Benjamin Reilly
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286874
- eISBN:
- 9780191713156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286874.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the theory and practice of the various approaches to the sharing and dividing of governing power in the Asia-Pacific. It first looks at the broad issues of executive structure ...
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This chapter examines the theory and practice of the various approaches to the sharing and dividing of governing power in the Asia-Pacific. It first looks at the broad issues of executive structure and the distinction between presidential and parliamentary systems across the region, at the divergent approaches taken by Asian and Pacific states to both formal and informal practices of executive inclusion, and at the empirical relationship between these variables and broader goals of political stability. An ‘index of power-sharing’ is constructed to compare the horizontal sharing of powers over time. The experience of vertical power-sharing via measures such as federalism, devolution, and autonomy is then considered. Overall, the evidence suggests that while informal executive power-sharing practices have been relatively successful, formal requirements for inclusive cabinets have been dogged by problems.Less
This chapter examines the theory and practice of the various approaches to the sharing and dividing of governing power in the Asia-Pacific. It first looks at the broad issues of executive structure and the distinction between presidential and parliamentary systems across the region, at the divergent approaches taken by Asian and Pacific states to both formal and informal practices of executive inclusion, and at the empirical relationship between these variables and broader goals of political stability. An ‘index of power-sharing’ is constructed to compare the horizontal sharing of powers over time. The experience of vertical power-sharing via measures such as federalism, devolution, and autonomy is then considered. Overall, the evidence suggests that while informal executive power-sharing practices have been relatively successful, formal requirements for inclusive cabinets have been dogged by problems.
Dieter Nohlen, Michael Krennerich, and Bernhard Thibaut
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This is a comparative introduction to elections and electoral systems in Africa. The first section is a historical overview, which points out that although elections have been an integral part of ...
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This is a comparative introduction to elections and electoral systems in Africa. The first section is a historical overview, which points out that although elections have been an integral part of African politics since political independence, they take place with a wide range of frequencies and under very difficult political conditions. The second section discusses the types of electoral systems found: parliamentary and presidential (or semipresidential). The last section discusses the problem of compiling electoral statistics.Less
This is a comparative introduction to elections and electoral systems in Africa. The first section is a historical overview, which points out that although elections have been an integral part of African politics since political independence, they take place with a wide range of frequencies and under very difficult political conditions. The second section discusses the types of electoral systems found: parliamentary and presidential (or semipresidential). The last section discusses the problem of compiling electoral statistics.
Brian F. Crisp and Matthew Soberg Shugart
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter presents accountability as an inherently vertical relationship. It discusses the conflicts between vertical accountability, horizontal exchange, and superintendence in presidential ...
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This chapter presents accountability as an inherently vertical relationship. It discusses the conflicts between vertical accountability, horizontal exchange, and superintendence in presidential systems. It is argued that the relations between agents of the state are a function of their connections to the ultimate principal — the citizenry. The proliferation of superintendence agencies may raise expectations that cannot be met without an overhaul of the institutions of vertical accountability in Latin America.Less
This chapter presents accountability as an inherently vertical relationship. It discusses the conflicts between vertical accountability, horizontal exchange, and superintendence in presidential systems. It is argued that the relations between agents of the state are a function of their connections to the ultimate principal — the citizenry. The proliferation of superintendence agencies may raise expectations that cannot be met without an overhaul of the institutions of vertical accountability in Latin America.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative ...
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This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.Less
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.
Klaus von Beyme
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Begins by pointing out that the concept of institutional engineering was not invented for the latest wave of transitions from dictatorship to democracy, but rather created for evaluating a democratic ...
