Peter Winn and Lilia Ferro‐Clérico
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A newly reconstructed left movement within the Frente Amplio coalition took power in Montevideo, Uruguay in 1990 under the charismatic leadership of Tabaré Vázquez. It carried out extensive ...
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A newly reconstructed left movement within the Frente Amplio coalition took power in Montevideo, Uruguay in 1990 under the charismatic leadership of Tabaré Vázquez. It carried out extensive programmes working with the poor, including street vendors, garbage collectors, and squatters. It also initiated a programme of administrative deconcentration and political decentralization. These steps showed strength and new thinking for the left, breaking with both the socialists and the welfare state orientation characteristics of Uruguay known as ‘battlismo’. But the programme ran into obstacles. Some of these were from neo‐liberal conservatives, but others were from the older members of the leftist parties that made up the Frente. The article ends with an analysis of the various possible lessons for the left that this experience presents.Less
A newly reconstructed left movement within the Frente Amplio coalition took power in Montevideo, Uruguay in 1990 under the charismatic leadership of Tabaré Vázquez. It carried out extensive programmes working with the poor, including street vendors, garbage collectors, and squatters. It also initiated a programme of administrative deconcentration and political decentralization. These steps showed strength and new thinking for the left, breaking with both the socialists and the welfare state orientation characteristics of Uruguay known as ‘battlismo’. But the programme ran into obstacles. Some of these were from neo‐liberal conservatives, but others were from the older members of the leftist parties that made up the Frente. The article ends with an analysis of the various possible lessons for the left that this experience presents.
Jack Hayward and Anand Menon (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is intended to be the leading advanced survey of politics in Western Europe. It examines in detail all aspects of political life in Western Europe, from public protest to core executives, ...
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This book is intended to be the leading advanced survey of politics in Western Europe. It examines in detail all aspects of political life in Western Europe, from public protest to core executives, and from social policy to Europe’s place in the world. It brings together a team of leading scholars from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and North America. The contributions provide not only a sophisticated introduction to the various issues covered, but also a detailed discussion of the major theoretical and empirical debates and developments in the field. The book thus combines the functions of providing a comprehensive overview and a series of original contributions to scholarly debate. It has 23 chapters, two of which are introductory, and look at institutions and the evolution of European democracy, and national courts and European Community Law. The focus of the remainder is on European core executives (4 chapters), public administration (4 chapters), parties and organized interests (3 chapters), democracy and popular participation (3 chapters), public policy (4 chapters) and the changing European state (3 chapters). The book is intended as a tribute to the late Vincent Wright of Nuffield College, Oxford University, to whom the Foreword and Preface are devoted.Less
This book is intended to be the leading advanced survey of politics in Western Europe. It examines in detail all aspects of political life in Western Europe, from public protest to core executives, and from social policy to Europe’s place in the world. It brings together a team of leading scholars from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and North America. The contributions provide not only a sophisticated introduction to the various issues covered, but also a detailed discussion of the major theoretical and empirical debates and developments in the field. The book thus combines the functions of providing a comprehensive overview and a series of original contributions to scholarly debate. It has 23 chapters, two of which are introductory, and look at institutions and the evolution of European democracy, and national courts and European Community Law. The focus of the remainder is on European core executives (4 chapters), public administration (4 chapters), parties and organized interests (3 chapters), democracy and popular participation (3 chapters), public policy (4 chapters) and the changing European state (3 chapters). The book is intended as a tribute to the late Vincent Wright of Nuffield College, Oxford University, to whom the Foreword and Preface are devoted.
Susan Eva Eckstein and Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520237445
- eISBN:
- 9780520936980
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520237445.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
The dominant Latin American neoliberal governance model failed at multiple levels. In response, an alternative emerged at the municipal level, for addressing the problems emerging out of neoliberal ...
