Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Most studies of Islamism have focused on the role of oppositional forces. Increasingly, states are also important Islamist actors. States pursue Islamization not only in reaction to Islamist ...
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Most studies of Islamism have focused on the role of oppositional forces. Increasingly, states are also important Islamist actors. States pursue Islamization not only in reaction to Islamist challenges but also because in Islamism they see the opportunity to address the inherent weaknesses of the postcolonial state structure, and to significantly increase the power and capacity of the state. This trend is most evident in Pakistan and Malaysia where both the weakness of the postcolonial state and the opportunity inherent in Islamization have been greatest. These cases deviate from other models of state formation in the Muslim world, and provide new insights not only into state formation in the Muslim world but also into the study of the role of religion in state expansion in comparative politics.Less
Most studies of Islamism have focused on the role of oppositional forces. Increasingly, states are also important Islamist actors. States pursue Islamization not only in reaction to Islamist challenges but also because in Islamism they see the opportunity to address the inherent weaknesses of the postcolonial state structure, and to significantly increase the power and capacity of the state. This trend is most evident in Pakistan and Malaysia where both the weakness of the postcolonial state and the opportunity inherent in Islamization have been greatest. These cases deviate from other models of state formation in the Muslim world, and provide new insights not only into state formation in the Muslim world but also into the study of the role of religion in state expansion in comparative politics.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter analyzes the ways that anticolonial nationalists responded to an intensified postcolonial predicament with their most ambitious project of worldmaking—the New International Economic ...
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This chapter analyzes the ways that anticolonial nationalists responded to an intensified postcolonial predicament with their most ambitious project of worldmaking—the New International Economic Order (NIEO). The NIEO constituted a welfare world that sought to enhance the bargaining power of postcolonial states, democratize decision-making, and achieve international redistribution. At the center of this welfare world was a radical recasting of sovereign equality as a demand for an equitable share of the world's wealth. The NIEO envisioned this expansive account of sovereign equality as the economic component of international nondomination. The view that sovereign equality had material implications marked anticolonial nationalists' biggest departure from the postwar international legal order and was quickly rejected and displaced in the neoliberal counterrevolution of the 1970s.Less
This chapter analyzes the ways that anticolonial nationalists responded to an intensified postcolonial predicament with their most ambitious project of worldmaking—the New International Economic Order (NIEO). The NIEO constituted a welfare world that sought to enhance the bargaining power of postcolonial states, democratize decision-making, and achieve international redistribution. At the center of this welfare world was a radical recasting of sovereign equality as a demand for an equitable share of the world's wealth. The NIEO envisioned this expansive account of sovereign equality as the economic component of international nondomination. The view that sovereign equality had material implications marked anticolonial nationalists' biggest departure from the postwar international legal order and was quickly rejected and displaced in the neoliberal counterrevolution of the 1970s.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Zia ul‐Haq regime adopted state‐led Islamization to shore up waning state power. It adopted aspects of Islamist ideology to reshape the country's judicial and political structures. This strategy ...
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The Zia ul‐Haq regime adopted state‐led Islamization to shore up waning state power. It adopted aspects of Islamist ideology to reshape the country's judicial and political structures. This strategy expanded state power after years of domestic strife and at a time when Pakistan was involved in the Afghan War. The policy was also used to legitimate military rule, providing a justification for its continuation as demands for democratization grew. The Islamization strategy firmly entrenched the postcolonial state in Islamic ideology and allowed the military to ally itself with Islamist forces to achieve its goals.Less
The Zia ul‐Haq regime adopted state‐led Islamization to shore up waning state power. It adopted aspects of Islamist ideology to reshape the country's judicial and political structures. This strategy expanded state power after years of domestic strife and at a time when Pakistan was involved in the Afghan War. The policy was also used to legitimate military rule, providing a justification for its continuation as demands for democratization grew. The Islamization strategy firmly entrenched the postcolonial state in Islamic ideology and allowed the military to ally itself with Islamist forces to achieve its goals.
Ngugi wa Thiongʼo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183907
- eISBN:
- 9780191674136
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183907.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
This book explores the relationship between art and political power in society, taking as its starting point the experience of writers in contemporary Africa, where they are often seen as the enemy ...
