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Populism is organic to American Christianity, yet on the other hand, populism is, in some ways, at odds with what we know about the most historically significant dynamics of world-changing. In other words, there is an unavoidable tension between pursuing excellence and the social consequences of its achievement; between leadership and elitism that all too often comes from it. The antidotes to “seizing power” in a new way is a better understanding of “faithful presence.”

The Left/Right bipolarization oversimplifies fractionalized schisms often prompted by personal ambitions disguised as ideological dissensions. The extreme Right was exemplified by the Action Française and various fascist movements which were active during the Vichy regime. The latter prompted Gaullism's reassertion of heroic nationalism. Catholic parties competed for control of the right-centre with liberal conservatism. A populist extreme Right re-emerged in Le Pen's National Front.

This chapter concludes the analysis of the effect of the quality of corporate law on separation. High-quality protective corporate law is a good institution for a society to have. It lowers the cost of building strong, large business enterprises. It can prevent controlling stockholder diversions, a necessary condition for separation. But among the world's wealthier nations, it does not primarily determine whether it is worthwhile to build those enterprises. It is a tool, not the foundation. American-style populism and European-style social democracy are different sides of the same political coin. The polity pays up to affect corporate governance institutions. The differences have deeply affected corporate governance, militating toward differing ownership and government structures.

This chapter presents a map describing the new spatial architecture of social protection in the European Union resulting from free movement and competition rules, and their effects on traditional welfare state boundaries. The destructuring consequences of the new boundary configuration are discussed, with specific reference to pensions systems and the issue of migration. The chapter concludes by highlighting the margins of manoeuvre for a possible “nesting” of nation-based forms of social protection in a wider EU space, capable of promoting adaptation and reform, while upholding at the same time the basic pre-conditions for maintaining adequate levels of social protection.

This chapter examines populism in the United States. It argues that despite some of the historical and social ambiguities that surround American populism, the contribution of populism remains a valuable component of America's democratic culture. The populist impulse can act as a potent corrective to the self-absorption of political elites and a necessary antidote to the habitual co-option of the people's name by office-holders and decision-makers. At its worst, populism can become embroiled in existential speculations over the identity of the people, which can lead not so much to the moralization of politics but to the moral rejection of politics in favour of a simplified and more ominous alternative. At its best, populism offers a critical awareness of the anomalies and imbalances within a mass democracy, as well as a reformist impulse that finds expression either through a renovation of established institutions or through the provision of alternative public spheres. Soft populism, hard populism, and populist paradoxes are discussed.

This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of managed migration, and maps the different economic migration recruitment strategies adopted by distinct varieties of capitalism. Employers seek to reinforce existing labor markets structures and promote national corporate strategies by lobbying in favor of migrant profiles that compliment them. Unions are generally supportive of such endeavors, largely preferring managed and regularized economic migration to illicit flows that perpetuate the disintegration of labor market structures. NGOs face a difficult and ungrateful task with limited successes. Managed migration unfolds behind the backdrop of high unemployment, rising concerns over mass immigration and rising levels of xenophobia.

The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms of market and democracy; second, the weaker capacity of new or old democracies to deal with the new challenges they have to face; and third, the relative position of market and democracy, which has changed in favour of the market and to the detriment of democracy. The chapter first considers the nature of the democratic malaise and its manifestations; has it to do with the democratic principle itself or is it only a temporary dissatisfaction with elites, parties and political organizations? Two complementary explanations are then offered to interpret the birth and expansion of this phenomenon: the structural explanation emphasizes the tension between the constitutionalist and the popular dimension of contemporary democracies; the conjunctural explanation relates to political corruption, which became so pervasive in the 1990s and contributed to the delegitimation of representatives and of the principle of representation in many European countries, populism and populist dichotomy.

Examines three common forms of week citizenship: clientilism, populism, and so‐called social movements. All three contain organizational qualities, in different ways, which could be favourable for democracy. At the same time, important qualities are lacking.

This chapter presents the theoretical basis for the study. It places the analysis in historical context, arguing that changes in American penal sanctioning were central to the remaking of American democracy in the 1960s and 1970s. Penal sanctioning, an expression of the state's power to punish and willingness to infringe upon the rights and liberties of others, clarifies, sorts and classifies the conditions of citizenship and social inclusion. This chapter develops an account of penal regime variation based on variation in the democratic process, conceptualized as: political structures, the institutional and administrative capacities of the state, and collective agency, varying forms of social mobilization and political participation. It introduces the key elements of the case studies: California's polarized populism and retribution; Washington State's deliberative democracy and the principle of parsimony; New York's elite pragmatism and managerial penal regime.

This chapter details the case study of California. It shows how a democratic process based on polarized populism led to a retributive penal regime, with high rates of imprisonment for all kinds of offenders. It analyzes the success of the crime victims movement, facilitated by the direct democracy measures such as the initiative process, in transforming the moral calculus of punishment. The victims movement helped to bring about a more emotive, passionate, and punitive approach to crime control, making crime victims' pain central to the justification, legitimation, and authority of criminal law and penal sanctioning. The chapter analyzes how a more conservative populist movement challenged state authority, weakened social trust, and demanded a tough law‐and‐order approach to crime and fears over growing ethnic and racial diversity, intensifying social divisions and social exclusion.

This chapter examines the normative visions that animate globalization: namely, the cosmopolitan ideologies of global capitalism and labor's internationalist challenges to them. Using the idea of an economy of utopia, it demonstrates how these universalizing ideals are transformed through their application in particular contexts. More specifically, it considers how capital and labor are adjusted to accommodate distinct political and economic realities. The chapter begins with a discussion of what it calls business cosmopolitanism and how the realities of uneven development, poor infrastructure, and a labor shortage in India lead executives and their political allies to espouse a vision of techno-populism that is more politically viable. It then explores the ideal of worker internationalism, along with the assertion that workers' individualism and indifference to unions are a species of false consciousness. Finally, it describes work sites as branded electronic sweatshops and workers as cybercoolies.