Jonathan Sachs
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195376128
- eISBN:
- 9780199871643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195376128.003.0007
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
Framed by questions of popular participation in politics and the problem of public opinion, this chapter considers Roman themes on the London stage after Waterloo and Kemble's retirement. ...
More
Framed by questions of popular participation in politics and the problem of public opinion, this chapter considers Roman themes on the London stage after Waterloo and Kemble's retirement. Post‐Waterloo Roman plays show how the theatre functions as a public space for debate on problems of scarcity, conspiracy, revolt, and the use of violence to achieve political ends. Payne's Brutus and Knowles's Caius Gracchus clearly align themselves with Reform politics, while Croly's Catiline uses an episode from Roman republican history to link popular sovereignty to domestic misrule and corrupt imperial governance. All three plays, however, are critical of the Roman populace, which they depict as a mob not a “people,” one incapable of articulating its interests coherently. Given increasing demands for franchise reform, this depiction of the Roman populace demonstrates republican Rome's role shaping British responses to the most contemporary of events.Less
Framed by questions of popular participation in politics and the problem of public opinion, this chapter considers Roman themes on the London stage after Waterloo and Kemble's retirement. Post‐Waterloo Roman plays show how the theatre functions as a public space for debate on problems of scarcity, conspiracy, revolt, and the use of violence to achieve political ends. Payne's Brutus and Knowles's Caius Gracchus clearly align themselves with Reform politics, while Croly's Catiline uses an episode from Roman republican history to link popular sovereignty to domestic misrule and corrupt imperial governance. All three plays, however, are critical of the Roman populace, which they depict as a mob not a “people,” one incapable of articulating its interests coherently. Given increasing demands for franchise reform, this depiction of the Roman populace demonstrates republican Rome's role shaping British responses to the most contemporary of events.
LUCIA MICHELUTTI
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264515
- eISBN:
- 9780191734403
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264515.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter discusses the rise of caste politics and the dynamics of Indian popular politics in the 1990s, specifically in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows how the interrelation between ...
More
This chapter discusses the rise of caste politics and the dynamics of Indian popular politics in the 1990s, specifically in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows how the interrelation between vernacular socio-cultural idioms and structures have been vital to make ‘democracy’ a part of the Indian political imagination. These have also been used to give information about the political upsurge of the common people and the shaping of political cleavages based on caste or community.Less
This chapter discusses the rise of caste politics and the dynamics of Indian popular politics in the 1990s, specifically in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows how the interrelation between vernacular socio-cultural idioms and structures have been vital to make ‘democracy’ a part of the Indian political imagination. These have also been used to give information about the political upsurge of the common people and the shaping of political cleavages based on caste or community.
Katrina Navickas
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199559671
- eISBN:
- 9780191721120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559671.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This conclusion summarizes how the French and Napoleonic wars were a formative period for popular politics and the industrializing economy, straddling the old and the new. Political and economic ...
More
This conclusion summarizes how the French and Napoleonic wars were a formative period for popular politics and the industrializing economy, straddling the old and the new. Political and economic changes affected Lancashire in a distinctive, and probably unique, way. Lancashire responded to the strains of the war and new political ideologies by reshaping loyalism, radicalism, and national identity in its own image.Less
This conclusion summarizes how the French and Napoleonic wars were a formative period for popular politics and the industrializing economy, straddling the old and the new. Political and economic changes affected Lancashire in a distinctive, and probably unique, way. Lancashire responded to the strains of the war and new political ideologies by reshaping loyalism, radicalism, and national identity in its own image.
Abigail Williams
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199255207
- eISBN:
- 9780191719837
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199255207.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This chapter examines the verse produced by the ‘First Whigs’ during and after the Exclusion Crisis, and investigates the ways in which the diverse and disparate emergent Whig party attempted to ...
