Jack Hayward (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Are European elites losing touch with their peoples? The populist challenge to representative democracy is as old as democracy itself but its impact has differed between European countries. Should ...
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Are European elites losing touch with their peoples? The populist challenge to representative democracy is as old as democracy itself but its impact has differed between European countries. Should elected representatives respond to people's demands or to their needs? Is the press a reliable source of public information and a critical check on governments and powerful interests? Are political parties effectively mediating between leaders and mass publics or do they face a legitimacy crisis? Are parliaments able to enforce government accountability? Can the European Union and national governments persuade their peoples to accept the necessity of economic constraints upon their demands? The challenge to political leaders in liberal democracies is to deal realistically with problems without provoking public alienation from the political process, a challenge that they are finding increasingly difficult to face successfully.Less
Are European elites losing touch with their peoples? The populist challenge to representative democracy is as old as democracy itself but its impact has differed between European countries. Should elected representatives respond to people's demands or to their needs? Is the press a reliable source of public information and a critical check on governments and powerful interests? Are political parties effectively mediating between leaders and mass publics or do they face a legitimacy crisis? Are parliaments able to enforce government accountability? Can the European Union and national governments persuade their peoples to accept the necessity of economic constraints upon their demands? The challenge to political leaders in liberal democracies is to deal realistically with problems without provoking public alienation from the political process, a challenge that they are finding increasingly difficult to face successfully.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Populism is organic to American Christianity, yet on the other hand, populism is, in some ways, at odds with what we know about the most historically significant dynamics of world-changing. In other ...
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Populism is organic to American Christianity, yet on the other hand, populism is, in some ways, at odds with what we know about the most historically significant dynamics of world-changing. In other words, there is an unavoidable tension between pursuing excellence and the social consequences of its achievement; between leadership and elitism that all too often comes from it. The antidotes to “seizing power” in a new way is a better understanding of “faithful presence.”Less
Populism is organic to American Christianity, yet on the other hand, populism is, in some ways, at odds with what we know about the most historically significant dynamics of world-changing. In other words, there is an unavoidable tension between pursuing excellence and the social consequences of its achievement; between leadership and elitism that all too often comes from it. The antidotes to “seizing power” in a new way is a better understanding of “faithful presence.”
Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The Left/Right bipolarization oversimplifies fractionalized schisms often prompted by personal ambitions disguised as ideological dissensions. The extreme Right was exemplified by the Action ...
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The Left/Right bipolarization oversimplifies fractionalized schisms often prompted by personal ambitions disguised as ideological dissensions. The extreme Right was exemplified by the Action Française and various fascist movements which were active during the Vichy regime. The latter prompted Gaullism's reassertion of heroic nationalism. Catholic parties competed for control of the right-centre with liberal conservatism. A populist extreme Right re-emerged in Le Pen's National Front.Less
The Left/Right bipolarization oversimplifies fractionalized schisms often prompted by personal ambitions disguised as ideological dissensions. The extreme Right was exemplified by the Action Française and various fascist movements which were active during the Vichy regime. The latter prompted Gaullism's reassertion of heroic nationalism. Catholic parties competed for control of the right-centre with liberal conservatism. A populist extreme Right re-emerged in Le Pen's National Front.
Mark J. Joe
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199205301
- eISBN:
- 9780191695612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199205301.003.0028
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Corporate Governance and Accountability, Business History
This chapter concludes the analysis of the effect of the quality of corporate law on separation. High-quality protective corporate law is a good institution for a society to have. It lowers the cost ...
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This chapter concludes the analysis of the effect of the quality of corporate law on separation. High-quality protective corporate law is a good institution for a society to have. It lowers the cost of building strong, large business enterprises. It can prevent controlling stockholder diversions, a necessary condition for separation. But among the world's wealthier nations, it does not primarily determine whether it is worthwhile to build those enterprises. It is a tool, not the foundation. American-style populism and European-style social democracy are different sides of the same political coin. The polity pays up to affect corporate governance institutions. The differences have deeply affected corporate governance, militating toward differing ownership and government structures.Less
This chapter concludes the analysis of the effect of the quality of corporate law on separation. High-quality protective corporate law is a good institution for a society to have. It lowers the cost of building strong, large business enterprises. It can prevent controlling stockholder diversions, a necessary condition for separation. But among the world's wealthier nations, it does not primarily determine whether it is worthwhile to build those enterprises. It is a tool, not the foundation. American-style populism and European-style social democracy are different sides of the same political coin. The polity pays up to affect corporate governance institutions. The differences have deeply affected corporate governance, militating toward differing ownership and government structures.
