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Order versus Justice: An American Foreign Policy Dilemma

John Lewis Gaddis

in Order and Justice in International Relations

Gaddis primarily focuses on US dilemmas over the relationship between order and justice throughout the twentieth century. He argues that from the time of Theodore Roosevelt to that of Richard M. ... More

Gaddis primarily focuses on US dilemmas over the relationship between order and justice throughout the twentieth century. He argues that from the time of Theodore Roosevelt to that of Richard M. Nixon, a concern for order had superseded a concern for justice. After that time, and especially in the post‐Cold War era, these two concepts were finally to be brought together in ways that could be said to have been destabilizing world order. Nevertheless, once entwined, it has been difficult for the US to disentangle the promotion of order from justice even during its post‐September 11th struggle against terrorism. In order for the US to be successful in the promotion of its order and justice agenda, the author concludes that US hegemony needs to be coupled with legitimacy, consent, and a modesty of aims.Less

The Development of the Arms Race and How We Think About It

Olav Njølstad

in International Relations Since the End of the Cold War: New and Old Dimensions

This chapter addresses the development of the arms race and how we think about it. It consists of three parts. In part one, the author argues that there is an emerging consensus among the students of ... More

This chapter addresses the development of the arms race and how we think about it. It consists of three parts. In part one, the author argues that there is an emerging consensus among the students of arms races on three important points: arms races are caused primarily by inter-state rivalry, are not self-sustained processes immune to political direction, and cannot be either sufficient or necessary causes of war. Part two is devoted to the questions of whether the Cold War was essentially an arms race and, if not, what the US-Soviet military competition was actually about. Finally, in part three, the apparent fading role of arms races in the post-Cold War era is discussed. It is argued that the picture is probably not as bright as it appears to be because inter-state rivalry may no longer be the crucial factor to look for as far as arms races is concerned.Less

A Suitable Candidate for Global Terror

Bob H. Reinhardt

in The End of A Global Pox: America and the Eradication of Smallpox in the Cold War Era

This chapter discusses how smallpox became a perfect candidate disease for an age of global terror. Nearly thirty years after its eradication, smallpox continues to strike fear into the American ... More

This chapter discusses how smallpox became a perfect candidate disease for an age of global terror. Nearly thirty years after its eradication, smallpox continues to strike fear into the American pysche because the nature of the disease and the global eradication program suits the anxieties of the post-Cold War, 9/11 era. With the eradication of smallpox, it became apparent that the U.S. had no more freed itself of deadly viruses than of violence and conflict, as emerging diseases like Ebola—and, earlier, AIDS—seemed to threaten American bodies and emerging terrorists threatened American borders. These abstract anxieties became tangible fears after September 11, 2001, when vulnerability to biological weapons, and especially smallpox, became terrifyingly obvious. In addition, the world's smallpox experts could not agree to destroy the last known specimens of variola, the smallpox virus. Thus, variola has lingered on in American and Russian labs, its preservation justified by the same logic of scientific mastery that had driven the global eradication effort.Less

From Nation States to Member States in European Union Foreign Policy

Christopher J. Bickerton

in European Integration: From Nation-States to Member States

Chapter 5 focuses on foreign policy and the way processes of state transformation in Europe interacted with developments in the international system. The chapter recounts how after 1945 intra-state ... More

Chapter 5 focuses on foreign policy and the way processes of state transformation in Europe interacted with developments in the international system. The chapter recounts how after 1945 intra-state relations in Western Europe quickly moved beyond earlier antagonisms. However, closer cooperation on foreign policy issues was inhibited by the Cold War. Only in the period of détente was European foreign policy cooperation possible, as shown by the EC’s role in the CSCE negotiations in the 1970s. The technocratic and bureaucratic aspects of the CSCE negotiations anticipate EU foreign policy in the post-Cold-War period. The chapter explores these post-Cold-War characteristics, namely the EU’s pragmatism, its eschewal of power politics, and its orientation towards the development of functional roles for the EU within specific areas of international relations, free from any realpolitik or grand strategy. This kind of foreign policy corresponds to a Europe of member states.Less

Covert Regime Change after the Cold War

Lindsey A. O’Rourke

in Covert Regime Change: America's Secret Cold War

This chapter briefly discusses the state of America's attempts at covert regime changes during the Cold War, before turning to the state of covert operations in the post-Cold War era. It shows that ... More

This chapter briefly discusses the state of America's attempts at covert regime changes during the Cold War, before turning to the state of covert operations in the post-Cold War era. It shows that the vast majority of America's covert and overt regime changes during the Cold War did not work out as their planners intended. Washington launched these regime changes to resolve security-oriented interstate disputes by installing foreign leaders with similar policy preferences. American experiences during the Cold War, however, illustrate that this was often quite difficult in practice. And yet, as the chapter reveals, the end of the Cold War did not mean the end of America's aggressive pursuit of regime change. In the twenty-seven years since the fall of the Soviet Union, Washington has continued to habitually intervene both covertly and overtly throughout the world. Although U.S. policymakers' appetite for regime change has not diminished, America's post-Cold War interventions have taken on new forms.Less