More
This chapter examines the verse produced by the ‘First Whigs’ during and after the Exclusion Crisis, and investigates the ways in which the diverse and disparate emergent Whig party attempted to define itself in opposition. As writers from both sides offered their respective representations of the political will of ‘the people’, they drew on competing discourses of radicalism and rationality in an attempt to secure the authority of their description of recent history. The chapter illustrates the ways in which early Whig public poetry participated in this debate about the nature of popular politics, and of political rhetoric in the period.Less
This chapter examines the verse produced by the ‘First Whigs’ during and after the Exclusion Crisis, and investigates the ways in which the diverse and disparate emergent Whig party attempted to define itself in opposition. As writers from both sides offered their respective representations of the political will of ‘the people’, they drew on competing discourses of radicalism and rationality in an attempt to secure the authority of their description of recent history. The chapter illustrates the ways in which early Whig public poetry participated in this debate about the nature of popular politics, and of political rhetoric in the period.
Mark Bevir
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150833
- eISBN:
- 9781400840281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150833.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book traces ways in which people collectively made various socialist projects in a complex world of mass literacy and ...
More
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book traces ways in which people collectively made various socialist projects in a complex world of mass literacy and popular politics. It explores the traditions against the background of which people turned to socialism and the dilemmas that prompted them to do so. It asks how people crafted and conceived of the diverse socialisms to which they adhered. Throughout, it concentrates on the period from 1880 to 1900. The bulk of the book consists of three parts, each covering one of the main strands of British socialism recognized at that time, namely, Marxism, Fabianism, and ethical socialism. Each part contains four chapters dealing with the leading theorists and organizations of the relevant strand of British socialism. The aim is in part to narrate the rise of British socialism as a belief system that later gained some kind of expression in an organized party and a state formation. It also shows how the diversity of British socialism was poorly captured by that party and state formation.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book traces ways in which people collectively made various socialist projects in a complex world of mass literacy and popular politics. It explores the traditions against the background of which people turned to socialism and the dilemmas that prompted them to do so. It asks how people crafted and conceived of the diverse socialisms to which they adhered. Throughout, it concentrates on the period from 1880 to 1900. The bulk of the book consists of three parts, each covering one of the main strands of British socialism recognized at that time, namely, Marxism, Fabianism, and ethical socialism. Each part contains four chapters dealing with the leading theorists and organizations of the relevant strand of British socialism. The aim is in part to narrate the rise of British socialism as a belief system that later gained some kind of expression in an organized party and a state formation. It also shows how the diversity of British socialism was poorly captured by that party and state formation.
Katrina Navickas
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199559671
- eISBN:
- 9780191721120
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559671.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book offers insights into the complicated dynamics between radicalism, loyalism, and patriotism during the later part of the French Revolution and during the Napoleonic wars. It provides an ...
More
This book offers insights into the complicated dynamics between radicalism, loyalism, and patriotism during the later part of the French Revolution and during the Napoleonic wars. It provides an account of popular politics in Lancashire from 1798 to 1815. Using a variety of sources from letters and diaries to broadside ballads, this book emphasizes Lancashire's distinctive political culture and its status at the heart of the industrial revolution. This region witnessed some of the most intense, disruptive, and violent popular politics in this period and beyond. Particularly active groups emerged, from extreme republicans, more moderate radicals, Luddites, and early trade unions, to strong networks of ‘Church-and-King’ loyalists and Orange lodges. This book explains how this heady mix combined to produce such a politically charged region during the French and Napoleonic wars. It argues for a distinct sense of regional identity that shaped not only local politics but also patriotism. Lancastrians felt British in the face of the French, but it was a particularly Lancastrian type of Britishness.Less
This book offers insights into the complicated dynamics between radicalism, loyalism, and patriotism during the later part of the French Revolution and during the Napoleonic wars. It provides an account of popular politics in Lancashire from 1798 to 1815. Using a variety of sources from letters and diaries to broadside ballads, this book emphasizes Lancashire's distinctive political culture and its status at the heart of the industrial revolution. This region witnessed some of the most intense, disruptive, and violent popular politics in this period and beyond. Particularly active groups emerged, from extreme republicans, more moderate radicals, Luddites, and early trade unions, to strong networks of ‘Church-and-King’ loyalists and Orange lodges. This book explains how this heady mix combined to produce such a politically charged region during the French and Napoleonic wars. It argues for a distinct sense of regional identity that shaped not only local politics but also patriotism. Lancastrians felt British in the face of the French, but it was a particularly Lancastrian type of Britishness.