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This book explores the relationship between art and political power in society, taking as its starting point the experience of writers in contemporary Africa, where they are often seen as the enemy of the postcolonial state. This study, in turn, raises the wider issues of the relationship between the state of art and the art of the state, particularly in their struggle for the control of performance space in territorial, temporal, social, and even psychic contexts. The book calls for the alliance of art and people power and freedom and dignity against the encroachments of modern states. Art, it argues, needs to be active, engaged, insistent on being what it has always been, and the embodiment of dreams for a truly human world.Less
This book explores the relationship between art and political power in society, taking as its starting point the experience of writers in contemporary Africa, where they are often seen as the enemy of the postcolonial state. This study, in turn, raises the wider issues of the relationship between the state of art and the art of the state, particularly in their struggle for the control of performance space in territorial, temporal, social, and even psychic contexts. The book calls for the alliance of art and people power and freedom and dignity against the encroachments of modern states. Art, it argues, needs to be active, engaged, insistent on being what it has always been, and the embodiment of dreams for a truly human world.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned ...
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Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.Less
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.
Rohit De
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691174433
- eISBN:
- 9780691185132
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174433.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter discusses the litigation over the imposition of a draconian Prohibition regime on Bombay. The Prohibition laws in Bombay and other provinces, brought in to enforce Article 47 of the ...
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This chapter discusses the litigation over the imposition of a draconian Prohibition regime on Bombay. The Prohibition laws in Bombay and other provinces, brought in to enforce Article 47 of the Constitution, were among the earliest attempts by the postcolonial state to regulate the everyday life of its citizens. The Prohibition policy was a critical aspect of the attempt of the state to fashion a postcolonial identity for itself by freeing its citizens from what it called the foreign practice of drinking. However, it relied on the mechanisms of the colonial state for its implementation, opening up questions about state involvement in private life and the role of the police in a democracy. Given that the majority of litigants were Parsis (Indian Zoroastrians), a community with strong links to the liquor trade, the chapter also considers the emerging idea of public interest and the relationship between liberty, property, and community identity.Less
This chapter discusses the litigation over the imposition of a draconian Prohibition regime on Bombay. The Prohibition laws in Bombay and other provinces, brought in to enforce Article 47 of the Constitution, were among the earliest attempts by the postcolonial state to regulate the everyday life of its citizens. The Prohibition policy was a critical aspect of the attempt of the state to fashion a postcolonial identity for itself by freeing its citizens from what it called the foreign practice of drinking. However, it relied on the mechanisms of the colonial state for its implementation, opening up questions about state involvement in private life and the role of the police in a democracy. Given that the majority of litigants were Parsis (Indian Zoroastrians), a community with strong links to the liquor trade, the chapter also considers the emerging idea of public interest and the relationship between liberty, property, and community identity.
Rina Verma Williams
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195680140
- eISBN:
- 9780199081721
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195680140.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Family Law
This book explores the postcolonial state in India in a longitudinal perspective. It concentrates on the religious legal system of personal laws in India. These laws are a prime example of continuity ...
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This book explores the postcolonial state in India in a longitudinal perspective. It concentrates on the religious legal system of personal laws in India. These laws are a prime example of continuity between the colonial and postcolonial Indian state. In addition, this book investigates how the postcolonial state in India has formed policies on the personal laws through the 1990s. It tries to improve the understanding of how the postcolonial state has exerted power in the post-independence era, and the extent to which that exercise of power has been affected by the legacies of the colonial state. Indian independence came in the form of a legal statute and it is precisely for such reasons that the case of India can provide significant insight into the forms and limits of legal continuity between the colonial and postcolonial eras. Furthermore, the personal laws in India are important for the study of this continuity. This book then reviews the evolution of Indian government policy on the personal laws to identify the extent to which colonial legal institutions persisted after independence and shaped the policies of the postcolonial government.Less
This book explores the postcolonial state in India in a longitudinal perspective. It concentrates on the religious legal system of personal laws in India. These laws are a prime example of continuity between the colonial and postcolonial Indian state. In addition, this book investigates how the postcolonial state in India has formed policies on the personal laws through the 1990s. It tries to improve the understanding of how the postcolonial state has exerted power in the post-independence era, and the extent to which that exercise of power has been affected by the legacies of the colonial state. Indian independence came in the form of a legal statute and it is precisely for such reasons that the case of India can provide significant insight into the forms and limits of legal continuity between the colonial and postcolonial eras. Furthermore, the personal laws in India are important for the study of this continuity. This book then reviews the evolution of Indian government policy on the personal laws to identify the extent to which colonial legal institutions persisted after independence and shaped the policies of the postcolonial government.