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Begins by pointing out that the concept of institutional engineering was not invented for the latest wave of transitions from dictatorship to democracy, but rather created for evaluating a democratic country at a time when it was in crisis. In Eastern Europe, a peculiar constellation of old and new elites led the way through the process of compromise between old and new forces and old and new institutions. Voters’ increased fickleness and a weaker party system left more room for manoeuver to institutional engineers. This chapter describes and analyses four models of institutional engineering: constitutional engineering; semi‐presidential systems; electoral laws; and decision‐making by plebiscite. These models are then compared with the paths of transition of selected Eastern European countries and contrasted with countries from Western Europe.Less
Begins by pointing out that the concept of institutional engineering was not invented for the latest wave of transitions from dictatorship to democracy, but rather created for evaluating a democratic country at a time when it was in crisis. In Eastern Europe, a peculiar constellation of old and new elites led the way through the process of compromise between old and new forces and old and new institutions. Voters’ increased fickleness and a weaker party system left more room for manoeuver to institutional engineers. This chapter describes and analyses four models of institutional engineering: constitutional engineering; semi‐presidential systems; electoral laws; and decision‐making by plebiscite. These models are then compared with the paths of transition of selected Eastern European countries and contrasted with countries from Western Europe.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book is about presidents in parliamentary systems. One commonly recurring political debate within parliamentary systems is over whether or not the public should directly elect the head of state. ...
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This book is about presidents in parliamentary systems. One commonly recurring political debate within parliamentary systems is over whether or not the public should directly elect the head of state. Despite the importance of this topic in practical politics, political scientists have offered little empirical evidence yet made bold assumptions about the consequences of popular elections for heads of state. A common argument is that direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies. Another popular assumption is that direct presidential elections are more heavily contested and partisan, polarizing, and dividing political elites and the electorate. Proponents of direct elections argue that such elections will help decrease voter alienation and apathy. This book challenges the conventional wisdom. Using both quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from democratic systems across the world, this book demonstrates that compared to indirect selection methods, direct elections do not yield more active and contentious presidents, do not polarize political elites or society, and do not remedy political apathy. Rather, presidential activism in both “semi-presidential” and “pure parliamentary” systems is shaped by political opportunity framework—the institutional strength and partisan composition of both parliament and government. Further, because holding the presidency provides parties with an electoral asset, direct and indirect presidential elections can be equally contentious and polarizing. Last, but not least, rather than decreasing apathy, direct election is associated with increased voter fatigue and decreased turnout in parliamentary elections by about seven percentage points.Less
This book is about presidents in parliamentary systems. One commonly recurring political debate within parliamentary systems is over whether or not the public should directly elect the head of state. Despite the importance of this topic in practical politics, political scientists have offered little empirical evidence yet made bold assumptions about the consequences of popular elections for heads of state. A common argument is that direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies. Another popular assumption is that direct presidential elections are more heavily contested and partisan, polarizing, and dividing political elites and the electorate. Proponents of direct elections argue that such elections will help decrease voter alienation and apathy. This book challenges the conventional wisdom. Using both quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from democratic systems across the world, this book demonstrates that compared to indirect selection methods, direct elections do not yield more active and contentious presidents, do not polarize political elites or society, and do not remedy political apathy. Rather, presidential activism in both “semi-presidential” and “pure parliamentary” systems is shaped by political opportunity framework—the institutional strength and partisan composition of both parliament and government. Further, because holding the presidency provides parties with an electoral asset, direct and indirect presidential elections can be equally contentious and polarizing. Last, but not least, rather than decreasing apathy, direct election is associated with increased voter fatigue and decreased turnout in parliamentary elections by about seven percentage points.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book is one of the series Oxford Studies in Democratization, and examines electoral systems and democratization in southern Africa. The design of electoral systems and executive types is ...