Nicholas Rogers
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201724
- eISBN:
- 9780191674990
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201724.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The 1790s is widely regarded as a critical decade in the development of popular politics in Britain. Fired by the twin experiences of the American and French Revolutions, the publication of Paine's ...
More
The 1790s is widely regarded as a critical decade in the development of popular politics in Britain. Fired by the twin experiences of the American and French Revolutions, the publication of Paine's Rights of Man in 1791 saw a dramatic growth in democratic radicalism among artisans and the labouring poor, and a corresponding loyalist reaction of unparalleled proportions. The social penetration of democratic ideas and the extent to which British politics became polarized along class lines has been hotly debated among historians. So too has the lineage of radicalism. This chapter explores the festival and political ideology of this troubled era. It focuses on the way in which radicals, reformers, and reactionaries marshalled popular support in the public domain, and how the robust traditions of street politics were mobilized, reshaped, and ruptured in the process.Less
The 1790s is widely regarded as a critical decade in the development of popular politics in Britain. Fired by the twin experiences of the American and French Revolutions, the publication of Paine's Rights of Man in 1791 saw a dramatic growth in democratic radicalism among artisans and the labouring poor, and a corresponding loyalist reaction of unparalleled proportions. The social penetration of democratic ideas and the extent to which British politics became polarized along class lines has been hotly debated among historians. So too has the lineage of radicalism. This chapter explores the festival and political ideology of this troubled era. It focuses on the way in which radicals, reformers, and reactionaries marshalled popular support in the public domain, and how the robust traditions of street politics were mobilized, reshaped, and ruptured in the process.
Nandini Gooptu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199259885
- eISBN:
- 9780191744587
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199259885.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Asian History
This chapter explores the political legacy of colonialism in South Asia, with a focus on the state, democracy and identity politics, and discusses how the colonial inheritance has been understood ...
More
This chapter explores the political legacy of colonialism in South Asia, with a focus on the state, democracy and identity politics, and discusses how the colonial inheritance has been understood from different analytical perspectives. Colonial political institutions and practices that have persisted in the post-colonial context are identified, followed by an enquiry into the reasons for their perpetuation. The causes are sought in the political dynamics of independent nations, rather than viewing the colonial legacy as a direct and uncomplicated transfer from the Raj without the possibility of alternative outcomes. The role of elites and their political motivations and strategies are juxtaposed against the significance of subaltern politics and pressures from below in determining the nature of continuity and change. The chapter interrogates the constitutive role of colonialism in shaping the nature of post-colonial politics and proposes a contextualised historical analysis of the legacy of colonialism in its many and varied manifestations and appropriations by South Asian political actors.Less
This chapter explores the political legacy of colonialism in South Asia, with a focus on the state, democracy and identity politics, and discusses how the colonial inheritance has been understood from different analytical perspectives. Colonial political institutions and practices that have persisted in the post-colonial context are identified, followed by an enquiry into the reasons for their perpetuation. The causes are sought in the political dynamics of independent nations, rather than viewing the colonial legacy as a direct and uncomplicated transfer from the Raj without the possibility of alternative outcomes. The role of elites and their political motivations and strategies are juxtaposed against the significance of subaltern politics and pressures from below in determining the nature of continuity and change. The chapter interrogates the constitutive role of colonialism in shaping the nature of post-colonial politics and proposes a contextualised historical analysis of the legacy of colonialism in its many and varied manifestations and appropriations by South Asian political actors.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207290
- eISBN:
- 9780191717277
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207290.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book tells the life of Ernest Jones from birth to death, with the aim of reconstituting a plausible account of his activities, speeches, and writings. It serves as a corrective to the wilder ...