Heather Sharkey
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235588
- eISBN:
- 9780520929364
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235588.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and ...
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Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.Less
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.
Abdullahi A. Gallab
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036885
- eISBN:
- 9780813041827
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036885.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book chronicles the sociopolitical history and development of violence in the Sudan, and explores how it has crippled the state, retarded the development of a national identity, and ravaged the ...
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This book chronicles the sociopolitical history and development of violence in the Sudan, and explores how it has crippled the state, retarded the development of a national identity, and ravaged the social and material life of its citizens. Beginning with the development of colonial states in Sudan, it establishes a solid base of discussion through an assessment of the country under Turko-Egyptian (1821–1875) and Anglo-Egyptian British (1898–1956) rules, examining institutional features, inherent violence, and the remnants of those legacies today. The book extends its investigation into the postcolonial period by examining social and political hierarchies, such as those of the Islamists and their opponents—including the Sudanese political parties, the Sudan Liberation Movement, and other armed movements—that have formed and clashed over the ensuing decades. The book chapter defines three forms of violence that have shaped the course of the country's history: decentralized (individual actors using targets as a means to express a particular grievance), centralized (violence enacted illegitimately by state actors), and “home-brewed” (violence among local actors toward other local actors). It reveals how each of these forms of violence has been taken to new extremes under each successive regime, ever deterring the emergence of a stable nation.Less
This book chronicles the sociopolitical history and development of violence in the Sudan, and explores how it has crippled the state, retarded the development of a national identity, and ravaged the social and material life of its citizens. Beginning with the development of colonial states in Sudan, it establishes a solid base of discussion through an assessment of the country under Turko-Egyptian (1821–1875) and Anglo-Egyptian British (1898–1956) rules, examining institutional features, inherent violence, and the remnants of those legacies today. The book extends its investigation into the postcolonial period by examining social and political hierarchies, such as those of the Islamists and their opponents—including the Sudanese political parties, the Sudan Liberation Movement, and other armed movements—that have formed and clashed over the ensuing decades. The book chapter defines three forms of violence that have shaped the course of the country's history: decentralized (individual actors using targets as a means to express a particular grievance), centralized (violence enacted illegitimately by state actors), and “home-brewed” (violence among local actors toward other local actors). It reveals how each of these forms of violence has been taken to new extremes under each successive regime, ever deterring the emergence of a stable nation.
Jemima Pierre
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226923024
- eISBN:
- 9780226923048
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226923048.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, African Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines racial formation in the postcolonial state at independence. It begins with a brief discussion of the shift from indirect colonial rule to independence and the transformation of ...
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This chapter examines racial formation in the postcolonial state at independence. It begins with a brief discussion of the shift from indirect colonial rule to independence and the transformation of state racecraft. It then focuses on the negotiations of Nkrumah's government, run by his Convention People's Party, with the postcolonial realities of global politics and the effects of such negotiations on local ideas of race, ethnicity, and governance. The chapter demonstrates how racialization processes directly informed the new postcolonial state where: institutional White power and privilege were structured into the neocolonial relationship with Britain, the United States, and the West in general; while Pan-Africanism and African racial self-determination served as ideological and cultural, but ultimately ineffective, responses. These processes, and the other racial projects that they inevitably spawned, continue to shape the contemporary Ghanaian social, political, and cultural fields.Less
This chapter examines racial formation in the postcolonial state at independence. It begins with a brief discussion of the shift from indirect colonial rule to independence and the transformation of state racecraft. It then focuses on the negotiations of Nkrumah's government, run by his Convention People's Party, with the postcolonial realities of global politics and the effects of such negotiations on local ideas of race, ethnicity, and governance. The chapter demonstrates how racialization processes directly informed the new postcolonial state where: institutional White power and privilege were structured into the neocolonial relationship with Britain, the United States, and the West in general; while Pan-Africanism and African racial self-determination served as ideological and cultural, but ultimately ineffective, responses. These processes, and the other racial projects that they inevitably spawned, continue to shape the contemporary Ghanaian social, political, and cultural fields.
Narendra Subramanian
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804788786
- eISBN:
- 9780804790901
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804788786.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Family Law
The distinct personal laws that govern the principal religious groups are a major aspect of Indian multiculturalism and secularism, and support specific gendered rights in family life. Nation and ...