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The dominant Latin American neoliberal governance model failed at multiple levels. In response, an alternative emerged at the municipal level, for addressing the problems emerging out of neoliberal policies. This model derived from the theory of pragmatic liberalism which posits that democratic process and efficiency outcomes are equally important to good governance, is known as progressive pragmatism. It forms the subject of this chapter, which posits that the model centers on specific combination of popular participation in decision-making with prudent fiscal policies. Specifically, it focuses on a governance model incorporating participatory budgeting and policies founded upon technocratic expertise. Hyperinflation, disorganized overspending on the poorer sections, and a loose monetary policy preceding the 1980s debt crisis were appropriated by the neoliberal advocates to advance their form of governance as the only feasible alternative. It reflected the laxity of the traditional Left in identifying and addressing the shortfalls.Less
The dominant Latin American neoliberal governance model failed at multiple levels. In response, an alternative emerged at the municipal level, for addressing the problems emerging out of neoliberal policies. This model derived from the theory of pragmatic liberalism which posits that democratic process and efficiency outcomes are equally important to good governance, is known as progressive pragmatism. It forms the subject of this chapter, which posits that the model centers on specific combination of popular participation in decision-making with prudent fiscal policies. Specifically, it focuses on a governance model incorporating participatory budgeting and policies founded upon technocratic expertise. Hyperinflation, disorganized overspending on the poorer sections, and a loose monetary policy preceding the 1980s debt crisis were appropriated by the neoliberal advocates to advance their form of governance as the only feasible alternative. It reflected the laxity of the traditional Left in identifying and addressing the shortfalls.
Nolte Insa
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638956
- eISBN:
- 9780748653027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638956.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, African Studies
This chapter begins by setting out the book's two main themes. The first theme is the historical process by which a particular and distinctive region of Yorubaland – Remo – has been continuously ...
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This chapter begins by setting out the book's two main themes. The first theme is the historical process by which a particular and distinctive region of Yorubaland – Remo – has been continuously formed and re-formed as a political community over the past two centuries. The narrative focuses on the importance of popular consent and political participation in this process, and privileges the often-tumultuous events of the last seventy years. The second theme is the crucial role played in Remo politics of its most notable citizen, Obafemi Awolowo (1909–87), who was also a leading figure of pan-Yoruba politics over many decades and one of Nigeria's most important statesmen. Awolowo was equally a product and a producer of Remo politics. The discussion then covers popular participation in the making of Remo; popular participation in local-level politics; Remo politics before Awolowo; Awolowo as a product and a producer of Remo politics; local support as the basis of political success; Awolowo in national politics; and the myth and legacy of Awolowo. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This chapter begins by setting out the book's two main themes. The first theme is the historical process by which a particular and distinctive region of Yorubaland – Remo – has been continuously formed and re-formed as a political community over the past two centuries. The narrative focuses on the importance of popular consent and political participation in this process, and privileges the often-tumultuous events of the last seventy years. The second theme is the crucial role played in Remo politics of its most notable citizen, Obafemi Awolowo (1909–87), who was also a leading figure of pan-Yoruba politics over many decades and one of Nigeria's most important statesmen. Awolowo was equally a product and a producer of Remo politics. The discussion then covers popular participation in the making of Remo; popular participation in local-level politics; Remo politics before Awolowo; Awolowo as a product and a producer of Remo politics; local support as the basis of political success; Awolowo in national politics; and the myth and legacy of Awolowo. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Caroline W. Lee, Michael McQuarrie, and Edward T. Walker (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479847273
- eISBN:
- 9781479800223
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479847273.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Opportunities to “have your say,” “get involved,” and “join the conversation” are everywhere in public life. From crowdsourcing and town hall meetings to government experiments with social media, ...
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Opportunities to “have your say,” “get involved,” and “join the conversation” are everywhere in public life. From crowdsourcing and town hall meetings to government experiments with social media, participatory politics increasingly seem like a revolutionary antidote to the decline of civic engagement and the thinning of the contemporary public sphere. Many argue that, with new technologies, flexible organizational cultures, and a supportive policymaking context, we now hold the keys to large-scale democratic revitalization. This book shows that the equation may not be so simple. Modern societies face a variety of structural problems that limit potentials for true democratization, as well as vast inequalities in political action and voice that are not easily resolved by participatory solutions. Popular participation may even reinforce elite power in unexpected ways. This book reveals surprising insights into how dilemmas of the new public participation play out in politics and organizations. Through investigations including fights over the authenticity of business-sponsored public participation, the surge of the Tea Party, the role of corporations in electoral campaigns, and participatory budgeting practices in Brazil, the book seeks to refresh our understanding of public participation and trace the reshaping of authority in today's political environment.Less
Opportunities to “have your say,” “get involved,” and “join the conversation” are everywhere in public life. From crowdsourcing and town hall meetings to government experiments with social media, participatory politics increasingly seem like a revolutionary antidote to the decline of civic engagement and the thinning of the contemporary public sphere. Many argue that, with new technologies, flexible organizational cultures, and a supportive policymaking context, we now hold the keys to large-scale democratic revitalization. This book shows that the equation may not be so simple. Modern societies face a variety of structural problems that limit potentials for true democratization, as well as vast inequalities in political action and voice that are not easily resolved by participatory solutions. Popular participation may even reinforce elite power in unexpected ways. This book reveals surprising insights into how dilemmas of the new public participation play out in politics and organizations. Through investigations including fights over the authenticity of business-sponsored public participation, the surge of the Tea Party, the role of corporations in electoral campaigns, and participatory budgeting practices in Brazil, the book seeks to refresh our understanding of public participation and trace the reshaping of authority in today's political environment.