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This book is one of the series Oxford Studies in Democratization, and examines electoral systems and democratization in southern Africa. The design of electoral systems and executive types is increasingly being recognized as the key lever of constitutional engineering to be applied in the interests of political accommodation and stability in ethnically divided societies. In this comparative study of democratic design in southern Africa, Andrew Reynolds finds that the decisions about how to constitute representative parliaments have wide-ranging effects on the type of parties and the party system that develops, the nature of executive–legislative relations, and the inclusiveness of both majority and minority interests in the process of governance. While electoral system design is the primary focus of the book, the related constitutional issues of whether to choose a presidential or parliamentary system, and whether to entrench consensual, consociational, or majoritarian government are also discussed. In analysing the experiences of Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, the author presents conclusions that help shed light on the success or failure of democratic design in other fledgling democracies, in both Africa and beyond.Less
This book is one of the series Oxford Studies in Democratization, and examines electoral systems and democratization in southern Africa. The design of electoral systems and executive types is increasingly being recognized as the key lever of constitutional engineering to be applied in the interests of political accommodation and stability in ethnically divided societies. In this comparative study of democratic design in southern Africa, Andrew Reynolds finds that the decisions about how to constitute representative parliaments have wide-ranging effects on the type of parties and the party system that develops, the nature of executive–legislative relations, and the inclusiveness of both majority and minority interests in the process of governance. While electoral system design is the primary focus of the book, the related constitutional issues of whether to choose a presidential or parliamentary system, and whether to entrench consensual, consociational, or majoritarian government are also discussed. In analysing the experiences of Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, the author presents conclusions that help shed light on the success or failure of democratic design in other fledgling democracies, in both Africa and beyond.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Substantial cross‐national variations have been demonstrated in political support/institutional confidence; the aim of this chapter is to investigate why these major differences between countries ...
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Substantial cross‐national variations have been demonstrated in political support/institutional confidence; the aim of this chapter is to investigate why these major differences between countries exist. It identifies at least three separate schools of thought seeking to explain this phenomenon: the role of cultural values, government performance, and political institutions. Comparisons are made among a broad range of political systems, drawing on the 1981–4, 1990–1 and 1995–7 World Values Surveys, the Latinobarometer and the Eurobarometer, and various support hypotheses are advanced (support for the party in government; dependence on level of democratization; differences between presidential and parliamentary systems (executive structure); variation with party system; differences between federal and unitary state structures; and variation with electoral system) and tested. The findings indicate that institutional confidence is most likely to be highest in parliamentary democracies characterized by plurality electoral systems, two‐party or moderate multi‐party systems, and unitary states, and that these relationships are confirmed even after controlling for differences in levels of economic development and post‐material values; social background and education are also related to institutional confidence, while the influence of socioeconomic status and gender are very modest. The results replicate one of the main theoretical principles of Anderson and Guillory (1997)—that winners express more confidence in the system than losers, and they also show that majoritarian institutions tend to produce greater institutional confidence than consociational arrangements.Less
Substantial cross‐national variations have been demonstrated in political support/institutional confidence; the aim of this chapter is to investigate why these major differences between countries exist. It identifies at least three separate schools of thought seeking to explain this phenomenon: the role of cultural values, government performance, and political institutions. Comparisons are made among a broad range of political systems, drawing on the 1981–4, 1990–1 and 1995–7 World Values Surveys, the Latinobarometer and the Eurobarometer, and various support hypotheses are advanced (support for the party in government; dependence on level of democratization; differences between presidential and parliamentary systems (executive structure); variation with party system; differences between federal and unitary state structures; and variation with electoral system) and tested. The findings indicate that institutional confidence is most likely to be highest in parliamentary democracies characterized by plurality electoral systems, two‐party or moderate multi‐party systems, and unitary states, and that these relationships are confirmed even after controlling for differences in levels of economic development and post‐material values; social background and education are also related to institutional confidence, while the influence of socioeconomic status and gender are very modest. The results replicate one of the main theoretical principles of Anderson and Guillory (1997)—that winners express more confidence in the system than losers, and they also show that majoritarian institutions tend to produce greater institutional confidence than consociational arrangements.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The final chapter reviews the major findings. It also discusses the practical implications of these findings reiterating that the focus of constitution designers on the election mechanism of the head ...
