a source in constitutional decision making because it is usually understood narrowly as judicial decisions. But it shows that a broader ...
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This chapter suggests that precedent is often discounted as a source in constitutional decision making because it is usually understood narrowly as judicial decisions. But it shows that a broader definition of precedent encompasses nonjudicial precedent (any of the past constitutional judgments of nonjudicial actors which judicial or other authorities seek to invest with normative power). It shows how nonjudicial precedent is important not only to courts, but to nonjudicial actors.Less
This chapter suggests that precedent is often discounted as a source in constitutional decision making because it is usually understood narrowly as judicial decisions. But it shows that a broader definition of precedent encompasses nonjudicial precedent (any of the past constitutional judgments of nonjudicial actors which judicial or other authorities seek to invest with normative power). It shows how nonjudicial precedent is important not only to courts, but to nonjudicial actors.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Introduction discusses the practical, as well as theoretical, relevance of studying selection mechanisms for heads of state in parliamentary systems. It briefly reviews the relevant ...
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The Introduction discusses the practical, as well as theoretical, relevance of studying selection mechanisms for heads of state in parliamentary systems. It briefly reviews the relevant constitutional debates in a variety of democracies. This chapter then introduces the main concerns with presidential elections: Do direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies? Are direct elections more heavily contested, partisan, polarizing, and divisive? Do direct elections help decrease voter alienation and apathy? This chapter concludes with an overview of the cases and methodologies used throughout this book.Less
The Introduction discusses the practical, as well as theoretical, relevance of studying selection mechanisms for heads of state in parliamentary systems. It briefly reviews the relevant constitutional debates in a variety of democracies. This chapter then introduces the main concerns with presidential elections: Do direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies? Are direct elections more heavily contested, partisan, polarizing, and divisive? Do direct elections help decrease voter alienation and apathy? This chapter concludes with an overview of the cases and methodologies used throughout this book.
Alex Pravda
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199276141
- eISBN:
- 9780191603341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276145.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines the changing leadership of Vladimir Putin. Most observers initially saw Putin as a transactional leader; with his practical and technocratic approach to fixing problems, he ...
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This chapter examines the changing leadership of Vladimir Putin. Most observers initially saw Putin as a transactional leader; with his practical and technocratic approach to fixing problems, he appeared more a prudent manager than political leader. However, as he moved towards his second term, his increased assertion of executive powers has prompted some observers to revise their optimism regarding Russia’s prospects for democracy, viewing Putin’s actions as a possible turn towards dictatorial rule.Less
This chapter examines the changing leadership of Vladimir Putin. Most observers initially saw Putin as a transactional leader; with his practical and technocratic approach to fixing problems, he appeared more a prudent manager than political leader. However, as he moved towards his second term, his increased assertion of executive powers has prompted some observers to revise their optimism regarding Russia’s prospects for democracy, viewing Putin’s actions as a possible turn towards dictatorial rule.
Adriaan Schout
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199535026
- eISBN:
- 9780191715860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535026.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
All of the presidents of the Council of Ministers have left their mark, in areas ranging from EU agenda-setting to securing agreement after technical negotiations. Partly because their duties are ...
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All of the presidents of the Council of Ministers have left their mark, in areas ranging from EU agenda-setting to securing agreement after technical negotiations. Partly because their duties are multifarious and poorly defined, their success has been variable. Leadership has been of three kinds. Task-oriented leadership involves chairing meetings efficiently according to rules of procedure and its importance is generally underrated. Group-oriented leadership requiring sounding out positions and identifying acceptable solutions irrespective of their quality. Transformational leadership is aimed at proposing ambitious innovations for the longer term, adding to the agenda, and finding new solutions. Discontinuities and excessive workload have been corrected by team presidencies, annually from 2002 and over eighteen months since 2007. A stable President of the European Council devoted to transformational leadership would cause tensions with the rotating presidents and raise excessive expectations.Less
All of the presidents of the Council of Ministers have left their mark, in areas ranging from EU agenda-setting to securing agreement after technical negotiations. Partly because their duties are multifarious and poorly defined, their success has been variable. Leadership has been of three kinds. Task-oriented leadership involves chairing meetings efficiently according to rules of procedure and its importance is generally underrated. Group-oriented leadership requiring sounding out positions and identifying acceptable solutions irrespective of their quality. Transformational leadership is aimed at proposing ambitious innovations for the longer term, adding to the agenda, and finding new solutions. Discontinuities and excessive workload have been corrected by team presidencies, annually from 2002 and over eighteen months since 2007. A stable President of the European Council devoted to transformational leadership would cause tensions with the rotating presidents and raise excessive expectations.