Barry Cannon
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719077715
- eISBN:
- 9781781701959
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719077715.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the political consequences and impact of populism. Examining the literature, two principal consequences of populism emerge: increased popular participation and diminished ...
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This chapter discusses the political consequences and impact of populism. Examining the literature, two principal consequences of populism emerge: increased popular participation and diminished institutionalisation. The chapter argues that this analysis overlooks the influence of ideology on the extent of popular participation in specific populist experiences, and fails to place populism and specific populist governments in Latin America within a global and regional context. In order to deal with these issues, the chapter examines some writings on populism by two well-known U.S.-based political scientists, Kurt Weyland and Kenneth M. Roberts, who emphasise the consequence of diminished institutionalisaton. It then considers the failings in this analysis, referring to the current global and regional context, particularly the expansion of democracy in the age of globalisation. The chapter also looks at Hugo Chávez's presidency to illustrate these arguments, comparing it with Alberto Fujimori's presidency for comparative purposes.Less
This chapter discusses the political consequences and impact of populism. Examining the literature, two principal consequences of populism emerge: increased popular participation and diminished institutionalisation. The chapter argues that this analysis overlooks the influence of ideology on the extent of popular participation in specific populist experiences, and fails to place populism and specific populist governments in Latin America within a global and regional context. In order to deal with these issues, the chapter examines some writings on populism by two well-known U.S.-based political scientists, Kurt Weyland and Kenneth M. Roberts, who emphasise the consequence of diminished institutionalisaton. It then considers the failings in this analysis, referring to the current global and regional context, particularly the expansion of democracy in the age of globalisation. The chapter also looks at Hugo Chávez's presidency to illustrate these arguments, comparing it with Alberto Fujimori's presidency for comparative purposes.
Dana D. Nelson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780823268382
- eISBN:
- 9780823272525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823268382.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Chapter 2 analyses how the consensus narrative reframes localist vernacular democracy in the late eighteenth century through such terms as chaos, lawlessness, and anarchy. Taking up a specific ...
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Chapter 2 analyses how the consensus narrative reframes localist vernacular democracy in the late eighteenth century through such terms as chaos, lawlessness, and anarchy. Taking up a specific historical instance, the Whiskey Rebellion, it studies how key participants fought back against this characterization of local citizen participation. One of those participants, Hugh Henry Brackenridge, transported what he deemed the key political lessons about citizen participation and good self-governance into his novel-in-progress, Modern Chivalry. The chapter studies how that novel theorizes a democratic practice that does not oppose formal government to commons democracy, but instead reimagines a democratic practice in between the two: between the governed and governing, between the representatives and represented, between the vernacular and the institutional, between freedom and despotism, between either and or.Less
Chapter 2 analyses how the consensus narrative reframes localist vernacular democracy in the late eighteenth century through such terms as chaos, lawlessness, and anarchy. Taking up a specific historical instance, the Whiskey Rebellion, it studies how key participants fought back against this characterization of local citizen participation. One of those participants, Hugh Henry Brackenridge, transported what he deemed the key political lessons about citizen participation and good self-governance into his novel-in-progress, Modern Chivalry. The chapter studies how that novel theorizes a democratic practice that does not oppose formal government to commons democracy, but instead reimagines a democratic practice in between the two: between the governed and governing, between the representatives and represented, between the vernacular and the institutional, between freedom and despotism, between either and or.
John P. McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748643066
- eISBN:
- 9780748689255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748643066.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the notion of popular participation advocated by philosopher-statesmen of the past such as Marcus Tullius Cicero, Leonardo Bruni and Francesco Guicciardini, and its political ...
