Chong Chon-Smith
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628462050
- eISBN:
- 9781626745292
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628462050.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This book provides an understanding of the inspiring, contradictory, hostile, resonant, and unarticulated ways in which Asian American and African American cultural formation occurs. Through the ...
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This book provides an understanding of the inspiring, contradictory, hostile, resonant, and unarticulated ways in which Asian American and African American cultural formation occurs. Through the interpretation of labor department documents, popular journalism, and state discourses, the book historicizes the formation of both the construction of black “pathology” and the Asian “model minority.” Beginning with the Moynihan Report and journalistic reports about Asian Americans as “model minority,” black and Asian men were racialized together, as if “racially magnetized.” Through the concept of racial magnetism, the book examines both dominant and emergent representations of Asian and African American masculinities as mediating figures for the contradictions of race, class, and gender in post-civil rights U.S.A. The post-civil rights era names this specific race for U.S. citizenship and class advantage, when massive Asian technocratic immigration and decline of African American industrial labor helped usher in a new period of laissez faire class struggle and racial realignment. While the state abandoned social programs at home and expanded imperial projects overseas, state discourses posited that the post-civil rights moment was a period of imminent racial danger because Black Power and the Asian American Movement challenged the understanding that social equality through civil rights had been achieved. The book studies both the dominant discourses that “pair” African American and Asian American racialized masculinities together, and it examines the African American and Asian American counter-discourses—in literature, film, popular sport, hip-hop music, performance arts, and internet subcultures—that link social movements and cultural production as active critical responses to this dominant formation.Less
This book provides an understanding of the inspiring, contradictory, hostile, resonant, and unarticulated ways in which Asian American and African American cultural formation occurs. Through the interpretation of labor department documents, popular journalism, and state discourses, the book historicizes the formation of both the construction of black “pathology” and the Asian “model minority.” Beginning with the Moynihan Report and journalistic reports about Asian Americans as “model minority,” black and Asian men were racialized together, as if “racially magnetized.” Through the concept of racial magnetism, the book examines both dominant and emergent representations of Asian and African American masculinities as mediating figures for the contradictions of race, class, and gender in post-civil rights U.S.A. The post-civil rights era names this specific race for U.S. citizenship and class advantage, when massive Asian technocratic immigration and decline of African American industrial labor helped usher in a new period of laissez faire class struggle and racial realignment. While the state abandoned social programs at home and expanded imperial projects overseas, state discourses posited that the post-civil rights moment was a period of imminent racial danger because Black Power and the Asian American Movement challenged the understanding that social equality through civil rights had been achieved. The book studies both the dominant discourses that “pair” African American and Asian American racialized masculinities together, and it examines the African American and Asian American counter-discourses—in literature, film, popular sport, hip-hop music, performance arts, and internet subcultures—that link social movements and cultural production as active critical responses to this dominant formation.
Richard Iton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195178463
- eISBN:
- 9780199851812
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195178463.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
We have come to realize that the exclusion and marginalization of the blacks in the United States illustrates a dynamic wherein this same group of people simultaneously experience the opposite — a ...
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We have come to realize that the exclusion and marginalization of the blacks in the United States illustrates a dynamic wherein this same group of people simultaneously experience the opposite — a dominant order and a privileged community as demonstrated by political deprivation and dominance in popular culture. As it can be observed that there is an existing relationship among political events that involve African American elected officials, interest groups, protest organizations, mobilization, and religious media, the author attempts to look into the linkage of popular culture, specifically black popular culture, to both formal and informal politics. In this book, the author also looks into the implications of viewing culture as politics during the post-civil rights era.Less
We have come to realize that the exclusion and marginalization of the blacks in the United States illustrates a dynamic wherein this same group of people simultaneously experience the opposite — a dominant order and a privileged community as demonstrated by political deprivation and dominance in popular culture. As it can be observed that there is an existing relationship among political events that involve African American elected officials, interest groups, protest organizations, mobilization, and religious media, the author attempts to look into the linkage of popular culture, specifically black popular culture, to both formal and informal politics. In this book, the author also looks into the implications of viewing culture as politics during the post-civil rights era.