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The final chapter reviews the major findings. It also discusses the practical implications of these findings reiterating that the focus of constitution designers on the election mechanism of the head of state is largely misplaced because for many important aspects of the functioning of the regime, this selection mechanism has little, if any, effect. This chapter then addresses the theoretical implications of the project underlining that treating indirectly elected presidents differently from directly elected ones is not justified: semi-presidential systems and those with indirectly elected presidents are very similar in many aspects. This chapter concludes with summarizing this book's contribution to the study of political institutions and democratic theory.Less
The final chapter reviews the major findings. It also discusses the practical implications of these findings reiterating that the focus of constitution designers on the election mechanism of the head of state is largely misplaced because for many important aspects of the functioning of the regime, this selection mechanism has little, if any, effect. This chapter then addresses the theoretical implications of the project underlining that treating indirectly elected presidents differently from directly elected ones is not justified: semi-presidential systems and those with indirectly elected presidents are very similar in many aspects. This chapter concludes with summarizing this book's contribution to the study of political institutions and democratic theory.
Russell J. Dalton, Ian McAllister, and Martin P. Wattenberg
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253098
- eISBN:
- 9780191599026
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253099.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Assembles cross‐national data to demonstrate the behavioural consequences of partisan dealignment. Without the reinforcement of habitual party ties, more voters are waiting longer to decide for whom ...
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Assembles cross‐national data to demonstrate the behavioural consequences of partisan dealignment. Without the reinforcement of habitual party ties, more voters are waiting longer to decide for whom they will vote, and in the countries where ticket splitting is possible, more are dividing their party choices. Candidate‐centred politics appears to be on the rise, although this is much more pronounced in presidential than parliamentary systems, and signifying the different style of dealignment politics, participation in campaigns and volunteer work for political parties is decreasing. In short, partisan dealignment is transforming the relationship between some voters and political parties—a relationship that was once seen as an essential element in the process of representative government.Less
Assembles cross‐national data to demonstrate the behavioural consequences of partisan dealignment. Without the reinforcement of habitual party ties, more voters are waiting longer to decide for whom they will vote, and in the countries where ticket splitting is possible, more are dividing their party choices. Candidate‐centred politics appears to be on the rise, although this is much more pronounced in presidential than parliamentary systems, and signifying the different style of dealignment politics, participation in campaigns and volunteer work for political parties is decreasing. In short, partisan dealignment is transforming the relationship between some voters and political parties—a relationship that was once seen as an essential element in the process of representative government.
Nida Gelazis
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western ...
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Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western constitutional traditions, to legitimize the country's independence from the USSR, and to distinguish Lithuania from other Soviet satellite states. The Constitution was intended to contribute to the perception of Lithuania as an independent state in the international community, in the hope of securing itself from possible re‐annexation to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the chapter points out that despite its quick adoption, the constitution includes important safeguards for democracy, such as the balance of powers and basic rights.Less
Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western constitutional traditions, to legitimize the country's independence from the USSR, and to distinguish Lithuania from other Soviet satellite states. The Constitution was intended to contribute to the perception of Lithuania as an independent state in the international community, in the hope of securing itself from possible re‐annexation to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the chapter points out that despite its quick adoption, the constitution includes important safeguards for democracy, such as the balance of powers and basic rights.
Granville Austin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195656107
- eISBN:
- 9780199080397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195656107.003.0025
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Indira Gandhi's Congress(I) roundly defeated the Janata Party in the elections of January 1980, but the approximately five years of her ‘second reign’ were not happy ones for the country. Neither Mrs ...