More
This book tells the life of Ernest Jones from birth to death, with the aim of reconstituting a plausible account of his activities, speeches, and writings. It serves as a corrective to the wilder things that Jones chose to tell about his life, and to some of the even wilder things that he suppressed. The book also gives an account of how Jones invented and retold his own life-story for political and literary effect, and in so doing achieved his only real success.Less
This book tells the life of Ernest Jones from birth to death, with the aim of reconstituting a plausible account of his activities, speeches, and writings. It serves as a corrective to the wilder things that Jones chose to tell about his life, and to some of the even wilder things that he suppressed. The book also gives an account of how Jones invented and retold his own life-story for political and literary effect, and in so doing achieved his only real success.
Joan Tumblety
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199695577
- eISBN:
- 9780191745072
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695577.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Cultural History
This book is about interwar physical culture as a set of popular practices and as a field of ideas. It takes as its central subject the imagined failure of French manhood that was mapped out in this ...
More
This book is about interwar physical culture as a set of popular practices and as a field of ideas. It takes as its central subject the imagined failure of French manhood that was mapped out in this realm by physical culturist ‘experts’, often physicians. Their diagnosis of intertwined crises in masculine virility and national vitality was surprisingly widely shared across popular and political culture. Theirs was a hygienist and sometimes overtly eugenicist conception of physical exercise and national strength that suggests the persistence of fin-de-siècle preoccupations with biological degeneration and regeneration well beyond the First World War. The book traces these patterns of thinking about the male body across a seemingly disparate set of voices, all of whom argued that the physical training of men offered a salve to France's real and imagined woes. In interrogating a range of sources, from get-fit manuals and the popular press, to the mobilizing campaigns of popular politics on left and right and official debates about physical education, the book illustrates how the realm of male physical culture could be presented as an instrument of social hygiene as well as an instrument of political struggle. In highlighting the purchase of these concerns in the interwar years, the book ultimately sheds light on the roots of Vichy's project for masculine regeneration after the military defeat of 1940.Less
This book is about interwar physical culture as a set of popular practices and as a field of ideas. It takes as its central subject the imagined failure of French manhood that was mapped out in this realm by physical culturist ‘experts’, often physicians. Their diagnosis of intertwined crises in masculine virility and national vitality was surprisingly widely shared across popular and political culture. Theirs was a hygienist and sometimes overtly eugenicist conception of physical exercise and national strength that suggests the persistence of fin-de-siècle preoccupations with biological degeneration and regeneration well beyond the First World War. The book traces these patterns of thinking about the male body across a seemingly disparate set of voices, all of whom argued that the physical training of men offered a salve to France's real and imagined woes. In interrogating a range of sources, from get-fit manuals and the popular press, to the mobilizing campaigns of popular politics on left and right and official debates about physical education, the book illustrates how the realm of male physical culture could be presented as an instrument of social hygiene as well as an instrument of political struggle. In highlighting the purchase of these concerns in the interwar years, the book ultimately sheds light on the roots of Vichy's project for masculine regeneration after the military defeat of 1940.
Filippo De Vivo
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199227068
- eISBN:
- 9780191711114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199227068.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter turns to the diverse social world surrounding the political elites: apothecaries, notaries, barbers, weavers, scriveners, mercers, boatmen, courtisans, and washerwomen. The emphasis here ...
