Colin A. Palmer
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834169
- eISBN:
- 9781469603919
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807899618_palmer.11
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter illustrates how Cheddi Jagan had lost the election the previous December and how the politics of race had played the principal role in the voting. Writing in the World Marxism Review in ...
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This chapter illustrates how Cheddi Jagan had lost the election the previous December and how the politics of race had played the principal role in the voting. Writing in the World Marxism Review in October 1965, Jagan admitted there was a “tendency of anti-African racism” in the People's Progressive Party that he led. This racism, he said, had emerged “almost as a reflex action” to “the racist anti-Indian putsches engineered since 1962 by the People's National Congress and the Imperialists.” The PPP was “forthrightly combating racism in the party since it realized that racism is not only reactionary, but a device of the imperialists to divide the working class and thus maintain colonial rule and exploitation.” His party's “first objective” was “the achievement of national unity and racial harmony.”Less
This chapter illustrates how Cheddi Jagan had lost the election the previous December and how the politics of race had played the principal role in the voting. Writing in the World Marxism Review in October 1965, Jagan admitted there was a “tendency of anti-African racism” in the People's Progressive Party that he led. This racism, he said, had emerged “almost as a reflex action” to “the racist anti-Indian putsches engineered since 1962 by the People's National Congress and the Imperialists.” The PPP was “forthrightly combating racism in the party since it realized that racism is not only reactionary, but a device of the imperialists to divide the working class and thus maintain colonial rule and exploitation.” His party's “first objective” was “the achievement of national unity and racial harmony.”
Leslie A. Schwalm
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807832912
- eISBN:
- 9781469605579
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807894125_schwalm.7
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter discusses how a regional as well as a national public politics of race emerged from white Midwesterners' response to the consequences of emancipation. Many Midwesterners viewed ...
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This chapter discusses how a regional as well as a national public politics of race emerged from white Midwesterners' response to the consequences of emancipation. Many Midwesterners viewed emancipating and aiding former slaves who intended to stay in the South as a humanitarian issue. But when former slaves made their way north, emancipation became an increasingly critical and vigorously debated matter of public policy. Revealing a deep-seated belief in the benefits and necessity of a racially stratified society, many whites assumed that any black gains in the region would diminish their own status and citizenship.Less
This chapter discusses how a regional as well as a national public politics of race emerged from white Midwesterners' response to the consequences of emancipation. Many Midwesterners viewed emancipating and aiding former slaves who intended to stay in the South as a humanitarian issue. But when former slaves made their way north, emancipation became an increasingly critical and vigorously debated matter of public policy. Revealing a deep-seated belief in the benefits and necessity of a racially stratified society, many whites assumed that any black gains in the region would diminish their own status and citizenship.
Tim S. R. Boyd
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037653
- eISBN:
- 9780813042152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037653.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The book concludes with an overview of political developments in Georgia and the South from the 1970s to the 1990s. The continuity with the party divisions that were established after the 1960s civil ...
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The book concludes with an overview of political developments in Georgia and the South from the 1970s to the 1990s. The continuity with the party divisions that were established after the 1960s civil rights laws is demonstrated. Colorblind rhetoric remained the most effective way of dealing with the politics of race in the South. The conclusion ends with a discussion of contemporary Democratic Party weakness in the South.Less
The book concludes with an overview of political developments in Georgia and the South from the 1970s to the 1990s. The continuity with the party divisions that were established after the 1960s civil rights laws is demonstrated. Colorblind rhetoric remained the most effective way of dealing with the politics of race in the South. The conclusion ends with a discussion of contemporary Democratic Party weakness in the South.
Nicola Lacey and David Soskice
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190203542
- eISBN:
- 9780190203566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190203542.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter sets a particular thesis focused on the institutional structure of the American political system within the context of a broader literature in the comparative political economy of crime ...