Maurizio Ferrara
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter presents a map describing the new spatial architecture of social protection in the European Union resulting from free movement and competition rules, and their effects on traditional ...
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This chapter presents a map describing the new spatial architecture of social protection in the European Union resulting from free movement and competition rules, and their effects on traditional welfare state boundaries. The destructuring consequences of the new boundary configuration are discussed, with specific reference to pensions systems and the issue of migration. The chapter concludes by highlighting the margins of manoeuvre for a possible “nesting” of nation-based forms of social protection in a wider EU space, capable of promoting adaptation and reform, while upholding at the same time the basic pre-conditions for maintaining adequate levels of social protection.Less
This chapter presents a map describing the new spatial architecture of social protection in the European Union resulting from free movement and competition rules, and their effects on traditional welfare state boundaries. The destructuring consequences of the new boundary configuration are discussed, with specific reference to pensions systems and the issue of migration. The chapter concludes by highlighting the margins of manoeuvre for a possible “nesting” of nation-based forms of social protection in a wider EU space, capable of promoting adaptation and reform, while upholding at the same time the basic pre-conditions for maintaining adequate levels of social protection.
Michael Foley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199232673
- eISBN:
- 9780191716362
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232673.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines populism in the United States. It argues that despite some of the historical and social ambiguities that surround American populism, the contribution of populism remains a ...
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This chapter examines populism in the United States. It argues that despite some of the historical and social ambiguities that surround American populism, the contribution of populism remains a valuable component of America's democratic culture. The populist impulse can act as a potent corrective to the self-absorption of political elites and a necessary antidote to the habitual co-option of the people's name by office-holders and decision-makers. At its worst, populism can become embroiled in existential speculations over the identity of the people, which can lead not so much to the moralization of politics but to the moral rejection of politics in favour of a simplified and more ominous alternative. At its best, populism offers a critical awareness of the anomalies and imbalances within a mass democracy, as well as a reformist impulse that finds expression either through a renovation of established institutions or through the provision of alternative public spheres. Soft populism, hard populism, and populist paradoxes are discussed.Less
This chapter examines populism in the United States. It argues that despite some of the historical and social ambiguities that surround American populism, the contribution of populism remains a valuable component of America's democratic culture. The populist impulse can act as a potent corrective to the self-absorption of political elites and a necessary antidote to the habitual co-option of the people's name by office-holders and decision-makers. At its worst, populism can become embroiled in existential speculations over the identity of the people, which can lead not so much to the moralization of politics but to the moral rejection of politics in favour of a simplified and more ominous alternative. At its best, populism offers a critical awareness of the anomalies and imbalances within a mass democracy, as well as a reformist impulse that finds expression either through a renovation of established institutions or through the provision of alternative public spheres. Soft populism, hard populism, and populist paradoxes are discussed.
Susanne Karstedt
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266922
- eISBN:
- 9780191938184
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266922.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law
Prisons across the globe are manifestations of inequality. In any society, its most marginalised groups are overrepresented in prisons and all institutions of criminal justice. Notwithstanding this ...
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Prisons across the globe are manifestations of inequality. In any society, its most marginalised groups are overrepresented in prisons and all institutions of criminal justice. Notwithstanding this universal condition of contemporary criminal justice, the link between social inequality and inequality of punishment has been found to be tenuous and elusive. This contribution addresses the question how socio-economic inequality shapes the manifestations of punishment for a global sample of countries. As socio-economic inequality and criminal punishment are both multi-faceted concepts, several indicators are used for each. The findings confirm the highly contextual nature of the link between inequality and criminal punishment; they suggest a variegated impact of political economies, and a multiplicity of mechanisms that link inequality and criminal punishment across the globe.Less
Prisons across the globe are manifestations of inequality. In any society, its most marginalised groups are overrepresented in prisons and all institutions of criminal justice. Notwithstanding this universal condition of contemporary criminal justice, the link between social inequality and inequality of punishment has been found to be tenuous and elusive. This contribution addresses the question how socio-economic inequality shapes the manifestations of punishment for a global sample of countries. As socio-economic inequality and criminal punishment are both multi-faceted concepts, several indicators are used for each. The findings confirm the highly contextual nature of the link between inequality and criminal punishment; they suggest a variegated impact of political economies, and a multiplicity of mechanisms that link inequality and criminal punishment across the globe.