Marcus Anthony Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199948130
- eISBN:
- 9780199333202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199948130.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
How have black political victories impacted patterns of urban black development? This chapter focuses on black political rhetoric and mobilization in post–civil rights Philadelphia, and in particular ...
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How have black political victories impacted patterns of urban black development? This chapter focuses on black political rhetoric and mobilization in post–civil rights Philadelphia, and in particular the rise to prominence of an urban black mayor—W. Wilson Goode. The chapter traces the racial geography of Philadelphia and the Black Seventh Ward as it developed in the years 1980–2000, in the wake of Wilson Goode's historic election as Philadelphia's first black mayor. In the post–civil rights context, the combined political efforts of various neighborhood councils and leaders made possible the preservation of the black cultural legacy of the Seventh Ward, especially around the South Street area. The political enfranchisement of black Philadelphians, represented by Goode's victory, was indicative of the changed relationship between urban blacks and the local power structure in the post–civil rights era, and the chapter shows how that affected contemporary and historic black neighborhoods.Less
How have black political victories impacted patterns of urban black development? This chapter focuses on black political rhetoric and mobilization in post–civil rights Philadelphia, and in particular the rise to prominence of an urban black mayor—W. Wilson Goode. The chapter traces the racial geography of Philadelphia and the Black Seventh Ward as it developed in the years 1980–2000, in the wake of Wilson Goode's historic election as Philadelphia's first black mayor. In the post–civil rights context, the combined political efforts of various neighborhood councils and leaders made possible the preservation of the black cultural legacy of the Seventh Ward, especially around the South Street area. The political enfranchisement of black Philadelphians, represented by Goode's victory, was indicative of the changed relationship between urban blacks and the local power structure in the post–civil rights era, and the chapter shows how that affected contemporary and historic black neighborhoods.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter offers an overview of youth-based activism. It pays attention to four theoretical concerns: the political status of black youth in the post-civil rights era, the significance of movement ...
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This chapter offers an overview of youth-based activism. It pays attention to four theoretical concerns: the political status of black youth in the post-civil rights era, the significance of movement infrastructures that buttress youth-based activism, the impact of institutional leveraging on transformational movements, and how movement bridge-builders use creative organizing strategies, such as framing, indigenous resources, and positionality, to stimulate youth-based movements and expand the opportunity structure of youth activism. The organizing strategies utilized by youth-based activist groups such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) pushed them into becoming the “shock troops” of the Civil Rights movement. This analysis, however, discounts the multiple identities among young activists and varied interpretations of what exactly is a youth activist. The chapter explores how, despite being at the vanguard of the Civil Rights movement, young activists, including those in the same organization and from the same racial background, may be equally influenced by competing identities such as gender, region, and class.Less
This chapter offers an overview of youth-based activism. It pays attention to four theoretical concerns: the political status of black youth in the post-civil rights era, the significance of movement infrastructures that buttress youth-based activism, the impact of institutional leveraging on transformational movements, and how movement bridge-builders use creative organizing strategies, such as framing, indigenous resources, and positionality, to stimulate youth-based movements and expand the opportunity structure of youth activism. The organizing strategies utilized by youth-based activist groups such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) pushed them into becoming the “shock troops” of the Civil Rights movement. This analysis, however, discounts the multiple identities among young activists and varied interpretations of what exactly is a youth activist. The chapter explores how, despite being at the vanguard of the Civil Rights movement, young activists, including those in the same organization and from the same racial background, may be equally influenced by competing identities such as gender, region, and class.
Steve Estes
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622323
- eISBN:
- 9781469624921
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622323.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This concluding chapter argues that Charleston's problem was a reflection of the great paradox that defined the post-civil rights era, the increasing opportunity and even affluence of middle-and ...