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The distinct personal laws that govern the principal religious groups are a major aspect of Indian multiculturalism and secularism, and support specific gendered rights in family life. Nation and Family is the most comprehensive study of the public discourses, processes of social mobilization, legislation, and case law that formed India's three major personal-law systems, which govern the Hindus, the Muslims, and the Christians. It is the first to systematically compare Indian experiences to those in various other countries that inherited personal laws specific to religious group, sect, or ethnic group. Subramanian shows why India's postcolonial policy makers changed the personal laws they inherited less than the rulers of Turkey and Tunisia but far more than those of Algeria, Syria, and Lebanon, and increased women's rights, contrary to the trend in Pakistan, Iran, Sudan, and Nigeria since the 1970s. He demonstrates that discourses about the nation, its cultural groups, and its traditions interact with features of state-society relations and influence the pattern of multiculturalism, the place of religion in public life, and the forms of family regulation. The study shows that the greater engagement of political elites with initiatives among Hindus and the predominant place they gave Hindu motifs in nationalist discourses shaped Indian multiculturalism, secularism, and family law, contrary to current understandings. In exploring the significant role of communitarian discourses in shaping state-society relations, public policy, and legal institutions, it takes “state in society” approaches to comparative politics and political sociology in new directions.Less
The distinct personal laws that govern the principal religious groups are a major aspect of Indian multiculturalism and secularism, and support specific gendered rights in family life. Nation and Family is the most comprehensive study of the public discourses, processes of social mobilization, legislation, and case law that formed India's three major personal-law systems, which govern the Hindus, the Muslims, and the Christians. It is the first to systematically compare Indian experiences to those in various other countries that inherited personal laws specific to religious group, sect, or ethnic group. Subramanian shows why India's postcolonial policy makers changed the personal laws they inherited less than the rulers of Turkey and Tunisia but far more than those of Algeria, Syria, and Lebanon, and increased women's rights, contrary to the trend in Pakistan, Iran, Sudan, and Nigeria since the 1970s. He demonstrates that discourses about the nation, its cultural groups, and its traditions interact with features of state-society relations and influence the pattern of multiculturalism, the place of religion in public life, and the forms of family regulation. The study shows that the greater engagement of political elites with initiatives among Hindus and the predominant place they gave Hindu motifs in nationalist discourses shaped Indian multiculturalism, secularism, and family law, contrary to current understandings. In exploring the significant role of communitarian discourses in shaping state-society relations, public policy, and legal institutions, it takes “state in society” approaches to comparative politics and political sociology in new directions.
Paula Chakravartty and Katharine Sarikakis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748618491
- eISBN:
- 9780748670970
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748618491.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter provides a broad overview of the shifts in communication policy as the nation-state's regulatory capacity is reconfigured in the context of global integration. It locates current ...
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This chapter provides a broad overview of the shifts in communication policy as the nation-state's regulatory capacity is reconfigured in the context of global integration. It locates current dilemmas and tensions associated with the global neoliberal information economy to earlier experiences of international inequality, specifically in relation to the postcolonial developmental state. It makes the argument that normative claims for social justice and democratic contestation over the very terms of global communication policy must be re-imagined around questions of recognition, redistribution and representation.Less
This chapter provides a broad overview of the shifts in communication policy as the nation-state's regulatory capacity is reconfigured in the context of global integration. It locates current dilemmas and tensions associated with the global neoliberal information economy to earlier experiences of international inequality, specifically in relation to the postcolonial developmental state. It makes the argument that normative claims for social justice and democratic contestation over the very terms of global communication policy must be re-imagined around questions of recognition, redistribution and representation.
Jaeeun Kim
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780804797627
- eISBN:
- 9780804799614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804797627.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter 2 examines the prolonged and vehement competition between North and South Korea over the allegiance of colonial-era Korean migrants who remained in Japan in the context of decolonization and ...