Zelia A. Gallo
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266922
- eISBN:
- 9780191938184
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266922.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law
This chapter argues that institutionalist accounts of punishment, crime, and inequality should look to the thinning of political ideologies and its institutional implications. It explores the claim ...
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This chapter argues that institutionalist accounts of punishment, crime, and inequality should look to the thinning of political ideologies and its institutional implications. It explores the claim according to which thin ideologies such as populism, technocracy and plebiscitarianism, have institutional ambitions and tend to incentivise reforms that favour executive discretion and a politics of disintermediation. This claim is illustrated by reference to Italy both during and after the Eurozone crisis. Italy functions as a starting point for a broader discussion of how ideologies might change institutions, and therefore the penal incentives that follow from particular institutional configurations. The chapter argues that institutional changes rooted in thin ideologies may have long-term effects on punishment by incentivising a more adversarial and retaliatory approach to conflict – and thence to crime and deviance – and dis-incentivising a more negotiated and reintegrative approach to conflict, including the type of interpersonal conflict represented by crime and deviance.Less
This chapter argues that institutionalist accounts of punishment, crime, and inequality should look to the thinning of political ideologies and its institutional implications. It explores the claim according to which thin ideologies such as populism, technocracy and plebiscitarianism, have institutional ambitions and tend to incentivise reforms that favour executive discretion and a politics of disintermediation. This claim is illustrated by reference to Italy both during and after the Eurozone crisis. Italy functions as a starting point for a broader discussion of how ideologies might change institutions, and therefore the penal incentives that follow from particular institutional configurations. The chapter argues that institutional changes rooted in thin ideologies may have long-term effects on punishment by incentivising a more adversarial and retaliatory approach to conflict – and thence to crime and deviance – and dis-incentivising a more negotiated and reintegrative approach to conflict, including the type of interpersonal conflict represented by crime and deviance.
Erik Jones
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199208333
- eISBN:
- 9780191708985
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208333.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
The adjustment strategies of the 1980s were successful, but only at the cost of destroying the last vestiges of support for consociational institutions. During the 1990s, the electorate of Belgium ...
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The adjustment strategies of the 1980s were successful, but only at the cost of destroying the last vestiges of support for consociational institutions. During the 1990s, the electorate of Belgium and the Netherlands turned away from traditional parties and, in the case of Belgium, away from the federal state. Dutch politics witnessed the emergence of new populists like Pim Fortuyn and Geert Wilders; Belgian politics saw the polarization of the country between Flanders and Wallonia. Both countries experienced a loss of control over price incomes policy as a result. This loss of price incomes policy has not weakened aggregate macroeconomic performance, but it has made them less flexible and so more vulnerable to the influence of external shocks. Their example holds important insights for the more general case of small states in world markets.Less
The adjustment strategies of the 1980s were successful, but only at the cost of destroying the last vestiges of support for consociational institutions. During the 1990s, the electorate of Belgium and the Netherlands turned away from traditional parties and, in the case of Belgium, away from the federal state. Dutch politics witnessed the emergence of new populists like Pim Fortuyn and Geert Wilders; Belgian politics saw the polarization of the country between Flanders and Wallonia. Both countries experienced a loss of control over price incomes policy as a result. This loss of price incomes policy has not weakened aggregate macroeconomic performance, but it has made them less flexible and so more vulnerable to the influence of external shocks. Their example holds important insights for the more general case of small states in world markets.
Georg Menz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533886
- eISBN:
- 9780191714771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533886.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of ...
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This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of managed migration, and maps the different economic migration recruitment strategies adopted by distinct varieties of capitalism. Employers seek to reinforce existing labor markets structures and promote national corporate strategies by lobbying in favor of migrant profiles that compliment them. Unions are generally supportive of such endeavors, largely preferring managed and regularized economic migration to illicit flows that perpetuate the disintegration of labor market structures. NGOs face a difficult and ungrateful task with limited successes. Managed migration unfolds behind the backdrop of high unemployment, rising concerns over mass immigration and rising levels of xenophobia.Less
This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of managed migration, and maps the different economic migration recruitment strategies adopted by distinct varieties of capitalism. Employers seek to reinforce existing labor markets structures and promote national corporate strategies by lobbying in favor of migrant profiles that compliment them. Unions are generally supportive of such endeavors, largely preferring managed and regularized economic migration to illicit flows that perpetuate the disintegration of labor market structures. NGOs face a difficult and ungrateful task with limited successes. Managed migration unfolds behind the backdrop of high unemployment, rising concerns over mass immigration and rising levels of xenophobia.