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This concluding chapter argues that Charleston's problem was a reflection of the great paradox that defined the post-civil rights era, the increasing opportunity and even affluence of middle-and upper-income African Americans juxtaposed with the persistent poverty of African Americans in urban and rural areas like Charleston and the South Carolina Lowcountry. Many Charlestonians—white and black, liberal and conservative, men and women—believed that the civil rights movement changed the city for the better, but they also agreed that the city did not change nearly enough. In the post-civil rights era, economic inequality grew more salient, buttressing stubbornly resilient institutional racism to block further change.Less
This concluding chapter argues that Charleston's problem was a reflection of the great paradox that defined the post-civil rights era, the increasing opportunity and even affluence of middle-and upper-income African Americans juxtaposed with the persistent poverty of African Americans in urban and rural areas like Charleston and the South Carolina Lowcountry. Many Charlestonians—white and black, liberal and conservative, men and women—believed that the civil rights movement changed the city for the better, but they also agreed that the city did not change nearly enough. In the post-civil rights era, economic inequality grew more salient, buttressing stubbornly resilient institutional racism to block further change.
Michael L. Clemons, Donathan L. Brown, and William H. L. Dorsey (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496811844
- eISBN:
- 9781496811882
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496811844.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book examines how Martin Luther King's life and work had a profound, if unpredictable, impact on the course of the United States since the civil rights era. A global icon of freedom, justice, ...
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This book examines how Martin Luther King's life and work had a profound, if unpredictable, impact on the course of the United States since the civil rights era. A global icon of freedom, justice, and equality, King is recognized worldwide as a beacon in the struggles of peoples seeking to eradicate oppression, entrenched poverty, social deprivation, as well as political and economic disfranchisement. While Dr. King's work and ideas have gained broad traction, some powerful people misappropriate the symbol of King, skewing his legacy.
With unique, multidisciplinary works by scholars from around the country, this anthology focuses on contemporary social policies and issues in America. Collectively, these pieces explore wide-ranging issues and contemporary social developments through the lens of Dr. King's perceptions, analysis, and prescriptions. Essayists bring a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary approach to social policies and current issues in light of his ideals. They strive to glean new approaches and solutions that comport with Dr. King's vision.
Organized into three sections, the book focuses on selected issues in contemporary domestic politics and policy, foreign policy and foreign affairs, and social developments that impinge upon African Americans and Americans in general. Essays shed light on Dr. King's perspective related to crime and justice, the right to vote, the hip hop movement, American foreign policy in the Middle East and Africa, healthcare, and other pressing issues. This book infers what Dr. King's response and actions might be on important and problematic contemporary policy and social issues that have arisen in the post-civil rights era.Less
This book examines how Martin Luther King's life and work had a profound, if unpredictable, impact on the course of the United States since the civil rights era. A global icon of freedom, justice, and equality, King is recognized worldwide as a beacon in the struggles of peoples seeking to eradicate oppression, entrenched poverty, social deprivation, as well as political and economic disfranchisement. While Dr. King's work and ideas have gained broad traction, some powerful people misappropriate the symbol of King, skewing his legacy.
With unique, multidisciplinary works by scholars from around the country, this anthology focuses on contemporary social policies and issues in America. Collectively, these pieces explore wide-ranging issues and contemporary social developments through the lens of Dr. King's perceptions, analysis, and prescriptions. Essayists bring a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary approach to social policies and current issues in light of his ideals. They strive to glean new approaches and solutions that comport with Dr. King's vision.
Organized into three sections, the book focuses on selected issues in contemporary domestic politics and policy, foreign policy and foreign affairs, and social developments that impinge upon African Americans and Americans in general. Essays shed light on Dr. King's perspective related to crime and justice, the right to vote, the hip hop movement, American foreign policy in the Middle East and Africa, healthcare, and other pressing issues. This book infers what Dr. King's response and actions might be on important and problematic contemporary policy and social issues that have arisen in the post-civil rights era.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety ...