More
This chapter turns to the diverse social world surrounding the political elites: apothecaries, notaries, barbers, weavers, scriveners, mercers, boatmen, courtisans, and washerwomen. The emphasis here is on orality: on the discussions and rumours flourishing in the city and breaking down both social and (to some extent) gender barriers. Based on the records of counter–intelligence informers, the chapter traces the movement of information throughout groups of people gathered together to discuss the latest news in the marketplace, at the Rialto, or in the city's shops (pharmacies and barbershops being especially notable). By carefully considering the material culture of these places and of their customers, and by emphasizing the economic ties linking commerce and communication (news, business brokering, and marketing), it offers a revision of Habermas' abstract theory of the public sphere. It also reconstructs a world of popular politics and factionalism extending well beyond the traditional political elites.Less
This chapter turns to the diverse social world surrounding the political elites: apothecaries, notaries, barbers, weavers, scriveners, mercers, boatmen, courtisans, and washerwomen. The emphasis here is on orality: on the discussions and rumours flourishing in the city and breaking down both social and (to some extent) gender barriers. Based on the records of counter–intelligence informers, the chapter traces the movement of information throughout groups of people gathered together to discuss the latest news in the marketplace, at the Rialto, or in the city's shops (pharmacies and barbershops being especially notable). By carefully considering the material culture of these places and of their customers, and by emphasizing the economic ties linking commerce and communication (news, business brokering, and marketing), it offers a revision of Habermas' abstract theory of the public sphere. It also reconstructs a world of popular politics and factionalism extending well beyond the traditional political elites.
Nicholas Rogers
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201724
- eISBN:
- 9780191674990
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201724.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. It argues that the street politics of the Hanoverian era drew much of their legitimacy and ritual from the annual cycle of ...
More
This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. It argues that the street politics of the Hanoverian era drew much of their legitimacy and ritual from the annual cycle of officially endorsed public anniversaries and the public punishments that were so critical to the ideology of the law. Street politics were replete with symbolic practices that aped and mimicked those in power, and for most of the 18th century, they were largely defined within those parameters.Less
This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. It argues that the street politics of the Hanoverian era drew much of their legitimacy and ritual from the annual cycle of officially endorsed public anniversaries and the public punishments that were so critical to the ideology of the law. Street politics were replete with symbolic practices that aped and mimicked those in power, and for most of the 18th century, they were largely defined within those parameters.
Polly Ha and Patrick Collinson (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264683
- eISBN:
- 9780191734878
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264683.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
This book brings together reformation and reception studies by exploring the relationship between reformations on the European continent and in Britain. The eleven chapters discuss familiar ...
More
This book brings together reformation and reception studies by exploring the relationship between reformations on the European continent and in Britain. The eleven chapters discuss familiar associations, draw attention to under-explored relationships, and identify how British reception in turn contributed to continued reform on the continent. Different aspects of reception, from biblical translation and book history to popular politics and theological polemic, are addressed. The book also prompts further questions regarding British integration and the perception (and invention) of Britain’s ‘exceptional’ status.Less
This book brings together reformation and reception studies by exploring the relationship between reformations on the European continent and in Britain. The eleven chapters discuss familiar associations, draw attention to under-explored relationships, and identify how British reception in turn contributed to continued reform on the continent. Different aspects of reception, from biblical translation and book history to popular politics and theological polemic, are addressed. The book also prompts further questions regarding British integration and the perception (and invention) of Britain’s ‘exceptional’ status.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207290
- eISBN:
- 9780191717277
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207290.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Ernest Jones (1819–1869) was England's outstanding contribution to the gallery of 19th-century romantic populists. As is generally well known, he was a lawyer who rose to prominence in the Chartist ...