Yves Mény
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms ...
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The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms of market and democracy; second, the weaker capacity of new or old democracies to deal with the new challenges they have to face; and third, the relative position of market and democracy, which has changed in favour of the market and to the detriment of democracy. The chapter first considers the nature of the democratic malaise and its manifestations; has it to do with the democratic principle itself or is it only a temporary dissatisfaction with elites, parties and political organizations? Two complementary explanations are then offered to interpret the birth and expansion of this phenomenon: the structural explanation emphasizes the tension between the constitutionalist and the popular dimension of contemporary democracies; the conjunctural explanation relates to political corruption, which became so pervasive in the 1990s and contributed to the delegitimation of representatives and of the principle of representation in many European countries, populism and populist dichotomy.Less
The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms of market and democracy; second, the weaker capacity of new or old democracies to deal with the new challenges they have to face; and third, the relative position of market and democracy, which has changed in favour of the market and to the detriment of democracy. The chapter first considers the nature of the democratic malaise and its manifestations; has it to do with the democratic principle itself or is it only a temporary dissatisfaction with elites, parties and political organizations? Two complementary explanations are then offered to interpret the birth and expansion of this phenomenon: the structural explanation emphasizes the tension between the constitutionalist and the popular dimension of contemporary democracies; the conjunctural explanation relates to political corruption, which became so pervasive in the 1990s and contributed to the delegitimation of representatives and of the principle of representation in many European countries, populism and populist dichotomy.
Axel Hadenius
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246663
- eISBN:
- 9780191599392
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246661.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Examines three common forms of week citizenship: clientilism, populism, and so‐called social movements. All three contain organizational qualities, in different ways, which could be favourable for ...
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Examines three common forms of week citizenship: clientilism, populism, and so‐called social movements. All three contain organizational qualities, in different ways, which could be favourable for democracy. At the same time, important qualities are lacking.Less
Examines three common forms of week citizenship: clientilism, populism, and so‐called social movements. All three contain organizational qualities, in different ways, which could be favourable for democracy. At the same time, important qualities are lacking.
Douglas A. Chalmers, Scott B. Martin, and Kerianne Piester
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0022
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Despite renewed awareness of poverty and inequality, there has been a marked absence of past forms of popular mobilization. Populist, corporatist, clientelist, and broad mobilization around parties ...
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Despite renewed awareness of poverty and inequality, there has been a marked absence of past forms of popular mobilization. Populist, corporatist, clientelist, and broad mobilization around parties broke down in the 1970s and have not dominated in the new period of democratization. Citing the evidence presented in the articles in this volume, it is argued that new forms of popular representation are emerging, denoted as ‘associative networks’. Polycentric decision‐making, internationalized politics, the importance of new forms of communication, and the search for new policy answers had led to a new form of representation characterized by bringing a diversity of actors and organizations together in networks that rapidly reconfigure with changing circumstances, an emphasis on ‘cognitive politics’ and a more flexible style of conflict than direct confrontation. These are not pluralist ‘interest groups’, nor simply organizations in civil society, but varied links that tie civil society and polycentric government. A political process dominated by associative networks is not necessarily more democratic than other forms of popular representation. Whether it is democratic depends on institutions that link these networks and policy making (including parties and legislatures), and especially manage their rapid change as challenges and conditions change. Democracy also depends on whether citizens have the rights and resources to form and participate in such networks, and whether popular leaders find strategies that will take advantage of these new forms that require going beyond simple confrontation.Less
Despite renewed awareness of poverty and inequality, there has been a marked absence of past forms of popular mobilization. Populist, corporatist, clientelist, and broad mobilization around parties broke down in the 1970s and have not dominated in the new period of democratization. Citing the evidence presented in the articles in this volume, it is argued that new forms of popular representation are emerging, denoted as ‘associative networks’. Polycentric decision‐making, internationalized politics, the importance of new forms of communication, and the search for new policy answers had led to a new form of representation characterized by bringing a diversity of actors and organizations together in networks that rapidly reconfigure with changing circumstances, an emphasis on ‘cognitive politics’ and a more flexible style of conflict than direct confrontation. These are not pluralist ‘interest groups’, nor simply organizations in civil society, but varied links that tie civil society and polycentric government. A political process dominated by associative networks is not necessarily more democratic than other forms of popular representation. Whether it is democratic depends on institutions that link these networks and policy making (including parties and legislatures), and especially manage their rapid change as challenges and conditions change. Democracy also depends on whether citizens have the rights and resources to form and participate in such networks, and whether popular leaders find strategies that will take advantage of these new forms that require going beyond simple confrontation.