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This chapter explores the notion of popular participation advocated by philosopher-statesmen of the past such as Marcus Tullius Cicero, Leonardo Bruni and Francesco Guicciardini, and its political outcomes in relation to the common good. It highlights the significant similarities between traditional republicanism and the ideas of Philip Pettit. Drawing on the writings of Niccolò Machiavelli, it argues that the people are much more likely than the few to make decisions that promote the common good within republics. It also suggests that political democracy, owing to normative and empirical grounds, is more desirable than philosophical republicanism that empowers neutral or ‘depoliticised’ experts and representatives to act on behalf of the people. The chapter explains how popular marginalisation and elite empowerment resulted in the collapse of the regimes served by republican philosopher-statesmen.Less
This chapter explores the notion of popular participation advocated by philosopher-statesmen of the past such as Marcus Tullius Cicero, Leonardo Bruni and Francesco Guicciardini, and its political outcomes in relation to the common good. It highlights the significant similarities between traditional republicanism and the ideas of Philip Pettit. Drawing on the writings of Niccolò Machiavelli, it argues that the people are much more likely than the few to make decisions that promote the common good within republics. It also suggests that political democracy, owing to normative and empirical grounds, is more desirable than philosophical republicanism that empowers neutral or ‘depoliticised’ experts and representatives to act on behalf of the people. The chapter explains how popular marginalisation and elite empowerment resulted in the collapse of the regimes served by republican philosopher-statesmen.
Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada and Jean-Paul Faguet
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198737506
- eISBN:
- 9780191800894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198737506.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, Public and Welfare
Why would any president, having spent a career achieving the pinnacle of power, willingly hand it over to others he cannot control? This is the black hole at the heart of the decentralization debate ...
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Why would any president, having spent a career achieving the pinnacle of power, willingly hand it over to others he cannot control? This is the black hole at the heart of the decentralization debate that has never been satisfyingly answered. This chapter provides a response to this questionby considering the radical case of Bolivia, through an extended interview with the man who decentralized it. Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada was a principal actor in some of the most important events in Bolivia’s—and indeed Latin America’s—modern history. A highly improbable politician and statesman, he rose to prominence as the minister who designed the stabilization plan that defeated hyperinflation in a period of near-national collapse. He was elected president in 1993 and again in 2002. His first term saw a burst of reforms that decentralized political power and resources to municipalities, capitalized the largest state enterprises, reformed education, created a new public pension system, reformed the executive branch of government, and reformed the constitution. His second term saw rising unrest that culminated in huge demonstrations, shocking violence, and Sánchez de Lozada’s resignation and exile to the USA, where he lives today. This chapter focuses on his formative experiences in government, how he came to believe in the necessity of reform, and how he carried his party and government in a startling push that decentralized Bolivia.Less
Why would any president, having spent a career achieving the pinnacle of power, willingly hand it over to others he cannot control? This is the black hole at the heart of the decentralization debate that has never been satisfyingly answered. This chapter provides a response to this questionby considering the radical case of Bolivia, through an extended interview with the man who decentralized it. Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada was a principal actor in some of the most important events in Bolivia’s—and indeed Latin America’s—modern history. A highly improbable politician and statesman, he rose to prominence as the minister who designed the stabilization plan that defeated hyperinflation in a period of near-national collapse. He was elected president in 1993 and again in 2002. His first term saw a burst of reforms that decentralized political power and resources to municipalities, capitalized the largest state enterprises, reformed education, created a new public pension system, reformed the executive branch of government, and reformed the constitution. His second term saw rising unrest that culminated in huge demonstrations, shocking violence, and Sánchez de Lozada’s resignation and exile to the USA, where he lives today. This chapter focuses on his formative experiences in government, how he came to believe in the necessity of reform, and how he carried his party and government in a startling push that decentralized Bolivia.
Henk Addink
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198841159
- eISBN:
- 9780191876653
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198841159.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Participation is the active involvement of a group of individuals in a collective process on actual or intended actions of administrative authorities. Participation can refer to taking part in ...