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What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety of key civil rights groups across the country over the last forty years to provide a broad view of black youth and social movement activism. It examines popular mobilization among the generation of activists—principally black students, youth, and young adults—who came of age after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The book argues that the political environment in the post-civil rights era, along with constraints on social activism, made it particularly difficult for young black activists to start and sustain popular mobilization campaigns. Building on case studies from around the country—including New York, the Carolinas, California, Louisiana, and Baltimore—the book explores the inner workings and end results of activist groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Organization for Black Unity, the Free South Africa Campaign, the New Haven Youth Movement, the Black Student Leadership Network, the Juvenile Justice Reform Movement, and the AFL-CIO's Union Summer campaign. It demonstrates how youth-based movements and intergenerational campaigns have attempted to circumvent modern constraints, providing insight into how the very inner workings of these organizations have and have not been effective in creating change and involving youth.Less
What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety of key civil rights groups across the country over the last forty years to provide a broad view of black youth and social movement activism. It examines popular mobilization among the generation of activists—principally black students, youth, and young adults—who came of age after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The book argues that the political environment in the post-civil rights era, along with constraints on social activism, made it particularly difficult for young black activists to start and sustain popular mobilization campaigns. Building on case studies from around the country—including New York, the Carolinas, California, Louisiana, and Baltimore—the book explores the inner workings and end results of activist groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Organization for Black Unity, the Free South Africa Campaign, the New Haven Youth Movement, the Black Student Leadership Network, the Juvenile Justice Reform Movement, and the AFL-CIO's Union Summer campaign. It demonstrates how youth-based movements and intergenerational campaigns have attempted to circumvent modern constraints, providing insight into how the very inner workings of these organizations have and have not been effective in creating change and involving youth.
Lynn Mie Itagaki
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816699209
- eISBN:
- 9781452954257
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816699209.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
The introduction recounts Rodney King’s experience of police brutality, the trial of four police offers involved, and how the verdict triggered the multiracial violence that erupted in the 1992 Los ...
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The introduction recounts Rodney King’s experience of police brutality, the trial of four police offers involved, and how the verdict triggered the multiracial violence that erupted in the 1992 Los Angeles civil unrest. It explores the ways in which various publics have explained and remembered the riots reveals American expectations of how civil society and the state, civility and democracy, should prevent such crises. The chapter foregrounds the intersection of the post-civil rights and post-cold war eras in explaining strategies of comparative racialization and civil racism that emerged in response to the incident.Less
The introduction recounts Rodney King’s experience of police brutality, the trial of four police offers involved, and how the verdict triggered the multiracial violence that erupted in the 1992 Los Angeles civil unrest. It explores the ways in which various publics have explained and remembered the riots reveals American expectations of how civil society and the state, civility and democracy, should prevent such crises. The chapter foregrounds the intersection of the post-civil rights and post-cold war eras in explaining strategies of comparative racialization and civil racism that emerged in response to the incident.
Steve Estes
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622323
- eISBN:
- 9781469624921
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622323.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter documents the life and career of the Charleston politician Joseph P. Riley Jr.—also known as “Little Black Joe”—so-called by his fellow politicians because of his comparatively more ...
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This chapter documents the life and career of the Charleston politician Joseph P. Riley Jr.—also known as “Little Black Joe”—so-called by his fellow politicians because of his comparatively more liberal views on racism. Over time, Riley's commitment to affirmative action would reshape local government, bringing more minorities and women into executive and administrative positions than most had dared to dream in the civil rights era. This dedication to multiculturalism and affirmative action was sincere, but Riley was no civil rights activist. Moreover, his life and career suggest that the popular narrative of the Republican revolution conquering the American South in the post-civil rights era does not capture the whole story of the region's political trajectory. By exploring Riley's life, the chapter shows an alternative history of white southerners' evolution from the era of segregation and black political disfranchisement through the civil rights movement and beyond.Less
This chapter documents the life and career of the Charleston politician Joseph P. Riley Jr.—also known as “Little Black Joe”—so-called by his fellow politicians because of his comparatively more liberal views on racism. Over time, Riley's commitment to affirmative action would reshape local government, bringing more minorities and women into executive and administrative positions than most had dared to dream in the civil rights era. This dedication to multiculturalism and affirmative action was sincere, but Riley was no civil rights activist. Moreover, his life and career suggest that the popular narrative of the Republican revolution conquering the American South in the post-civil rights era does not capture the whole story of the region's political trajectory. By exploring Riley's life, the chapter shows an alternative history of white southerners' evolution from the era of segregation and black political disfranchisement through the civil rights movement and beyond.