More
Ernest Jones (1819–1869) was England's outstanding contribution to the gallery of 19th-century romantic populists. As is generally well known, he was a lawyer who rose to prominence in the Chartist movement in 1848, kept the remnants of working-class protest alive during the 1850s, and reappeared in the parliamentary reform campaigns at the time of the second reform bill in 1866–1867. Jones was the last of the Chartist leaders, and in many ways the last in the long line of gentlemanly radicals who graced popular politics in mid-Victorian England. He has gone down in history as the principal English ally of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, yet focusing on this friendship tends to distort from his real significance. Jones wrote hundreds of poems, several dramas and full-length serial novels, as well as editing or contributing to a dozen or so newspapers. Jones's suffusion in late romanticism was not a hindrance, as some of his biographers have suggested, but rather the perfect preparation for a political career in mid-Victorian Britain. As scholars have begun to recognise more and more, the arts of democratic oratory were often indistinguishable from the conventions of the stage, the bar, and the pulpit. In his time Jones played all these parts, and the story of his life is thus also a small chapter in the history of the coming of the golden age of mass politics.Less
Ernest Jones (1819–1869) was England's outstanding contribution to the gallery of 19th-century romantic populists. As is generally well known, he was a lawyer who rose to prominence in the Chartist movement in 1848, kept the remnants of working-class protest alive during the 1850s, and reappeared in the parliamentary reform campaigns at the time of the second reform bill in 1866–1867. Jones was the last of the Chartist leaders, and in many ways the last in the long line of gentlemanly radicals who graced popular politics in mid-Victorian England. He has gone down in history as the principal English ally of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, yet focusing on this friendship tends to distort from his real significance. Jones wrote hundreds of poems, several dramas and full-length serial novels, as well as editing or contributing to a dozen or so newspapers. Jones's suffusion in late romanticism was not a hindrance, as some of his biographers have suggested, but rather the perfect preparation for a political career in mid-Victorian Britain. As scholars have begun to recognise more and more, the arts of democratic oratory were often indistinguishable from the conventions of the stage, the bar, and the pulpit. In his time Jones played all these parts, and the story of his life is thus also a small chapter in the history of the coming of the golden age of mass politics.
Andrew Hopper
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199575855
- eISBN:
- 9780191744617
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199575855.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Military History
This chapter establishes that many common soldiers changed sides when they were ordered to do so by their officers, or were required to do so when vanquished by the enemy. However, it suggests that ...
More
This chapter establishes that many common soldiers changed sides when they were ordered to do so by their officers, or were required to do so when vanquished by the enemy. However, it suggests that this experience was not universal, and that we need to look beyond the usual narratives of deference and necessity to explain the side‐changing of rank‐and‐file soldiers. It examines the relationship between soldiers and their officers, and concludes that some — especially troopers — voluntarily chose to change sides. Many officers feared the fickle loyalty and two‐faced temperament of their men; common soldiers foiled the conspiracies of their own treacherous officers, and even plotted to murder their commanders. Rank‐and‐file side‐changing was more complicated, and embraced a wider variety of motives than once thought, whilst a pre‐existing popular political culture lurked behind the defection of many common soldiers which does not easily map onto the royalist versus parliamentarian divide.Less
This chapter establishes that many common soldiers changed sides when they were ordered to do so by their officers, or were required to do so when vanquished by the enemy. However, it suggests that this experience was not universal, and that we need to look beyond the usual narratives of deference and necessity to explain the side‐changing of rank‐and‐file soldiers. It examines the relationship between soldiers and their officers, and concludes that some — especially troopers — voluntarily chose to change sides. Many officers feared the fickle loyalty and two‐faced temperament of their men; common soldiers foiled the conspiracies of their own treacherous officers, and even plotted to murder their commanders. Rank‐and‐file side‐changing was more complicated, and embraced a wider variety of motives than once thought, whilst a pre‐existing popular political culture lurked behind the defection of many common soldiers which does not easily map onto the royalist versus parliamentarian divide.
Mary E. Vogel
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195101751
- eISBN:
- 9780199851461
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101751.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This concluding chapter sums up the key finding of this study on the history of plea bargaining. The result indicates that plea bargaining emerged in Boston, Massachusetts during the 1830s and 1840s ...
More
This concluding chapter sums up the key finding of this study on the history of plea bargaining. The result indicates that plea bargaining emerged in Boston, Massachusetts during the 1830s and 1840s as part of a political struggle to stabilize and legitimate newly established democratic institutions. The Bostonians' reworked elements of episodic leniency created a legal practice, known as plea bargaining, that constituted a new legal and political form for an age of popular politics. The chapter also discusses the political and legal implications of plea bargaining. These include the emergence of a powerful system of social control, the reassertion of a kind of secular community, and the creation of links between the courts and employers that reinforced the workplace as a central element of societal social control.Less
This concluding chapter sums up the key finding of this study on the history of plea bargaining. The result indicates that plea bargaining emerged in Boston, Massachusetts during the 1830s and 1840s as part of a political struggle to stabilize and legitimate newly established democratic institutions. The Bostonians' reworked elements of episodic leniency created a legal practice, known as plea bargaining, that constituted a new legal and political form for an age of popular politics. The chapter also discusses the political and legal implications of plea bargaining. These include the emergence of a powerful system of social control, the reassertion of a kind of secular community, and the creation of links between the courts and employers that reinforced the workplace as a central element of societal social control.