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Chapter 2 examines the prolonged and vehement competition between North and South Korea over the allegiance of colonial-era Korean migrants who remained in Japan in the context of decolonization and the Cold War. The divergent transborder nation-building strategies that the two postcolonial states employed to make their own docile citizens out of this opaque and recalcitrant population are identified. North Korea launched a successful repatriation campaign and heavily invested in Korean enclaves, presenting itself as a safe haven in which marginalized Koreans could find an escape. South Korea instead fashioned itself as a broker that could facilitate their integration into the Japanese mainstream, and a gatekeeper that could control their engagement with families and home communities in South Korea. The control of the bureaucratic persona of Koreans in Japan, buttressed by the consensual practices of other states, was critical for South Korea’s eventual ascendancy in this competition.Less
Chapter 2 examines the prolonged and vehement competition between North and South Korea over the allegiance of colonial-era Korean migrants who remained in Japan in the context of decolonization and the Cold War. The divergent transborder nation-building strategies that the two postcolonial states employed to make their own docile citizens out of this opaque and recalcitrant population are identified. North Korea launched a successful repatriation campaign and heavily invested in Korean enclaves, presenting itself as a safe haven in which marginalized Koreans could find an escape. South Korea instead fashioned itself as a broker that could facilitate their integration into the Japanese mainstream, and a gatekeeper that could control their engagement with families and home communities in South Korea. The control of the bureaucratic persona of Koreans in Japan, buttressed by the consensual practices of other states, was critical for South Korea’s eventual ascendancy in this competition.
Swati Parashar, J. Ann Tickner, and Jacqui True
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190644031
- eISBN:
- 9780190644079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190644031.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
The Western state system is a unique historical entity that has survived in various forms for almost four hundred years. After independence, postcolonial societies were eager to join this system. ...
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The Western state system is a unique historical entity that has survived in various forms for almost four hundred years. After independence, postcolonial societies were eager to join this system. States can offer protection to their citizens, but they can also be perpetrators of human rights violations and economic injustices. Feminists claim that in order to fully understand the state in its various manifestations, it is necessary to understand its gendered dynamics. This chapter considers the various ways in which states are gendered. Authors in the volume offer analyses of many forms of states—liberal, postcolonial, and religious—using a variety of methodological perspectives. They demonstrate how gender analysis is necessary for understanding how the state can act both as a buffer against the international system and also as a perpetrator of political, social, and economic inequalities. The conclusion offers a brief overview of each of the subsequent chapters.Less
The Western state system is a unique historical entity that has survived in various forms for almost four hundred years. After independence, postcolonial societies were eager to join this system. States can offer protection to their citizens, but they can also be perpetrators of human rights violations and economic injustices. Feminists claim that in order to fully understand the state in its various manifestations, it is necessary to understand its gendered dynamics. This chapter considers the various ways in which states are gendered. Authors in the volume offer analyses of many forms of states—liberal, postcolonial, and religious—using a variety of methodological perspectives. They demonstrate how gender analysis is necessary for understanding how the state can act both as a buffer against the international system and also as a perpetrator of political, social, and economic inequalities. The conclusion offers a brief overview of each of the subsequent chapters.
Swati Parashar
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190644031
- eISBN:
- 9780190644079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190644031.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
If mainstream theorizings on the state have paid little attention to its gendered aspects (how the state demonstrates and constructs gender and how gender determines the character of the state), ...
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If mainstream theorizings on the state have paid little attention to its gendered aspects (how the state demonstrates and constructs gender and how gender determines the character of the state), emotions have been far from everyday concerns of the state and its manifestations. This chapter adopts a feminist perspective to argue that, contrary to mainstream views, the state conscripts gendered emotions in its efforts to seek/retain legitimacy and to police citizens to conform to its ideological and developmental moorings. The chapter draws on the Naxalite/Maoist insurgency in India to highlight the gendered emotional language of the postcolonial state which is in violent conflict with its own citizens challenging its legitimacy and sovereignty.Less
If mainstream theorizings on the state have paid little attention to its gendered aspects (how the state demonstrates and constructs gender and how gender determines the character of the state), emotions have been far from everyday concerns of the state and its manifestations. This chapter adopts a feminist perspective to argue that, contrary to mainstream views, the state conscripts gendered emotions in its efforts to seek/retain legitimacy and to police citizens to conform to its ideological and developmental moorings. The chapter draws on the Naxalite/Maoist insurgency in India to highlight the gendered emotional language of the postcolonial state which is in violent conflict with its own citizens challenging its legitimacy and sovereignty.
Cabeiri deBergh Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520274204
- eISBN:
- 9780520954540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520274204.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the apparent paradox of the collective identification of the Kashmiri refugee: that the very existence of the Kashmiri refugee as a politico-legal and sociocultural identity ...