Paul Street
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781628460216
- eISBN:
- 9781626740426
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460216.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter argues that it is historically significant that droves of whites are willing to embrace a black presidential candidate. Indeed, forty years ago, it would have been impossible for a black ...
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This chapter argues that it is historically significant that droves of whites are willing to embrace a black presidential candidate. Indeed, forty years ago, it would have been impossible for a black politician to become a viable presidential contender as the United States entered the racially turbulent summer of 1967 and the movie Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner disturbed conventional racial norms by portraying a black doctor (played by Sidney Poitier) dating a white woman (Joanna Drayton). Nothing black candidates could have done or said would have prevented them from being excluded on the basis of the color of their skin. The fact that this is no longer true is a sign of some (admittedly slow) racial progress more than fifty years after the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts. But this chapter maintains that there are various reasons not to become overly excited about Obama’s cross-racial appeal from a racial justice perspective.Less
This chapter argues that it is historically significant that droves of whites are willing to embrace a black presidential candidate. Indeed, forty years ago, it would have been impossible for a black politician to become a viable presidential contender as the United States entered the racially turbulent summer of 1967 and the movie Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner disturbed conventional racial norms by portraying a black doctor (played by Sidney Poitier) dating a white woman (Joanna Drayton). Nothing black candidates could have done or said would have prevented them from being excluded on the basis of the color of their skin. The fact that this is no longer true is a sign of some (admittedly slow) racial progress more than fifty years after the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts. But this chapter maintains that there are various reasons not to become overly excited about Obama’s cross-racial appeal from a racial justice perspective.
Steve Estes
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622323
- eISBN:
- 9781469624921
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622323.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter explores the dilemmas faced by southern lawmen in communities like Charleston, in order to understand better the ways the civil rights movement succeeded and failed in altering power ...
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This chapter explores the dilemmas faced by southern lawmen in communities like Charleston, in order to understand better the ways the civil rights movement succeeded and failed in altering power relations in the South. It focuses in particular on the story of Reuben Greenberg, the first black and first Jewish police chief in Charleston's history. As the Charleston police chief for nearly a quarter of a century, Greenberg came to embody both the promise and the problems of policing the South in the post-civil rights era. Greenberg's professionalism and racial identity shielded him from the kinds of allegations that had historically plagued southern lawmen, but he worked in a political environment in which coded rhetoric linked “law and order” with control and containment of minority communities.Less
This chapter explores the dilemmas faced by southern lawmen in communities like Charleston, in order to understand better the ways the civil rights movement succeeded and failed in altering power relations in the South. It focuses in particular on the story of Reuben Greenberg, the first black and first Jewish police chief in Charleston's history. As the Charleston police chief for nearly a quarter of a century, Greenberg came to embody both the promise and the problems of policing the South in the post-civil rights era. Greenberg's professionalism and racial identity shielded him from the kinds of allegations that had historically plagued southern lawmen, but he worked in a political environment in which coded rhetoric linked “law and order” with control and containment of minority communities.
Alfonso Gonzales
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199973392
- eISBN:
- 9780199369911
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199973392.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Political Theory
This chapter explains how the anti-migrant bloc congealed in the aftermath of 9/11 and how it sought to expand the police power of the homeland security state in the 109th Congress. Through the use ...
