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This chapter provides an analysis and summary of the active role of ethnic Chinese in reproducing and perpetuating their ambivalent position as well as in shaping Indonesia’s political, business, and socio-cultural environment in the post-Suharto era. The chapter also suggests that studying the Chinese in Indonesia may direct us to rethink the effect of democratisation on ethnic minorities and the role that those minorities may have in how transformative democratisation can be both for their situation and the betterment of the wider society. Effective enforcement of the rule of law as well as an education system that promotes inter-ethnic understanding and solidarity could promote more open- and reform-minded people, including those from resented, economically dominant minorities, such as the Chinese in Indonesia.

This chapter explains the objectives, theoretical framework, literature review, scope of research, methods of research, and chapterisation of this study. This study adopts a combination of Anthony Giddens’s structure-agency theory as well as Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus and field as a framework for examining the strategies and tactics that Chinese Indonesians adopt to safeguard their business and personal interests as well as their ethnic and cultural identities in the post-Suharto era. Medan and Surabaya were selected as field sites for this study because both cities are economically and politically significant. Moreover, there are certain interesting contrasts in regard to their Chinese populations. The methods used in this research are library research, individual interviews, and participant observation.

This chapter discusses the democratisation process in post-Suharto Indonesia and the role of Chinese Indonesians in the democratisation process. The opening up of democratic politics in the post-Suharto era has offered opportunities for the Chinese to participate directly in electoral politics and run for public office. The relatively liberal socio-cultural environment also allows the Chinese openly to express their ethnic and cultural identities. However, the democratisation process has been marred by poor enforcement of the rule of law, the capture of state institutions and political parties by old and some new predatory interests, and rampant political thuggery. This allows some Chinese to continue gaining wealth through illegal or semi-legal means, and contributes to the continuing, if not growing, ambivalent attitude held towards Chinese Indonesians.

This chapter examines the opening up of the Chinese socio-cultural sphere in post-Suharto Medan and Surabaya. Chinese Indonesians who strongly support Chinese ethnic and cultural identities have made use of the more liberal environment to establish Chinese-based organisations and Chinese-language newspapers. In general, these organisations and newspapers have made use of intra-ethnic linkages to safeguard Chinese ethnic and cultural identities, thus contributing to multiculturalism in post-Suharto Indonesia. The rise of China as an economic power has also prompted leaders of some Chinese organisations to utilise their intra-ethnic linkages and social networks in China to assist local governments in establishing cultural and business connections with China. Many indigenous Indonesians, however, perceive that the active role of Chinese organisations in promoting Chinese culture indicates an insistence upon separateness. At the same time, there are Chinese Indonesians who favour the integration of the Chinese into the wider Indonesian society and who have established non-ethnic-based socio-cultural organisations to promote cross-ethnic understanding and solidarity. On the whole, however, the socio-cultural activities and endeavours of Chinese organisations and Chinese-language newspapers have reproduced and perpetuated stereotypes of the Chinese as insular, opportunistic, and oriented towards China instead of Indonesia.

This chapter explores the illegal or semi-legal means Chinese Indonesian businesspeople tend to adopt to gain and protect their business and personal interests in the post-Suharto era. These business practices in turn perpetuate and reproduce the corrupt and muddy business environment, as well as the predatory political-business system. They also reproduce and reinforce stereotypes of the Chinese as wealthy, corrupt, and opportunistic, the perfect targets of extortion. Although there are also Chinese businesspeople who refuse to be victims of extortion and choose to fight against these illegal practices, such businesspeople are rare. If one wishes to see more Chinese Indonesian businesspeople who refuse to be extorted and do not get involved in illegal and semi-legal practices, a better-enforced rule of law must be in place.

This chapter focuses on the involvement of Chinese Indonesians in electoral politics in post-Suharto Medan and Surabaya and how this intersects with their stereotypical position as businesspeople. The opening up of a democratic environment in post-Suharto Indonesia has prompted many Chinese Indonesians to get involved in electoral politics. Some of them become electoral candidates in order to push for reform and positive changes in Indonesia and reject approaches of support for their campaigns in return for political and business favours. But there are also those who become actively involved in politics with the aim of gaining political protection for their business instead of fighting for the interests of the general public. Ironically, the latter often have a higher chance of getting elected, because of the increased cost of campaigning in direct elections introduced during the democratisation process. Their own wealth, or the willingness to accept support from corrupt businesspeople, often Chinese, ensures enough funds to obtain party support and to bribe voters. In this way, Chinese businesspeople continue to establish corrupt and patrimonial relationships with aspiring politicians in exchange for political favours for their business.

This chapter examines how citizen-artists in Indonesia creatively and critically engaged in subjectifying the state through pointedly political art, generating narratives and fantasies both visual and discursive, private and public, and images of past, present, and future during the early period of post-Suharto reformation. It describes several notable works by Indonesian artists including Yuli Kodo's Indonesia Sakit, Alex Luthfi's Kado Reformasi, and Entang Wiharso's Don't Touch Me. The chapter suggests that these works reveal how the transformation of political engagements led to these artists' newfound subjectivity as post-New Order Indonesian citizens capable of publicly critiquing the state as well as reenvisioning, through their paintings, imagined possibilities for a new democratic Indonesian state.

This concluding chapter presents the author's remarks on the changing ideology of development, during an interview. He claimed that development in Jakarta has a history longer than the Suharto regime, which could be traced back to colonial times. Framing the post-Suharto era as a new time opened up ways to conceive many possibilities. For instance, the notion of rakyat (poor people) seemed to be the majority at the time when the middle class found themselves in decline as many of them had lost their jobs following the financial crisis. The remainder of the chapter discusses his opinion on several topics such as: the hierarchies within the category of the poor, and the autonomy of the informal time.