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Participation is the active involvement of a group of individuals in a collective process on actual or intended actions of administrative authorities. Participation can refer to taking part in preliminary arrangements, influencing decision-makers, or taking part in actual decision-making processes. But participation can also be justified from the point of view of a sensible government finding out potential flaws and realizing ownership. The term ‘public participation’ presumes that the initiative and procedures are in the hands of citizens, the participation process is generally managed by public entities. The participation principle can be also about participation as a right, and the question of what consequences are there for the direct and guiding function of the administration. Participation is important under the democratic rule of law as well. Public participation can be motivated by democratic, constitutional, corporatist, or administrative motives. While the distinction between these motives for participation is not always unequivocal, these do offer an indication of the various perspectives—and consequently motives—of the parties involved in public participation. With regards to participation, a distinction can be made between the type and the level of participation achieved, ie form and degree of participation. Forms of participation are popular initiatives, the citizen’s panel, the referendum, and the community level forms. The degree of participation is quantified by using indicators, including the number of individuals, the time invested in and the frequency of participation, the involvement of individuals, the extent of influence on the process with respect to the issues addressed by the public authority and the level of participation that citizens are entitled to. Citizens could play different roles, for example one of co-decision-making, co-producing, counselling, consultation, or of distributing information.Less
Participation is the active involvement of a group of individuals in a collective process on actual or intended actions of administrative authorities. Participation can refer to taking part in preliminary arrangements, influencing decision-makers, or taking part in actual decision-making processes. But participation can also be justified from the point of view of a sensible government finding out potential flaws and realizing ownership. The term ‘public participation’ presumes that the initiative and procedures are in the hands of citizens, the participation process is generally managed by public entities. The participation principle can be also about participation as a right, and the question of what consequences are there for the direct and guiding function of the administration. Participation is important under the democratic rule of law as well. Public participation can be motivated by democratic, constitutional, corporatist, or administrative motives. While the distinction between these motives for participation is not always unequivocal, these do offer an indication of the various perspectives—and consequently motives—of the parties involved in public participation. With regards to participation, a distinction can be made between the type and the level of participation achieved, ie form and degree of participation. Forms of participation are popular initiatives, the citizen’s panel, the referendum, and the community level forms. The degree of participation is quantified by using indicators, including the number of individuals, the time invested in and the frequency of participation, the involvement of individuals, the extent of influence on the process with respect to the issues addressed by the public authority and the level of participation that citizens are entitled to. Citizens could play different roles, for example one of co-decision-making, co-producing, counselling, consultation, or of distributing information.
Martin Gorsky, John Mohan, and Tim Willis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719065781
- eISBN:
- 9781781701423
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719065781.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter investigates the role of hospital contributory schemes as mediators of popular participation in health provision in Great Britain. It presents empirical evidence on the scope for ...
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This chapter investigates the role of hospital contributory schemes as mediators of popular participation in health provision in Great Britain. It presents empirical evidence on the scope for grassroots or local involvement in decision-making and explores the structures and procedures of representation. It examines how active contributors were in the movement, in terms both of attendances in democratic forums and of the nature of the leadership which the movement selected to represent it. The analysis reveals that contributory schemes took their role as bastions of worker democracy very seriously.Less
This chapter investigates the role of hospital contributory schemes as mediators of popular participation in health provision in Great Britain. It presents empirical evidence on the scope for grassroots or local involvement in decision-making and explores the structures and procedures of representation. It examines how active contributors were in the movement, in terms both of attendances in democratic forums and of the nature of the leadership which the movement selected to represent it. The analysis reveals that contributory schemes took their role as bastions of worker democracy very seriously.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804759878
- eISBN:
- 9780804776936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804759878.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter utilizes a bivariate analysis to evaluate whether there was any link between the main variables of social status and popular participation in presbyterian government. English ...
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This chapter utilizes a bivariate analysis to evaluate whether there was any link between the main variables of social status and popular participation in presbyterian government. English Presbyterianism could cover a wider social range than hitherto realized. The membership of the English Reformed Church in Amsterdam is then addressed. Distribution of alms has probably led to the growth of the Church among poorer members. While certain poorer members such as Thomas Adams may have objected to the intervention of the Dutch classis in their criticism of Paget, others were prepared to “tell the church” by appealing to the classis against the consistory's judgment. It is noted that public offense did not always involve public confession in the English Reformed Church. Poorer men and women have objected to and worked within the ambiguities between private and public boundaries as defined by the consistory.Less
This chapter utilizes a bivariate analysis to evaluate whether there was any link between the main variables of social status and popular participation in presbyterian government. English Presbyterianism could cover a wider social range than hitherto realized. The membership of the English Reformed Church in Amsterdam is then addressed. Distribution of alms has probably led to the growth of the Church among poorer members. While certain poorer members such as Thomas Adams may have objected to the intervention of the Dutch classis in their criticism of Paget, others were prepared to “tell the church” by appealing to the classis against the consistory's judgment. It is noted that public offense did not always involve public confession in the English Reformed Church. Poorer men and women have objected to and worked within the ambiguities between private and public boundaries as defined by the consistory.