Anthony W. Pereira
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Explores the emergence of a combative rural labour movement since the late 1970s in North‐east Brazil, with primary emphasis on the state of Pernambuco. Confounding the emphasis on autonomy, ...
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Explores the emergence of a combative rural labour movement since the late 1970s in North‐east Brazil, with primary emphasis on the state of Pernambuco. Confounding the emphasis on autonomy, pluralism, and multi‐ or non‐class organization in the ‘new social movements’ literature, the author finds an ‘old’ union‐based, state‐linked, class‐based movement under a corporatist union structure acting much like a ‘new’ movement—adopting a combative strategy able to win significant rights for its members in some localities. Historical analysis demonstrates that this contemporary union movement was built on the foundations of rural mobilization in the early 1960s—in the form of the Peasant Leagues—that was much more in keeping with the ‘new social movements’ characterization. In explaining the emergence of a combative ‘old’ social movement on the foundations of a ‘new’ one, the author focuses on changes in both rural class structure and mobilization strategies that took place under the post‐1964 Brazilian military dictatorship.Less
Explores the emergence of a combative rural labour movement since the late 1970s in North‐east Brazil, with primary emphasis on the state of Pernambuco. Confounding the emphasis on autonomy, pluralism, and multi‐ or non‐class organization in the ‘new social movements’ literature, the author finds an ‘old’ union‐based, state‐linked, class‐based movement under a corporatist union structure acting much like a ‘new’ movement—adopting a combative strategy able to win significant rights for its members in some localities. Historical analysis demonstrates that this contemporary union movement was built on the foundations of rural mobilization in the early 1960s—in the form of the Peasant Leagues—that was much more in keeping with the ‘new social movements’ characterization. In explaining the emergence of a combative ‘old’ social movement on the foundations of a ‘new’ one, the author focuses on changes in both rural class structure and mobilization strategies that took place under the post‐1964 Brazilian military dictatorship.
Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The conflict between representative and direct democracy over which is the more authentic reflection of public opinion poses the tension between competing political leaders and a purported will of ...
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The conflict between representative and direct democracy over which is the more authentic reflection of public opinion poses the tension between competing political leaders and a purported will of the people. The discredit of mediated party politics has led to increased recourse to referendums and to the emergence of social protest movements, notably extremists of left and right. The closed politics of the European Union, combined with the limited democratic legitimacy of its decision taking, have promoted a tendency towards demagogic unreality expressed through anti‐elitist populism.Less
The conflict between representative and direct democracy over which is the more authentic reflection of public opinion poses the tension between competing political leaders and a purported will of the people. The discredit of mediated party politics has led to increased recourse to referendums and to the emergence of social protest movements, notably extremists of left and right. The closed politics of the European Union, combined with the limited democratic legitimacy of its decision taking, have promoted a tendency towards demagogic unreality expressed through anti‐elitist populism.
Robert Wuthnow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150550
- eISBN:
- 9781400839759
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150550.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
No state has voted Republican more consistently or widely or for longer than Kansas. To understand red state politics, Kansas is the place. It is also the place to understand red state religion. The ...