Malcolm Petrie
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474425612
- eISBN:
- 9781474445214
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474425612.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The years between 1918 and 1939, witnessing as they did the unprecedented extension of the franchise, the decline of the Liberal Party, and the emergence of Labour as a party of government, are ...
More
The years between 1918 and 1939, witnessing as they did the unprecedented extension of the franchise, the decline of the Liberal Party, and the emergence of Labour as a party of government, are central to an understanding of modern Scottish politics. This book presents a distinctive reading of this period, reinterpreting the consequences of the expanded post-war electorate by focusing on the political culture of urban Scotland and re-evaluating the decline of the radical left in the inter-war years. In particular, it examines shifting understandings of political representation, and explores the extent to which national party loyalties supplanted local class identities. Focusing on the relationship between the Labour Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain, the book also traces the declining importance of the public traditions of popular politics. Drawing upon a range of untapped sources including local newspapers, cartoons, and contemporary accounts of demonstrations, the book illuminates the political perspectives of ordinary Scots in an age of mass democracy.Less
The years between 1918 and 1939, witnessing as they did the unprecedented extension of the franchise, the decline of the Liberal Party, and the emergence of Labour as a party of government, are central to an understanding of modern Scottish politics. This book presents a distinctive reading of this period, reinterpreting the consequences of the expanded post-war electorate by focusing on the political culture of urban Scotland and re-evaluating the decline of the radical left in the inter-war years. In particular, it examines shifting understandings of political representation, and explores the extent to which national party loyalties supplanted local class identities. Focusing on the relationship between the Labour Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain, the book also traces the declining importance of the public traditions of popular politics. Drawing upon a range of untapped sources including local newspapers, cartoons, and contemporary accounts of demonstrations, the book illuminates the political perspectives of ordinary Scots in an age of mass democracy.
Stephen Conway
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199253753
- eISBN:
- 9780191719738
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253753.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This book explores the impact of the wars of 1739-63 on Britain and Ireland. The period was dominated by armed struggle between Britain and the Bourbon powers, particularly France. These wars, ...
More
This book explores the impact of the wars of 1739-63 on Britain and Ireland. The period was dominated by armed struggle between Britain and the Bourbon powers, particularly France. These wars, especially the Seven Years War of 1756-63, saw a considerable mobilization of manpower, materials, and money. They had important affects on the British and Irish economies, on social divisions and the development of what we might term social policy, on popular and parliamentary politics, on religion, on national sentiment, and on the nature and scale of Britain's overseas possessions and attitudes to empire. To fight these wars, partnerships of various kinds were necessary. Partnership with European allies was recognized, at least by parts of the political nation, to be essential to the pursuit of victory. Partnership with the North American colonies was also seen as imperative to military success. Within Britain and Ireland, partnerships were no less important. The peoples of the different nations of the two islands were forced into partnership, or entered into it willingly, in order to fight the conflicts of the period and to resist Bourbon invasion threats. At the level of ‘high’ politics, the Seven Years War saw the forming of an informal partnership between Whigs and Tories in support of the Pitt-Newcastle government's prosecution of the war. The various Protestant denominations — established churches and Dissenters — were brought into a form of partnership based on Protestant solidarity in the face of the Catholic threat from France and Spain. And, perhaps above all, partnerships were forged between the British state and local and private interest in order to secure the necessary mobilization of men, resources, and money.Less
This book explores the impact of the wars of 1739-63 on Britain and Ireland. The period was dominated by armed struggle between Britain and the Bourbon powers, particularly France. These wars, especially the Seven Years War of 1756-63, saw a considerable mobilization of manpower, materials, and money. They had important affects on the British and Irish economies, on social divisions and the development of what we might term social policy, on popular and parliamentary politics, on religion, on national sentiment, and on the nature and scale of Britain's overseas possessions and attitudes to empire. To fight these wars, partnerships of various kinds were necessary. Partnership with European allies was recognized, at least by parts of the political nation, to be essential to the pursuit of victory. Partnership with the North American colonies was also seen as imperative to military success. Within Britain and Ireland, partnerships were no less important. The peoples of the different nations of the two islands were forced into partnership, or entered into it willingly, in order to fight the conflicts of the period and to resist Bourbon invasion threats. At the level of ‘high’ politics, the Seven Years War saw the forming of an informal partnership between Whigs and Tories in support of the Pitt-Newcastle government's prosecution of the war. The various Protestant denominations — established churches and Dissenters — were brought into a form of partnership based on Protestant solidarity in the face of the Catholic threat from France and Spain. And, perhaps above all, partnerships were forged between the British state and local and private interest in order to secure the necessary mobilization of men, resources, and money.