Robert Elgie (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and ...
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Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.Less
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.
Cecilia Blondet
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the ways women from different social and political groups gained national prominence in Peru during the Fujimori administration. It argues that the political interests of the ...
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This chapter examines the ways women from different social and political groups gained national prominence in Peru during the Fujimori administration. It argues that the political interests of the President led to increased contact with a wide range of professional women and social leaders, whose interests overlapped with his. These women learned to operate within the confines of the authoritarian regime, and became important players in a political arena characterized by disorder and weak institutions.Less
This chapter examines the ways women from different social and political groups gained national prominence in Peru during the Fujimori administration. It argues that the political interests of the President led to increased contact with a wide range of professional women and social leaders, whose interests overlapped with his. These women learned to operate within the confines of the authoritarian regime, and became important players in a political arena characterized by disorder and weak institutions.
Robert Elgie
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Provides an introduction to the concept of semi‐presidentialism and establishes a framework for the study of the politics of semi‐presidential regimes. The first part sketches the evolution of the ...
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Provides an introduction to the concept of semi‐presidentialism and establishes a framework for the study of the politics of semi‐presidential regimes. The first part sketches the evolution of the concept of semi‐presidentialism, considers some of the main criticisms of the concept, proposes a slight reformulation of the standard definition of the term, and identifies a list of semi‐presidential regimes. The second part of the chapter outlines a framework for the comparative study of semi‐presidential regimes, which provides for particular attention to be paid to the constitutional powers of political actors, the circumstances surrounding the creation of the regime, the nature of the parliamentary majority, and the relationship between the president and that majority. In this way, this chapter then provides the basis both for the in‐depth country studies of semi‐presidentialism that follow and for the conclusion, which examines the comparative experience of semi‐presidentialism and addresses the issue of whether countries should adopt a semi‐presidential form of government in preference to either presidential or parliamentary forms of government.Less
Provides an introduction to the concept of semi‐presidentialism and establishes a framework for the study of the politics of semi‐presidential regimes. The first part sketches the evolution of the concept of semi‐presidentialism, considers some of the main criticisms of the concept, proposes a slight reformulation of the standard definition of the term, and identifies a list of semi‐presidential regimes. The second part of the chapter outlines a framework for the comparative study of semi‐presidential regimes, which provides for particular attention to be paid to the constitutional powers of political actors, the circumstances surrounding the creation of the regime, the nature of the parliamentary majority, and the relationship between the president and that majority. In this way, this chapter then provides the basis both for the in‐depth country studies of semi‐presidentialism that follow and for the conclusion, which examines the comparative experience of semi‐presidentialism and addresses the issue of whether countries should adopt a semi‐presidential form of government in preference to either presidential or parliamentary forms of government.
Wolfgang C. Müller
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to ...