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No state has voted Republican more consistently or widely or for longer than Kansas. To understand red state politics, Kansas is the place. It is also the place to understand red state religion. The Kansas Board of Education has repeatedly challenged the teaching of evolution, Kansas voters overwhelmingly passed a constitutional ban on gay marriage, the state is a hotbed of antiabortion protest—and churches have been involved in all of these efforts. Yet in 1867 suffragist Lucy Stone could plausibly proclaim that, in the cause of universal suffrage, “Kansas leads the world!” This book tells the story of religiously motivated political activism in Kansas from territorial days to the present. It examines how faith mixed with politics as both ordinary Kansans and leaders such as John Brown, Carrie Nation, William Allen White, and Dwight Eisenhower struggled over the pivotal issues of their times, from slavery and Prohibition to Populism and anti-communism. Beyond providing surprising new explanations of why Kansas became a conservative stronghold, the book sheds new light on the role of religion in red states across the Midwest and the United States. Contrary to recent influential accounts, the book argues that Kansas conservatism is largely pragmatic, not ideological, and that religion in the state has less to do with politics and contentious moral activism than with relationships between neighbors, friends, and fellow churchgoers. This is an important book for anyone who wants to understand the role of religion in American political conservatism.Less
No state has voted Republican more consistently or widely or for longer than Kansas. To understand red state politics, Kansas is the place. It is also the place to understand red state religion. The Kansas Board of Education has repeatedly challenged the teaching of evolution, Kansas voters overwhelmingly passed a constitutional ban on gay marriage, the state is a hotbed of antiabortion protest—and churches have been involved in all of these efforts. Yet in 1867 suffragist Lucy Stone could plausibly proclaim that, in the cause of universal suffrage, “Kansas leads the world!” This book tells the story of religiously motivated political activism in Kansas from territorial days to the present. It examines how faith mixed with politics as both ordinary Kansans and leaders such as John Brown, Carrie Nation, William Allen White, and Dwight Eisenhower struggled over the pivotal issues of their times, from slavery and Prohibition to Populism and anti-communism. Beyond providing surprising new explanations of why Kansas became a conservative stronghold, the book sheds new light on the role of religion in red states across the Midwest and the United States. Contrary to recent influential accounts, the book argues that Kansas conservatism is largely pragmatic, not ideological, and that religion in the state has less to do with politics and contentious moral activism than with relationships between neighbors, friends, and fellow churchgoers. This is an important book for anyone who wants to understand the role of religion in American political conservatism.
Vanessa Barker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195370027
- eISBN:
- 9780199871315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195370027.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter presents the theoretical basis for the study. It places the analysis in historical context, arguing that changes in American penal sanctioning were central to the remaking of American ...
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This chapter presents the theoretical basis for the study. It places the analysis in historical context, arguing that changes in American penal sanctioning were central to the remaking of American democracy in the 1960s and 1970s. Penal sanctioning, an expression of the state's power to punish and willingness to infringe upon the rights and liberties of others, clarifies, sorts and classifies the conditions of citizenship and social inclusion. This chapter develops an account of penal regime variation based on variation in the democratic process, conceptualized as: political structures, the institutional and administrative capacities of the state, and collective agency, varying forms of social mobilization and political participation. It introduces the key elements of the case studies: California's polarized populism and retribution; Washington State's deliberative democracy and the principle of parsimony; New York's elite pragmatism and managerial penal regime.Less
This chapter presents the theoretical basis for the study. It places the analysis in historical context, arguing that changes in American penal sanctioning were central to the remaking of American democracy in the 1960s and 1970s. Penal sanctioning, an expression of the state's power to punish and willingness to infringe upon the rights and liberties of others, clarifies, sorts and classifies the conditions of citizenship and social inclusion. This chapter develops an account of penal regime variation based on variation in the democratic process, conceptualized as: political structures, the institutional and administrative capacities of the state, and collective agency, varying forms of social mobilization and political participation. It introduces the key elements of the case studies: California's polarized populism and retribution; Washington State's deliberative democracy and the principle of parsimony; New York's elite pragmatism and managerial penal regime.
Vanessa Barker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195370027
- eISBN:
- 9780199871315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195370027.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter details the case study of California. It shows how a democratic process based on polarized populism led to a retributive penal regime, with high rates of imprisonment for all kinds of ...
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This chapter details the case study of California. It shows how a democratic process based on polarized populism led to a retributive penal regime, with high rates of imprisonment for all kinds of offenders. It analyzes the success of the crime victims movement, facilitated by the direct democracy measures such as the initiative process, in transforming the moral calculus of punishment. The victims movement helped to bring about a more emotive, passionate, and punitive approach to crime control, making crime victims' pain central to the justification, legitimation, and authority of criminal law and penal sanctioning. The chapter analyzes how a more conservative populist movement challenged state authority, weakened social trust, and demanded a tough law‐and‐order approach to crime and fears over growing ethnic and racial diversity, intensifying social divisions and social exclusion.Less
This chapter details the case study of California. It shows how a democratic process based on polarized populism led to a retributive penal regime, with high rates of imprisonment for all kinds of offenders. It analyzes the success of the crime victims movement, facilitated by the direct democracy measures such as the initiative process, in transforming the moral calculus of punishment. The victims movement helped to bring about a more emotive, passionate, and punitive approach to crime control, making crime victims' pain central to the justification, legitimation, and authority of criminal law and penal sanctioning. The chapter analyzes how a more conservative populist movement challenged state authority, weakened social trust, and demanded a tough law‐and‐order approach to crime and fears over growing ethnic and racial diversity, intensifying social divisions and social exclusion.