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Indira Gandhi's Congress(I) roundly defeated the Janata Party in the elections of January 1980, but the approximately five years of her ‘second reign’ were not happy ones for the country. Neither Mrs Gandhi nor her critics could shake loose from the past, and they had bitter memories of each other. These years bought renewed attention to constitutional issues such as the independence of the judiciary and the calibre of judges and changing from a parliamentary to a presidential system — with its obvious implications for the relationship between the legislative and the executive branches of government. Of all the ghosts from past governments that haunted the opening years of the decade, that of ‘authoritarianism’ was pervasive. The language Mrs Gandhi and her supporters used reinforced impressions that their sentiments were anti-democratic.Less
Indira Gandhi's Congress(I) roundly defeated the Janata Party in the elections of January 1980, but the approximately five years of her ‘second reign’ were not happy ones for the country. Neither Mrs Gandhi nor her critics could shake loose from the past, and they had bitter memories of each other. These years bought renewed attention to constitutional issues such as the independence of the judiciary and the calibre of judges and changing from a parliamentary to a presidential system — with its obvious implications for the relationship between the legislative and the executive branches of government. Of all the ghosts from past governments that haunted the opening years of the decade, that of ‘authoritarianism’ was pervasive. The language Mrs Gandhi and her supporters used reinforced impressions that their sentiments were anti-democratic.
Cameron Ross
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719058691
- eISBN:
- 9781781700174
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719058691.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines the struggle between executive and legislative bodies of power. One of the major problems with presidential systems is that they are, ‘prone to creating two opposing centres of ...
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This chapter examines the struggle between executive and legislative bodies of power. One of the major problems with presidential systems is that they are, ‘prone to creating two opposing centres of power’, and often ‘legislative paralysis can set in when neither parliament nor president are strong enough to break the deadlocks which ensue’. In Russia, deadlock at the national level led to outright physical violence and the dissolution of the Russian Parliament in October 1993. And this struggle between parliament and president also gravitated downwards to the local level with similar battles occurring between regional assemblies and executive bodies of power.Less
This chapter examines the struggle between executive and legislative bodies of power. One of the major problems with presidential systems is that they are, ‘prone to creating two opposing centres of power’, and often ‘legislative paralysis can set in when neither parliament nor president are strong enough to break the deadlocks which ensue’. In Russia, deadlock at the national level led to outright physical violence and the dissolution of the Russian Parliament in October 1993. And this struggle between parliament and president also gravitated downwards to the local level with similar battles occurring between regional assemblies and executive bodies of power.
André Blais, Shaun Bowler, and Bernard Grofman
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- August 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190870829
- eISBN:
- 9780190909529
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190870829.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Comparative Politics
Electoral laws are often regarded as the key factors structuring party competition. Yet, despite having very similar electoral systems, reflecting a shared colonial legacy, the United States (U.S.) ...
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Electoral laws are often regarded as the key factors structuring party competition. Yet, despite having very similar electoral systems, reflecting a shared colonial legacy, the United States (U.S.) and Canada have had very different party systems. For the past 100 years, the U.S. is perhaps the most consistently two-party system among the world’s major democracies, but during this same period Canada has experienced considerable variation in the number of parties represented in Parliament at the national level. This chapter addresses both the causes and consequences of this puzzling divergence in party systems in the two countries. We also compare a number of other features of the two nation’s electoral institutions, including campaign finance rules, rules for constituency boundary drawing, bicameralism, and the mechanism for the selection of the executive, with particular attention to the U.S. Electoral College and its alleged link with two-partyism. We also examine the policy consequences of the divergence in party systems and look at the way in which party competition in the two countries may affect voter turnout.Less
Electoral laws are often regarded as the key factors structuring party competition. Yet, despite having very similar electoral systems, reflecting a shared colonial legacy, the United States (U.S.) and Canada have had very different party systems. For the past 100 years, the U.S. is perhaps the most consistently two-party system among the world’s major democracies, but during this same period Canada has experienced considerable variation in the number of parties represented in Parliament at the national level. This chapter addresses both the causes and consequences of this puzzling divergence in party systems in the two countries. We also compare a number of other features of the two nation’s electoral institutions, including campaign finance rules, rules for constituency boundary drawing, bicameralism, and the mechanism for the selection of the executive, with particular attention to the U.S. Electoral College and its alleged link with two-partyism. We also examine the policy consequences of the divergence in party systems and look at the way in which party competition in the two countries may affect voter turnout.