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Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to parliament, there is a directly elected president, who appoints the government and can dismiss it, although in practical terms the president has very little accountability. Nevertheless, Austria is generally considered as a parliamentary system by leading comparativists, and indeed it is parliamentary elections rather than presidential elections that decide the distribution of power. This chapter concentrates on the post‐war period, although the interwar years are also important for understanding the gap between the large constitutional powers and limited role that presidents have actually played. It draws on the literature on the Austrian presidency, original archival work, and interviews with political actors. The different sections of the chapter are: The Historical Legacy of Introducing Semi‐Presidentialism; Constitutional Powers and Their Practical Relevance; The Presidency and Party Politics; and Conclusion.Less
Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to parliament, there is a directly elected president, who appoints the government and can dismiss it, although in practical terms the president has very little accountability. Nevertheless, Austria is generally considered as a parliamentary system by leading comparativists, and indeed it is parliamentary elections rather than presidential elections that decide the distribution of power. This chapter concentrates on the post‐war period, although the interwar years are also important for understanding the gap between the large constitutional powers and limited role that presidents have actually played. It draws on the literature on the Austrian presidency, original archival work, and interviews with political actors. The different sections of the chapter are: The Historical Legacy of Introducing Semi‐Presidentialism; Constitutional Powers and Their Practical Relevance; The Presidency and Party Politics; and Conclusion.
David Arter
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Since the retirement of President Kekkonen in 1981, a process of piecemeal constitutional reform has strengthened the core concept of parliamentary government at the expense of the old ...
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Since the retirement of President Kekkonen in 1981, a process of piecemeal constitutional reform has strengthened the core concept of parliamentary government at the expense of the old quasi‐monarchical elements in the Finnish political system; this modernization process has been propelled by a concern to avoid the possibility of a recurrence of the ‘enlightened despotism’ of the Kekkonen era, and has been aided by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Recent constitutional changes have also enhanced the involvement of the prime minister and government in the performance of the federative (foreign policy) function; above all, the institutional adaptation required by membership of the EU has emphasized the bicephalous character of the Finnish political executive in a way reminiscent of interwar practice. Political factors, notably the ability of the party system to deliver stable majority coalitions, have worked in the same direction, and indeed arguments have been made in favour of the abolition of the whole institution of the presidency. With parliament having recently accepted the main findings of the Nikula Committee's report and restricted the president's involvement in the process of coalition‐building, as well as vesting the government with powers jointly to manage foreign policy, it is clear that Finland is en route to becoming an orthodox parliamentary democracy: the head of state has lost his exclusive charge of the federative function; his involvement in the legislative process is limited and exceptional; and even his executive powers—particularly his powers of appointment—have been restricted in recent years. The different sections of the chapter are: Constitution‐Making 1917–1919: A Monarchical Republic?; The Shift to a President‐Dominant System, 1940–1987; From President‐Dominant to Pluralist Foreign Policy‐Making, 1987–1998; and Towards a Ceremonial Presidency?Less
Since the retirement of President Kekkonen in 1981, a process of piecemeal constitutional reform has strengthened the core concept of parliamentary government at the expense of the old quasi‐monarchical elements in the Finnish political system; this modernization process has been propelled by a concern to avoid the possibility of a recurrence of the ‘enlightened despotism’ of the Kekkonen era, and has been aided by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Recent constitutional changes have also enhanced the involvement of the prime minister and government in the performance of the federative (foreign policy) function; above all, the institutional adaptation required by membership of the EU has emphasized the bicephalous character of the Finnish political executive in a way reminiscent of interwar practice. Political factors, notably the ability of the party system to deliver stable majority coalitions, have worked in the same direction, and indeed arguments have been made in favour of the abolition of the whole institution of the presidency. With parliament having recently accepted the main findings of the Nikula Committee's report and restricted the president's involvement in the process of coalition‐building, as well as vesting the government with powers jointly to manage foreign policy, it is clear that Finland is en route to becoming an orthodox parliamentary democracy: the head of state has lost his exclusive charge of the federative function; his involvement in the legislative process is limited and exceptional; and even his executive powers—particularly his powers of appointment—have been restricted in recent years. The different sections of the chapter are: Constitution‐Making 1917–1919: A Monarchical Republic?; The Shift to a President‐Dominant System, 1940–1987; From President‐Dominant to Pluralist Foreign Policy‐Making, 1987–1998; and Towards a Ceremonial Presidency?