Conclusion

Sören Urbansky

in Beyond the Steppe Frontier: A History of the Sino-Russian Border

This concluding chapter reveals that, despite a proliferation of cross-border human mobility in the post-Cold War era that largely stems from tourism and trade (and is not to be confused with ... More

This concluding chapter reveals that, despite a proliferation of cross-border human mobility in the post-Cold War era that largely stems from tourism and trade (and is not to be confused with immigration) there continues to be a considerable indifference and prejudice on both sides. Even today not every visitor and border resident commutes freely back and forth between the two Argun banks, as the Cossacks and nomads did one hundred years ago. Absent an economic interest and still suspicious about the alien neighbor, many people would simply rather stay at home. The psychological alienation on a personal level, regardless of the close physical proximity, derives from decades of military confrontation, population exchange, and two very different systems of values and beliefs formed in the schools and by the media of two closed but very distinct countries. These legacies will have a lasting impact on the future of the border region, no matter how diplomatic relations, bilateral trade balances, or border management policies between China and Russia develop in the years to come.Less

Introduction: Global Media Games in the New Europe

in Identity Games: Globalization and the Transformation of Media Cultures in the New Europe

In this Introduction, the author expresses her views on the postcommunist experiences of sub- and transnational communities with global media exposure and also mentions the unrevealed truth that ... More

In this Introduction, the author expresses her views on the postcommunist experiences of sub- and transnational communities with global media exposure and also mentions the unrevealed truth that connects art and nationalism. She acknowledges her personal transition from late communism to late capitalism as the motto behind writing this book. The discussion of the book revolves around ethnocentric assumptions about media globalization in the post-Cold War era and two parallel yet crucial projects, using the reference of John Hartley's apt term. The author also analyzes the works of several postcommunist theorists and critics to understand the globalization of the media. The book furthermore focuses on the roles and multiple functions of “play,” a concept that is important in the exploration of its theme. The main focus of the book is on the ideological implications of mediated play practices and digital technologies that act as contradictory tendencies on localization and globalization.Less

Does American Military Power Attract Foreign Investment?

Daniel W. Drezner and Nancy F. Hite-Rubin

in Sustainable Security: Rethinking American National Security Strategy

A welter of domestic and international factors have been associated with private capital inflows—and yet, the causal role of military spending has not been closely examined. This is curious, since ... More

A welter of domestic and international factors have been associated with private capital inflows—and yet, the causal role of military spending has not been closely examined. This is curious, since there have been numerous articulated pathways through which military power can affect private sector investment decisions. Some argue that the greater a country's military capabilities, the more it acts as an attractor for private capital seeking security in an insecure world. Others argue that defense spending "crowds out" foreign direct investment by revealing a less friendly business environment for investors. This chapter empirically tests the effect of defense spending on FDI inflows for the post-Cold War era on a set of developed economies, with a special emphasis on North America. The results suggest that military power does not lead to geoeconomic favoritismLess

Turgut Özal’s Neo-Ottomanism

M. Hakan Yavuz

in Nostalgia for the Empire: The Politics of Neo-Ottomanism

The chapter examines the multidimensional conceptualization of neo-Ottomanism, including its strategic deployment from the early 1980s into the post–Cold War period, and Turgut Özal’s neoliberal ... More

The chapter examines the multidimensional conceptualization of neo-Ottomanism, including its strategic deployment from the early 1980s into the post–Cold War period, and Turgut Özal’s neoliberal economic policies. The chapter follows these developments that strengthened the elite in reconstructing neo-Ottomanism to respond to the decade’s challenges. The ethnic cleansing of Bulgarian Muslims in 1989, the deportation and genocidal campaign against Bosnian Muslims, and the forced exile of Azeri Turks from Karabakh compelled the masses to confront their suppressed memories in the Balkans and the Caucasus. Meanwhile, Özal inadvertently created the space for cultivating a counter-identity and ideology. The formation of a new Anatolian bourgeoisie with its support for alternative chronicles of history played an important role in reconstructing neo-Ottoman discourse.Less

The Return to Empire

Agnia Grigas

in Beyond Crimea: The New Russian Empire

This chapter sets out the argument that contemporary Russian foreign policy vis-à-vis the post-Soviet space is neoimperial in nature, driven by efforts to rebuild its former empire, regaining ... More

This chapter sets out the argument that contemporary Russian foreign policy vis-à-vis the post-Soviet space is neoimperial in nature, driven by efforts to rebuild its former empire, regaining influence and territories of the Soviet Union. The historical, ideological, structural, economic, and political drivers of this imperialism are examined. The chapter and the book focuses on the seemingly innocuous Russian “compatriot policies” that had been in use for more than a decade and are part of Moscow’s policy paradigm that seeks territorial gains in the former Soviet Republics, particularly where three factors are present: 1) a large and concentrated population of Russian speakers who 2) reside in territories bordering Russia and 3) are receptive to Russia’s influence. When these three factors have been present, Russia has pursued a consistent policy that starts with soft power influence and proceeds from humanitarian policies toward its compatriots to passportization, creating Russian citizens. The conditions are ripe then for information warfare to create the need for “protection” of Russian speakers and citizens. The final stage is either outright or de facto annexation of territory.Less