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This chapter examines the apparent paradox of the collective identification of the Kashmiri refugee: that the very existence of the Kashmiri refugee as a politico-legal and sociocultural identity both underwrites and challenges the structural foundations of the postcolonial nation-state in South Asia. It first provides a historical background on the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir before turning to the history and historicity of formation of the Kashmiri political subject. In particular, the chapter considers how a highly territorialized definition of political belonging emerged in the greater Kashmir region. It also explores how the historical patterns of displacement in the region between 1947 and 2001 gave rise to a dispersed population of people who became categorized as “refugees from the State of Jammu and Kashmir” living in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir. It argues that the territorial borders of the disputed Jammu and Kashmir State provide neither the empirical nor analytical language required to express the relationship between being Kashmiri and political activism.Less
This chapter examines the apparent paradox of the collective identification of the Kashmiri refugee: that the very existence of the Kashmiri refugee as a politico-legal and sociocultural identity both underwrites and challenges the structural foundations of the postcolonial nation-state in South Asia. It first provides a historical background on the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir before turning to the history and historicity of formation of the Kashmiri political subject. In particular, the chapter considers how a highly territorialized definition of political belonging emerged in the greater Kashmir region. It also explores how the historical patterns of displacement in the region between 1947 and 2001 gave rise to a dispersed population of people who became categorized as “refugees from the State of Jammu and Kashmir” living in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir. It argues that the territorial borders of the disputed Jammu and Kashmir State provide neither the empirical nor analytical language required to express the relationship between being Kashmiri and political activism.
Shona N. Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677757
- eISBN:
- 9781452948232
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677757.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter presents a theoretical framework of Creole indigeneity, arguing that the concept is a way of recovering the excess or remainder of history and identity that shapes both social formations ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical framework of Creole indigeneity, arguing that the concept is a way of recovering the excess or remainder of history and identity that shapes both social formations in the postcolonial state and Caribbean intellectual production. It lays the groundwork for the discussion of the topic of the rescripting of indigeneity as a socio-discursive and politico-economic phenomenon. Two arguments seem to represent Creole belonging, both of which engaged regimes of labor that necessarily displace Indigenous Peoples: first in terms of not or no longer being African proposed by Sylvia Wynter, and second, in terms of a relationship to the New World that is an indigenous one, a notion by Richard Burton. It brings focus on how and where in the critical literature being and becoming Creole is elaborated as an indigenizing process.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical framework of Creole indigeneity, arguing that the concept is a way of recovering the excess or remainder of history and identity that shapes both social formations in the postcolonial state and Caribbean intellectual production. It lays the groundwork for the discussion of the topic of the rescripting of indigeneity as a socio-discursive and politico-economic phenomenon. Two arguments seem to represent Creole belonging, both of which engaged regimes of labor that necessarily displace Indigenous Peoples: first in terms of not or no longer being African proposed by Sylvia Wynter, and second, in terms of a relationship to the New World that is an indigenous one, a notion by Richard Burton. It brings focus on how and where in the critical literature being and becoming Creole is elaborated as an indigenizing process.
Mary Youssef
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474415415
- eISBN:
- 9781474449755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415415.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Al-Nubi and Sunset Oasis re-write the past experiences of Nubian and Amazigh minorities with postcolonial and colonial institutions, respectively, to reveal their unjust policies of “differentiation” ...
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Al-Nubi and Sunset Oasis re-write the past experiences of Nubian and Amazigh minorities with postcolonial and colonial institutions, respectively, to reveal their unjust policies of “differentiation” and/or eradication of difference. The novels depict critical and dynamic areas of interaction and tension among their racially and culturally diverse characters, on one level, and among the allegedly homogenous Nubian and Amazigh communities, on the other, to disrupt essentialist perceptions of these significant groups. The distinct character of each novel lies in what Walter Benjamin describes as the authors’ “craftsmanship” and ability to draw from experience, theirs or others’, in storytelling. The chapter identifies that ᶜAli treats Nubian subordination from a shaᶜbi/public writer’s position, while Tahir adopts an intellectual’s stance in addressing the Amazigh’s. It examines how ᶜAli’s and Tahir’s commonality of goal and critical perspective, yet difference in treating state marginalization of both Nubians and Amazigh translate in their unique aesthetic choices.Less
Al-Nubi and Sunset Oasis re-write the past experiences of Nubian and Amazigh minorities with postcolonial and colonial institutions, respectively, to reveal their unjust policies of “differentiation” and/or eradication of difference. The novels depict critical and dynamic areas of interaction and tension among their racially and culturally diverse characters, on one level, and among the allegedly homogenous Nubian and Amazigh communities, on the other, to disrupt essentialist perceptions of these significant groups. The distinct character of each novel lies in what Walter Benjamin describes as the authors’ “craftsmanship” and ability to draw from experience, theirs or others’, in storytelling. The chapter identifies that ᶜAli treats Nubian subordination from a shaᶜbi/public writer’s position, while Tahir adopts an intellectual’s stance in addressing the Amazigh’s. It examines how ᶜAli’s and Tahir’s commonality of goal and critical perspective, yet difference in treating state marginalization of both Nubians and Amazigh translate in their unique aesthetic choices.