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This chapter explains how the anti-migrant bloc congealed in the aftermath of 9/11 and how it sought to expand the police power of the homeland security state in the 109th Congress. Through the use of critical discourse analysis, it shows how the Republican-dominated House of Representatives of the 109th Congress sought to expand the repressive capabilities of the state by passing the Border Protection, Antiterrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act (HR 4437), the most repressive immigration legislation considered in a hundred years. The anti-migrant bloc did this by contextualizing the debate over the bill through the discourse of the “war on terror” and by exploiting historical stereotypes that associate immigrants and Mexicans in particular, with crime. The chapter illustrates how the leadership of the Democratic Party, as well as immigration reformers in civil society, adopted many of the policy proposals and the discourse of their Republican counterparts in the House floor debate over HR 4437 despite their opposition to the bill.Less
This chapter explains how the anti-migrant bloc congealed in the aftermath of 9/11 and how it sought to expand the police power of the homeland security state in the 109th Congress. Through the use of critical discourse analysis, it shows how the Republican-dominated House of Representatives of the 109th Congress sought to expand the repressive capabilities of the state by passing the Border Protection, Antiterrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act (HR 4437), the most repressive immigration legislation considered in a hundred years. The anti-migrant bloc did this by contextualizing the debate over the bill through the discourse of the “war on terror” and by exploiting historical stereotypes that associate immigrants and Mexicans in particular, with crime. The chapter illustrates how the leadership of the Democratic Party, as well as immigration reformers in civil society, adopted many of the policy proposals and the discourse of their Republican counterparts in the House floor debate over HR 4437 despite their opposition to the bill.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This introductory chapter briefly explores the pivotal role of young blacks in social movements and political discourse, and looks at how this role diminished in the post-civil rights movement ...
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This introductory chapter briefly explores the pivotal role of young blacks in social movements and political discourse, and looks at how this role diminished in the post-civil rights movement period. Youth-based activism has been central to black political historiography in the past century. Several youth groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) were at the forefront of youth activism during the earlier half of the twentieth century. But by the mid-1970s the militant phase of the civil rights, black power, and New Left movements was virtually over and transformational movements—high-risk, geographically diffuse movements—declined toward the end of the twentieth century. The demobilization of these movements was due to political repression, movement fatigue, party realignment, and the triumph of the conservative agenda in the last three decades of the century.Less
This introductory chapter briefly explores the pivotal role of young blacks in social movements and political discourse, and looks at how this role diminished in the post-civil rights movement period. Youth-based activism has been central to black political historiography in the past century. Several youth groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) were at the forefront of youth activism during the earlier half of the twentieth century. But by the mid-1970s the militant phase of the civil rights, black power, and New Left movements was virtually over and transformational movements—high-risk, geographically diffuse movements—declined toward the end of the twentieth century. The demobilization of these movements was due to political repression, movement fatigue, party realignment, and the triumph of the conservative agenda in the last three decades of the century.
Derrick E. White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037356
- eISBN:
- 9780813041605
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037356.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue ...
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This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.Less
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.
Sujani K. Reddy
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625072
- eISBN:
- 9781469625096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625072.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
This chapter introduces readers to the general contours of Indian nurse immigration as well as the long histories connecting Indian nursing labor and U.S. imperial interests on the subcontinent and ...
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This chapter introduces readers to the general contours of Indian nurse immigration as well as the long histories connecting Indian nursing labor and U.S. imperial interests on the subcontinent and within the confines of its own national boundaries. By doing so, it complicates transnational or nation-state bound frameworks for analyzing this immigration pattern. At the same time, it highlights the tension between productive and reproductive labor as these play out amongst women workers performing a historically gendered form of "woman's work." The chapter also specifically complicates the ways in which readers can think of Cold War Indian labor immigration to the United States as indicative of either a "postcolonial" or "post-civil rights" historical turn. Finally, this piece introduces readers to Reddy's interdisciplinary methods and source materials.Less
This chapter introduces readers to the general contours of Indian nurse immigration as well as the long histories connecting Indian nursing labor and U.S. imperial interests on the subcontinent and within the confines of its own national boundaries. By doing so, it complicates transnational or nation-state bound frameworks for analyzing this immigration pattern. At the same time, it highlights the tension between productive and reproductive labor as these play out amongst women workers performing a historically gendered form of "woman's work." The chapter also specifically complicates the ways in which readers can think of Cold War Indian labor immigration to the United States as indicative of either a "postcolonial" or "post-civil rights" historical turn. Finally, this piece introduces readers to Reddy's interdisciplinary methods and source materials.