Jean-Luc Domenach
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231152259
- eISBN:
- 9780231526456
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231152259.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines China's place in the world and looks at a range of crucial issues now facing the country, such as the growth (or deterioration) of its economy, the government's ever-delayed ...
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This book examines China's place in the world and looks at a range of crucial issues now facing the country, such as the growth (or deterioration) of its economy, the government's ever-delayed democratization, the potential outcomes of a national political crisis, and the possible escalation of a revamped authoritarianism. The book draws on a wealth of archival and contemporary materials and ultimately reads China's current progress as a set of easy accomplishments presaging a more difficult era of development. It sets out the difficult decisions now confronting China's elite, who are under tremendous pressure to support an economy based on innovation and consumption, to establish a political system based on law and popular participation, to rethink their national identity and spatial organization, and to define a more positive approach to the world's problems. These leaders are also besieged by corruption among their ranks, an increasingly restless urban population, and a sharp decline in their country's demographic growth. The book highlights these anxieties and looks at the attempts that are being made to alleviate them. It reveals a China much less confident and secure than many would believe.Less
This book examines China's place in the world and looks at a range of crucial issues now facing the country, such as the growth (or deterioration) of its economy, the government's ever-delayed democratization, the potential outcomes of a national political crisis, and the possible escalation of a revamped authoritarianism. The book draws on a wealth of archival and contemporary materials and ultimately reads China's current progress as a set of easy accomplishments presaging a more difficult era of development. It sets out the difficult decisions now confronting China's elite, who are under tremendous pressure to support an economy based on innovation and consumption, to establish a political system based on law and popular participation, to rethink their national identity and spatial organization, and to define a more positive approach to the world's problems. These leaders are also besieged by corruption among their ranks, an increasingly restless urban population, and a sharp decline in their country's demographic growth. The book highlights these anxieties and looks at the attempts that are being made to alleviate them. It reveals a China much less confident and secure than many would believe.
Elliott Schreiber
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451782
- eISBN:
- 9780801466014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451782.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
This chapter focuses on Moritz’s analysis of political spaces in Reisen eines Deutschen in England im Jahre 1782 (A German’s Travels in England in the Year 1782) and in his political theory in the ...
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This chapter focuses on Moritz’s analysis of political spaces in Reisen eines Deutschen in England im Jahre 1782 (A German’s Travels in England in the Year 1782) and in his political theory in the Kinderlogik. The Reisen sharply contrasts England’s politics of popular participation with the exclusivity and subordination characteristic of Prussian absolutism. At the same time, though, it exposes rigid hierarchical structures that subtend representative government in England, focusing on how these structures are spatially articulated in the House of Commons. The Kinderlogik pushes these critical observations further, employing an extended architectural metaphor to suggest that political stratification does not simply result from limited electoral representation; rather, it is inherent in the system of representation, and constitutive of statehood as such. As with absolute cognitive freedom, Moritz does not ultimately hold absolute political freedom to be attainable. Nevertheless, he affirms the possibility of transforming the hierarchical architecture of the state, in a never-ending search for a common political space to which all members of the state have full and equal access.Less
This chapter focuses on Moritz’s analysis of political spaces in Reisen eines Deutschen in England im Jahre 1782 (A German’s Travels in England in the Year 1782) and in his political theory in the Kinderlogik. The Reisen sharply contrasts England’s politics of popular participation with the exclusivity and subordination characteristic of Prussian absolutism. At the same time, though, it exposes rigid hierarchical structures that subtend representative government in England, focusing on how these structures are spatially articulated in the House of Commons. The Kinderlogik pushes these critical observations further, employing an extended architectural metaphor to suggest that political stratification does not simply result from limited electoral representation; rather, it is inherent in the system of representation, and constitutive of statehood as such. As with absolute cognitive freedom, Moritz does not ultimately hold absolute political freedom to be attainable. Nevertheless, he affirms the possibility of transforming the hierarchical architecture of the state, in a never-ending search for a common political space to which all members of the state have full and equal access.