Richard Werbner
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781526138002
- eISBN:
- 9781526155498
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526138019.00012
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
Chapter 6 carries forward some of Mitchell’s and Epstein’s ideas of networks. The approach extends the network studies method to social mobility, looking at how elites emerge, participate in ...
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Chapter 6 carries forward some of Mitchell’s and Epstein’s ideas of networks. The approach extends the network studies method to social mobility, looking at how elites emerge, participate in interlocking directorates, generate convivial subjectivities and sustain long-term friendships. Raised on that basis are further arguments about the importance of elite friendship for the constituting of openness and public trust in postcolonial states. An account is given of a public occasion, the funeral of a prominent cosmopolitan among Botswana’s national elite, Richard Mannathoko, to reveal the actual practice observed among elites. Very broadly, the ethnography seeks through a particular case to illuminate the changeable force that public cosmopolitanism has in civic culture in postcolonial Africa. In part, the agenda is set in opposition to a toxic version of Afro-pessimism that finds Africa doomed by the kleptomania of elites, ungovernable because of the self-seeking of Big Men, and inevitably victimized by liberators who reveal themselves to be tyrants. Against that, the facts show that Botswana does have its share of wider postcolonial conflicts and predicaments, but concern for the public good is forceful. Good governance continues to be advanced through the deliberately developed and well-sustained political structures and practices of a strong state.Less
Chapter 6 carries forward some of Mitchell’s and Epstein’s ideas of networks. The approach extends the network studies method to social mobility, looking at how elites emerge, participate in interlocking directorates, generate convivial subjectivities and sustain long-term friendships. Raised on that basis are further arguments about the importance of elite friendship for the constituting of openness and public trust in postcolonial states. An account is given of a public occasion, the funeral of a prominent cosmopolitan among Botswana’s national elite, Richard Mannathoko, to reveal the actual practice observed among elites. Very broadly, the ethnography seeks through a particular case to illuminate the changeable force that public cosmopolitanism has in civic culture in postcolonial Africa. In part, the agenda is set in opposition to a toxic version of Afro-pessimism that finds Africa doomed by the kleptomania of elites, ungovernable because of the self-seeking of Big Men, and inevitably victimized by liberators who reveal themselves to be tyrants. Against that, the facts show that Botswana does have its share of wider postcolonial conflicts and predicaments, but concern for the public good is forceful. Good governance continues to be advanced through the deliberately developed and well-sustained political structures and practices of a strong state.
John Hutchinson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198798453
- eISBN:
- 9780191839528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198798453.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter investigates the relationship between the nationalist military revolutions and the downfall of empires in total war and consequently the mass production of postcolonial nation states. ...
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This chapter investigates the relationship between the nationalist military revolutions and the downfall of empires in total war and consequently the mass production of postcolonial nation states. Examining the approaches of Randal Collins and Andreas Wimmer, it focuses on three waves of imperial collapse: of dynastic continental empires arising from the First World War; of European overseas empires during and after the Second World War; and of the Soviet Union arising from the Cold War. It assesses the consequences of the sudden formation of new states, often carved violently out of ethnically mixed territories, on their internal and on external politics. It also weighs the disruptive effects of the large-scale entry of such states into the interstate system and considers if in an age of ever greater global interdependence empires might return in new forms.Less
This chapter investigates the relationship between the nationalist military revolutions and the downfall of empires in total war and consequently the mass production of postcolonial nation states. Examining the approaches of Randal Collins and Andreas Wimmer, it focuses on three waves of imperial collapse: of dynastic continental empires arising from the First World War; of European overseas empires during and after the Second World War; and of the Soviet Union arising from the Cold War. It assesses the consequences of the sudden formation of new states, often carved violently out of ethnically mixed territories, on their internal and on external politics. It also weighs the disruptive effects of the large-scale entry of such states into the interstate system and considers if in an age of ever greater global interdependence empires might return in new forms.