Ned O'Gorman
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226665023
- eISBN:
- 9780226683294
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226683294.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book is a defense of the dignity of politics in the age of its infamy. It argues that politics is an essential everyday art of relating to others–friends, neighbors, strangers, and even ...
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This book is a defense of the dignity of politics in the age of its infamy. It argues that politics is an essential everyday art of relating to others–friends, neighbors, strangers, and even suspicious others–in freedom and as equals, and that politics, rather than being the problem, is part of the solution to our twenty-first century political myopia, malaise, and malevolence. It argues that we need to do more politics, not throw it out; to take politics more seriously, not write it off; to give politics a thinking chance. It does so by exploring the works of the most articulate champion of politics in the twentieth century, Hannah Arendt (1906–1975), a German-born Jew who fled the Nazis to take residence in the United States, where she set out to defend politics against its many detractors. Several challenges were central to Arendt’s work, and to the defense of politics in this book: the challenge of differentiating authentic politics from twisted and distorted views of politics; the difficulty we have appreciating politics; the challenge of political judgment; the problem of truth in politics; and the role of persuasion in politics. This book addresses these challenges head on and tries to stir our imaginations to see politics in a more positive light.Less
This book is a defense of the dignity of politics in the age of its infamy. It argues that politics is an essential everyday art of relating to others–friends, neighbors, strangers, and even suspicious others–in freedom and as equals, and that politics, rather than being the problem, is part of the solution to our twenty-first century political myopia, malaise, and malevolence. It argues that we need to do more politics, not throw it out; to take politics more seriously, not write it off; to give politics a thinking chance. It does so by exploring the works of the most articulate champion of politics in the twentieth century, Hannah Arendt (1906–1975), a German-born Jew who fled the Nazis to take residence in the United States, where she set out to defend politics against its many detractors. Several challenges were central to Arendt’s work, and to the defense of politics in this book: the challenge of differentiating authentic politics from twisted and distorted views of politics; the difficulty we have appreciating politics; the challenge of political judgment; the problem of truth in politics; and the role of persuasion in politics. This book addresses these challenges head on and tries to stir our imaginations to see politics in a more positive light.
Matilda Arvidsson, Leila Brännström, and Panu Minkkinen (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474454971
- eISBN:
- 9781474490733
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474454971.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
Recent social and political developments, including the presidential elections in the United States, antidemocratic state policies in Hungary and Poland, and the political climate in the rest of ...
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Recent social and political developments, including the presidential elections in the United States, antidemocratic state policies in Hungary and Poland, and the political climate in the rest of Europe have brought questions relating to the position and composition of ‘the people’ in constitutional democracies to the forefront. This book confronts these questions head on as leading scholars across the fields of law, legal theory, political theory and history explore the contemporary problems facing constitutional democracies. With a strong focus on constitutional law, this book examines the legal as well as the political power of ‘the people’ in constitutional democracies. Bringing together an international range of contributors from the USA, Latin America, the UK and continental Europe, it explores the complex relationship between constitutional democracy and ‘the people’ from the angles of constitutional law, legal theory, political theory, and history. Contributors explore this relationship through the lens of radical democracy, engaging with the work of key figures such as Hannah Arendt, Carl Schmitt, Claude Lefort, and Jacques Rancière.Less
Recent social and political developments, including the presidential elections in the United States, antidemocratic state policies in Hungary and Poland, and the political climate in the rest of Europe have brought questions relating to the position and composition of ‘the people’ in constitutional democracies to the forefront. This book confronts these questions head on as leading scholars across the fields of law, legal theory, political theory and history explore the contemporary problems facing constitutional democracies. With a strong focus on constitutional law, this book examines the legal as well as the political power of ‘the people’ in constitutional democracies. Bringing together an international range of contributors from the USA, Latin America, the UK and continental Europe, it explores the complex relationship between constitutional democracy and ‘the people’ from the angles of constitutional law, legal theory, political theory, and history. Contributors explore this relationship through the lens of radical democracy, engaging with the work of key figures such as Hannah Arendt, Carl Schmitt, Claude Lefort, and Jacques Rancière.