Lester K. Spence
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816669875
- eISBN:
- 9781452947068
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816669875.003.0004
- Subject:
- Music, Popular
This chapter deals with the circulation of hip-hop politics in relation to concepts about institutionalization, while tackling the question of how ideas about hip-hop and the post-civil rights ...
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This chapter deals with the circulation of hip-hop politics in relation to concepts about institutionalization, while tackling the question of how ideas about hip-hop and the post-civil rights generation’s politics were interpreted as the attempts of politically mobilizing citizens. It presents an analysis of political development using Jim Crow-era black politics in order to show the major types of black political organization. The Hip-hop Summit Action Network (HSAN) and National Hip-hop Political Convention (NHHPC) are two of the most visible attempts of hip-hop political organizing that reveal two distinct yet similar paths to institutionalizing hip-hop politics. The chapter then explains the implications for the institutionalization of black politics.Less
This chapter deals with the circulation of hip-hop politics in relation to concepts about institutionalization, while tackling the question of how ideas about hip-hop and the post-civil rights generation’s politics were interpreted as the attempts of politically mobilizing citizens. It presents an analysis of political development using Jim Crow-era black politics in order to show the major types of black political organization. The Hip-hop Summit Action Network (HSAN) and National Hip-hop Political Convention (NHHPC) are two of the most visible attempts of hip-hop political organizing that reveal two distinct yet similar paths to institutionalizing hip-hop politics. The chapter then explains the implications for the institutionalization of black politics.
Geoff K. Ward
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226873169
- eISBN:
- 9780226873190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226873190.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter provides an account of this paradoxical and tragic reformulation of racial oppression and domination in the post-civil rights period. Formal integration reconfigured black youth ...
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This chapter provides an account of this paradoxical and tragic reformulation of racial oppression and domination in the post-civil rights period. Formal integration reconfigured black youth opportunity and community influence in American juvenile justice, but it failed to institutionalize racially democratic control. Instead, subsequent cultural and institutional changes related to a more general late-twentieth-century retraction of the liberal welfare state drained the progressive utility of integration, reducing black youth and community incorporation to more symbolic forms of inclusion. In contemporary juvenile justice, the “accountability movement” reconfigured the social contractual terms of juvenile justice and the organization of decision-making in juvenile justice in ways that undermined the potential for racially democratic control.Less
This chapter provides an account of this paradoxical and tragic reformulation of racial oppression and domination in the post-civil rights period. Formal integration reconfigured black youth opportunity and community influence in American juvenile justice, but it failed to institutionalize racially democratic control. Instead, subsequent cultural and institutional changes related to a more general late-twentieth-century retraction of the liberal welfare state drained the progressive utility of integration, reducing black youth and community incorporation to more symbolic forms of inclusion. In contemporary juvenile justice, the “accountability movement” reconfigured the social contractual terms of juvenile justice and the organization of decision-making in juvenile justice in ways that undermined the potential for racially democratic control.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing ...
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In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing communities. They led sit-ins, spoke out at public hearings, and denounced attempts by developers to seize their homes and disperse their communities. Yet ten years later, the St. Thomas community leaders and their activist allies forged a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate developer to privatize the development and create a new racially integrated, “mixed-income” community that would drastically reduce the number of affordable apartments. From protesting federal and local government initiatives to scale back public housing, tenant leaders and advisors were now cooperating with a planning effort to privatize and downsize their communities. Arena argues that the insertion of radical public housing leaders and their activist allies into a government and foundation-funded non-profit-complex is key to understanding this unexpected political transformation. The new political allegiances and financial benefits of the non-profit model moved these activists into a strategy of insider-negotiations that prioritized the profit-making agenda of real estate interests above the housing and other material needs of black public housing residents. White developers and the city’s black political elite embraced and cultivated this new found political “realism” because of the legitimation it provided for the regressive policies of poor people removal and massive downsizing of public housing.Less
In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing communities. They led sit-ins, spoke out at public hearings, and denounced attempts by developers to seize their homes and disperse their communities. Yet ten years later, the St. Thomas community leaders and their activist allies forged a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate developer to privatize the development and create a new racially integrated, “mixed-income” community that would drastically reduce the number of affordable apartments. From protesting federal and local government initiatives to scale back public housing, tenant leaders and advisors were now cooperating with a planning effort to privatize and downsize their communities. Arena argues that the insertion of radical public housing leaders and their activist allies into a government and foundation-funded non-profit-complex is key to understanding this unexpected political transformation. The new political allegiances and financial benefits of the non-profit model moved these activists into a strategy of insider-negotiations that prioritized the profit-making agenda of real estate interests above the housing and other material needs of black public housing residents. White developers and the city’s black political elite embraced and cultivated this new found political “realism” because of the legitimation it provided for the regressive policies of poor people removal and massive downsizing of public housing.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This concluding chapter discusses the tribulations and triumphs of social movement activism among the post-civil rights generation. It argues that constraints on movement activism will remain as long ...