Chris Fitter
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198806899
- eISBN:
- 9780191846557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198806899.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Shakespeare Studies
Introducing the relatively recent discovery by the ‘new social history’ of an intelligent and sceptical Tudor popular politics, incorporated into the functioning of the state only precariously and ...
More
Introducing the relatively recent discovery by the ‘new social history’ of an intelligent and sceptical Tudor popular politics, incorporated into the functioning of the state only precariously and provisionally, often insurgent in the sixteenth century, and wooed by discontented elites inadvertently creating a nascent public sphere, this chapter discusses the varied types and fortunes of plebeian resistance. It also surveys the leading ideas of the new historiography, and suggests the need to rethink the politics of Shakespeare’s plays in the light of their exuberant or embittered penetration by plebeian perspectives. Finally, it examines Measure for Measure in the light of its resistance to the polarizing, anti-populist climate of the late Elizabethan ‘reformation of manners’.Less
Introducing the relatively recent discovery by the ‘new social history’ of an intelligent and sceptical Tudor popular politics, incorporated into the functioning of the state only precariously and provisionally, often insurgent in the sixteenth century, and wooed by discontented elites inadvertently creating a nascent public sphere, this chapter discusses the varied types and fortunes of plebeian resistance. It also surveys the leading ideas of the new historiography, and suggests the need to rethink the politics of Shakespeare’s plays in the light of their exuberant or embittered penetration by plebeian perspectives. Finally, it examines Measure for Measure in the light of its resistance to the polarizing, anti-populist climate of the late Elizabethan ‘reformation of manners’.
Malcolm Petrie
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474425612
- eISBN:
- 9781474445214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474425612.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The political culture of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century placed a premium on the physical occupation of contested public spaces. Rooted in local custom, this confrontational ...
More
The political culture of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century placed a premium on the physical occupation of contested public spaces. Rooted in local custom, this confrontational tradition was sustained by the holding of mass rallies, demonstrations and public meetings. During the 1920s, however, the public traditions of popular politics were discredited, and increasingly identified with political extremism and especially Communism. As such, the response of the local and national authorities to such traditions changed. Concentrating on demonstrations of the unemployed, this chapter shows that the Labour Party, hoping to avoid association with the activities of the Communist Party, dissociated itself from local traditions of protest, preferring instead to stress the party’s fitness for local and national office.Less
The political culture of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century placed a premium on the physical occupation of contested public spaces. Rooted in local custom, this confrontational tradition was sustained by the holding of mass rallies, demonstrations and public meetings. During the 1920s, however, the public traditions of popular politics were discredited, and increasingly identified with political extremism and especially Communism. As such, the response of the local and national authorities to such traditions changed. Concentrating on demonstrations of the unemployed, this chapter shows that the Labour Party, hoping to avoid association with the activities of the Communist Party, dissociated itself from local traditions of protest, preferring instead to stress the party’s fitness for local and national office.