Sascha Huber
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199660124
- eISBN:
- 9780191755934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660124.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Using an experimental approach, this chapter tackles the endogeneity problem of leader effects and disentangles the relationship between political and apolitical factors in the formation of judgments ...
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Using an experimental approach, this chapter tackles the endogeneity problem of leader effects and disentangles the relationship between political and apolitical factors in the formation of judgments on political leaders: to what extent are evaluations of leaders the product of political considerations and to what extent are they solely based on their character traits? A second objective of the chapter is to analyse the institutional effects of parliamentary and presidential elections on the influence of character assessments on vote choices. The results of three experiments conducted in France, Germany, and Sweden suggest that perceptions of character traits are heavily influenced by the political assessments of candidates. Supposedly apolitical evaluations of political leaders will then often have a political foundation. In addition, the experiments revealed an institutional effect indicating a stronger influence of leader traits in presidential elections than in parliamentary elections.Less
Using an experimental approach, this chapter tackles the endogeneity problem of leader effects and disentangles the relationship between political and apolitical factors in the formation of judgments on political leaders: to what extent are evaluations of leaders the product of political considerations and to what extent are they solely based on their character traits? A second objective of the chapter is to analyse the institutional effects of parliamentary and presidential elections on the influence of character assessments on vote choices. The results of three experiments conducted in France, Germany, and Sweden suggest that perceptions of character traits are heavily influenced by the political assessments of candidates. Supposedly apolitical evaluations of political leaders will then often have a political foundation. In addition, the experiments revealed an institutional effect indicating a stronger influence of leader traits in presidential elections than in parliamentary elections.
Dieter Ohr and Henrik Oscarsson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199259007
- eISBN:
- 9780191803406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199259007.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines whether the role of leader characteristics in parliamentary systems, where political parties are traditionally stronger, is similar to the one in a presidential system. Analyses ...
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This chapter examines whether the role of leader characteristics in parliamentary systems, where political parties are traditionally stronger, is similar to the one in a presidential system. Analyses of parliamentary and presidential systems show that leader traits such as leadership capabilities, trustworthiness, reliability, and empathy are closely related to the overall image of political leaders as well as to the eventual voting decision. In other words, politically relevant and performance-related leader traits are important criteria for voters’ political judgements and decisions, and this importance is fairly similar across the political systems analysed.Less
This chapter examines whether the role of leader characteristics in parliamentary systems, where political parties are traditionally stronger, is similar to the one in a presidential system. Analyses of parliamentary and presidential systems show that leader traits such as leadership capabilities, trustworthiness, reliability, and empathy are closely related to the overall image of political leaders as well as to the eventual voting decision. In other words, politically relevant and performance-related leader traits are important criteria for voters’ political judgements and decisions, and this importance is fairly similar across the political systems analysed.
Robert Elgie
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199683840
- eISBN:
- 9780191763397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199683840.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter deals with the question of the relative influence of different types of liberal democratic institutional arrangement on the capacities of leadership. It notes that in the ...
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This chapter deals with the question of the relative influence of different types of liberal democratic institutional arrangement on the capacities of leadership. It notes that in the institutionalist approach to leadership, there has long been the theoretical assumption that parliamentary systems are more likely to generate better leadership outcomes than presidential ones, but that, surprisingly, empirical research fails to support this. The central argument is that institutionalists have handled the problems of equifinality (where different starting points can lead to identical outcomes) and multifinality (where similar starting points lead to quite different outcomes) very poorly. We must therefore be very careful drawing conclusions about the implications of institutional analysis for any type of leadership, good or bad.Less
This chapter deals with the question of the relative influence of different types of liberal democratic institutional arrangement on the capacities of leadership. It notes that in the institutionalist approach to leadership, there has long been the theoretical assumption that parliamentary systems are more likely to generate better leadership outcomes than presidential ones, but that, surprisingly, empirical research fails to support this. The central argument is that institutionalists have handled the problems of equifinality (where different starting points can lead to identical outcomes) and multifinality (where similar starting points lead to quite different outcomes) very poorly. We must therefore be very careful drawing conclusions about the implications of institutional analysis for any type of leadership, good or bad.