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This concluding chapter discusses the tribulations and triumphs of social movement activism among the post-civil rights generation. It argues that constraints on movement activism will remain as long as progressives and blacks have access to institutional channels to exercise political influence. While this may curtail transformational movement initiatives, youth-based groups must routinely adjust and reconfigure ways to create opportunities for black youth to participate. The chapter identifies four challenges which must be addressed in order to revitalize youth activism: (1) the mobilization of resources that can sustain long-term grassroots campaign; (2) the privileging by some grassroots activists and advocates of institutional leveraging practices over high-risk strategies; (3) the dexterity of movement bridge-builders and indigenous activists and their ability to take advantage of favorable political contexts; and (4) the advancement of creative organizing strategies and tactics that can mobilize marginalized, noncollege black youth and young adults living in poor communities.Less
This concluding chapter discusses the tribulations and triumphs of social movement activism among the post-civil rights generation. It argues that constraints on movement activism will remain as long as progressives and blacks have access to institutional channels to exercise political influence. While this may curtail transformational movement initiatives, youth-based groups must routinely adjust and reconfigure ways to create opportunities for black youth to participate. The chapter identifies four challenges which must be addressed in order to revitalize youth activism: (1) the mobilization of resources that can sustain long-term grassroots campaign; (2) the privileging by some grassroots activists and advocates of institutional leveraging practices over high-risk strategies; (3) the dexterity of movement bridge-builders and indigenous activists and their ability to take advantage of favorable political contexts; and (4) the advancement of creative organizing strategies and tactics that can mobilize marginalized, noncollege black youth and young adults living in poor communities.
Dean J. Franco
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450877
- eISBN:
- 9780801464010
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450877.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
This introductory chapter briefly examines the ways in which the authors featured in this book explore, satirize, and experiment with the social values, political assumptions, and ethical commitments ...
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This introductory chapter briefly examines the ways in which the authors featured in this book explore, satirize, and experiment with the social values, political assumptions, and ethical commitments that underwrite the social transitions in post-civil rights America. Through their art, these writers expose the cynicism, limitations, blind spots, and conceptual aporias that nonetheless advance into mainstream political claims for group-based rights and recognition. Rights and recognition form the core of the chapter's discussion, alongside a third concept—“proximity”—and how these lead to new configurations of being and belonging. In so doing the chapter also explores the ambiguities surrounding “Jewish American Literature” as a concept, and thereafter lays out the background and methodology undertaken in the making of this book.Less
This introductory chapter briefly examines the ways in which the authors featured in this book explore, satirize, and experiment with the social values, political assumptions, and ethical commitments that underwrite the social transitions in post-civil rights America. Through their art, these writers expose the cynicism, limitations, blind spots, and conceptual aporias that nonetheless advance into mainstream political claims for group-based rights and recognition. Rights and recognition form the core of the chapter's discussion, alongside a third concept—“proximity”—and how these lead to new configurations of being and belonging. In so doing the chapter also explores the ambiguities surrounding “Jewish American Literature” as a concept, and thereafter lays out the background and methodology undertaken in the making of this book.