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This chapter sets a particular thesis focused on the institutional structure of the American political system within the context of a broader literature in the comparative political economy of crime and punishment. It then considers three possible objections to this analysis. The first argues that increasing American exceptionalism in the postwar period is to be explained primarily in terms of a distinctive history and politics of race. The next is the argument that this exceptionalism is to be attributed primarily to national policy driven by the federal government. The final argument is that American exceptionalism is driven by the interests of political elites who are relatively disconnected from the interests of their electors. Each of these objections, the chapter suggests, can be met.Less
This chapter sets a particular thesis focused on the institutional structure of the American political system within the context of a broader literature in the comparative political economy of crime and punishment. It then considers three possible objections to this analysis. The first argues that increasing American exceptionalism in the postwar period is to be explained primarily in terms of a distinctive history and politics of race. The next is the argument that this exceptionalism is to be attributed primarily to national policy driven by the federal government. The final argument is that American exceptionalism is driven by the interests of political elites who are relatively disconnected from the interests of their electors. Each of these objections, the chapter suggests, can be met.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846314827
- eISBN:
- 9781846316258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846316258.001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
This book explores the politics of race and antiracism in contemporary Britain by offering a critical analysis of ten novels written since the mid-1990s by black British and British Asian authors, ...
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This book explores the politics of race and antiracism in contemporary Britain by offering a critical analysis of ten novels written since the mid-1990s by black British and British Asian authors, namely, Monica Ali, Nadeem Aslam, Fred D'Aguiar, Ferdinand Dennis, Hanif Kureishi, Gautam Malkani, Caryl Phillips, Mike Phillips, Zadie Smith, and Meera Syal. It considers the idea of Africa as a lost homeland for diasporic black Britons and the attempts to reestablish links with the continent. The book also examines the place of Islam within British racial politics by discussing three novels: Kureishi's The Black Album (1995), Aslam's Maps for Lost Lovers (2004), and Ali's Brick Lane (2003). Moreover, it looks at the moral value assigned to the very idea of ethnicity.Less
This book explores the politics of race and antiracism in contemporary Britain by offering a critical analysis of ten novels written since the mid-1990s by black British and British Asian authors, namely, Monica Ali, Nadeem Aslam, Fred D'Aguiar, Ferdinand Dennis, Hanif Kureishi, Gautam Malkani, Caryl Phillips, Mike Phillips, Zadie Smith, and Meera Syal. It considers the idea of Africa as a lost homeland for diasporic black Britons and the attempts to reestablish links with the continent. The book also examines the place of Islam within British racial politics by discussing three novels: Kureishi's The Black Album (1995), Aslam's Maps for Lost Lovers (2004), and Ali's Brick Lane (2003). Moreover, it looks at the moral value assigned to the very idea of ethnicity.
Ruth Barton
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226551616
- eISBN:
- 9780226551753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226551753.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
Various controversies in the early 1860s – over Darwin’s Origin, heretical publications by clergymen, and the science and politics of race – drew Lubbock and Spottiswoode into joint action with ...
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Various controversies in the early 1860s – over Darwin’s Origin, heretical publications by clergymen, and the science and politics of race – drew Lubbock and Spottiswoode into joint action with Hooker, Huxley, and Busk. Huxley, Busk and Lubbock set new directions in their research, focusing on the gaps between apes and humans and between “savage” and “civilised” humans. They took over the Natural History Review, which carried this new research. Lubbock, Spottiswoode and Hooker sought to rouse scientific men to defend free enquiry in theology. In an effort to keep anthropology free from association with extreme racist politics, Lubbock, Huxley, and Busk became active in the Ethnological Society of London. In 1864, as controversy over the relationship between scientific enquiry and theological orthodoxy intensified, Spencer drew his scientific friends into alliance with liberal thinkers in politics and Church to contribute science articles to the weekly Reader and make it an organ of “liberal opinion.” At the same time as this common cause brought naturalists, physical scientists and Spencer together, the households of the Busks and the Lubbocks became the social centers for the growing network. From the common friendships and common causes the X Club was formed in November 1864.Less
Various controversies in the early 1860s – over Darwin’s Origin, heretical publications by clergymen, and the science and politics of race – drew Lubbock and Spottiswoode into joint action with Hooker, Huxley, and Busk. Huxley, Busk and Lubbock set new directions in their research, focusing on the gaps between apes and humans and between “savage” and “civilised” humans. They took over the Natural History Review, which carried this new research. Lubbock, Spottiswoode and Hooker sought to rouse scientific men to defend free enquiry in theology. In an effort to keep anthropology free from association with extreme racist politics, Lubbock, Huxley, and Busk became active in the Ethnological Society of London. In 1864, as controversy over the relationship between scientific enquiry and theological orthodoxy intensified, Spencer drew his scientific friends into alliance with liberal thinkers in politics and Church to contribute science articles to the weekly Reader and make it an organ of “liberal opinion.” At the same time as this common cause brought naturalists, physical scientists and Spencer together, the households of the Busks and the Lubbocks became the social centers for the growing network. From the common friendships and common causes the X Club was formed in November 1864.