Granville Austin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195656107
- eISBN:
- 9780199080397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195656107.003.0019
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses the Forty-second Amendment itself. It summarizes the essence of the Forty-second Amendment, the government's and critics' contention over it, and considers the puzzle of the ...
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This chapter discusses the Forty-second Amendment itself. It summarizes the essence of the Forty-second Amendment, the government's and critics' contention over it, and considers the puzzle of the amendment's drafting. It also examines examine a strange event of the time: an apparent attempt to derail the amendment entirely and substitute a presidential for the parliamentary system. Mrs Gandhi's wrenching of the seamless web brought the repudiation of the Emergency, her government's downfall, and the repeal of the Forty-second Amendment. So was proved what the founding fathers knew: that the character of the country depended upon the integrity of the web, which depended on the health and strength of its individual strands.Less
This chapter discusses the Forty-second Amendment itself. It summarizes the essence of the Forty-second Amendment, the government's and critics' contention over it, and considers the puzzle of the amendment's drafting. It also examines examine a strange event of the time: an apparent attempt to derail the amendment entirely and substitute a presidential for the parliamentary system. Mrs Gandhi's wrenching of the seamless web brought the repudiation of the Emergency, her government's downfall, and the repeal of the Forty-second Amendment. So was proved what the founding fathers knew: that the character of the country depended upon the integrity of the web, which depended on the health and strength of its individual strands.
Nadirsyah Hosen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199759880
- eISBN:
- 9780190259921
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199759880.003.0026
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on the presidential system of Indonesia. The amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed the constitution from a vague and incomplete document rooted in the ...
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This chapter focuses on the presidential system of Indonesia. The amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed the constitution from a vague and incomplete document rooted in the antidemocratic political philosophy of organic statism into a more coherent, complete, democratic framework for a presidential system with significant separation of powers and checks and balances. The very fact that Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world did not lead Islamic political parties to propose that Indonesia should become an Islamic state. According to the amendments, Indonesia remains a republic, with a presidential system and three branches of government. The chapter discusses the form of the Indonesian state, method of election, requirements, accountability, and relationship among the executive, the parliament, and the judiciary.Less
This chapter focuses on the presidential system of Indonesia. The amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed the constitution from a vague and incomplete document rooted in the antidemocratic political philosophy of organic statism into a more coherent, complete, democratic framework for a presidential system with significant separation of powers and checks and balances. The very fact that Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world did not lead Islamic political parties to propose that Indonesia should become an Islamic state. According to the amendments, Indonesia remains a republic, with a presidential system and three branches of government. The chapter discusses the form of the Indonesian state, method of election, requirements, accountability, and relationship among the executive, the parliament, and the judiciary.
Cristina Chiva
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198747017
- eISBN:
- 9780191809286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198747017.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The chapter seeks to explain the distinctive combination of a relatively formidable investiture rule and a high incidence of minority cabinets in post-communist Romania as the outcome of two factors: ...
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The chapter seeks to explain the distinctive combination of a relatively formidable investiture rule and a high incidence of minority cabinets in post-communist Romania as the outcome of two factors: (1) the semi-presidential political system shaping the investiture rules, with both the parliament and the President playing significant roles, and (2) the frequency of party switching, which enables the formation of ad hoc legislative coalitions supporting minority cabinets.Less
The chapter seeks to explain the distinctive combination of a relatively formidable investiture rule and a high incidence of minority cabinets in post-communist Romania as the outcome of two factors: (1) the semi-presidential political system shaping the investiture rules, with both the parliament and the President playing significant roles, and (2) the frequency of party switching, which enables the formation of ad hoc legislative coalitions supporting minority cabinets.