Dana Seitler
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780823282623
- eISBN:
- 9780823286225
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823282623.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter explores the politics of allusion in Willa Cather and W. E. B. Du Bois’s fiction, specifically their use of Wagner’s opera Lohengrin.
This chapter explores the politics of allusion in Willa Cather and W. E. B. Du Bois’s fiction, specifically their use of Wagner’s opera Lohengrin.
Stephen Selka
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813031712
- eISBN:
- 9780813039572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813031712.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Much of the discourse on Afro-Brazilian identity is pegged on Candomblé although the religion is not evenly practiced in Afro-Brazilian communities. Debates on syncretism, double belonging, and ...
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Much of the discourse on Afro-Brazilian identity is pegged on Candomblé although the religion is not evenly practiced in Afro-Brazilian communities. Debates on syncretism, double belonging, and anti-syncretism all pinpoint the existing relationship between Candomblé and Catholicism. Furthermore, emphasis on Candomblé shows a rather religious pluralism within African communities. This chapter discusses the political underpinnings that can be found in the relationship between Candomblé and Catholicism. More than just a religious rivalry, the constrained relationship between these two relationships exhibits a politics of race relations and racism. This chapter focuses on the distinctive ways in which evangelicals of African-descent engage religious discourses and practices as they construct their identities and struggle against racism. Through the black progressive evangelicals' emphasis on electoral politics and cultural approaches to mobilization, they have given much contribution to the debate and discourse about existing racism in Brazil. The chapter also discusses the increasingly blurred lines between Christians and the condomblecistas wherein although evangelical Christian communities generally are conservative and eschew the African-derived religion, a significant number of these evangelicals are reaching religious lines as they mobilize and forward a movement against racism.Less
Much of the discourse on Afro-Brazilian identity is pegged on Candomblé although the religion is not evenly practiced in Afro-Brazilian communities. Debates on syncretism, double belonging, and anti-syncretism all pinpoint the existing relationship between Candomblé and Catholicism. Furthermore, emphasis on Candomblé shows a rather religious pluralism within African communities. This chapter discusses the political underpinnings that can be found in the relationship between Candomblé and Catholicism. More than just a religious rivalry, the constrained relationship between these two relationships exhibits a politics of race relations and racism. This chapter focuses on the distinctive ways in which evangelicals of African-descent engage religious discourses and practices as they construct their identities and struggle against racism. Through the black progressive evangelicals' emphasis on electoral politics and cultural approaches to mobilization, they have given much contribution to the debate and discourse about existing racism in Brazil. The chapter also discusses the increasingly blurred lines between Christians and the condomblecistas wherein although evangelical Christian communities generally are conservative and eschew the African-derived religion, a significant number of these evangelicals are reaching religious lines as they mobilize and forward a movement against racism.
Dave Gunning
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846314827
- eISBN:
- 9781846316258
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846316258
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
This book offers an extended exploration of the cultural impact of the politics of race and antiracism in Britain by focusing on a selection of recent novels by black British and British Asian ...
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This book offers an extended exploration of the cultural impact of the politics of race and antiracism in Britain by focusing on a selection of recent novels by black British and British Asian writers. It argues that an understanding of how race and ethnicity function in contemporary Britain can only be gained through attention to antiracism: the politics of opposing discrimination which manifest at the level of state legislation, within local and national activism, and inside the scholarly exploration of race. It is antiracism that now most strongly conditions the emergence of racial categorisations but also of racial identities and models of behaviour. This sense of how antiracism may determine the form and content of both political debate and individual identity is traced through an examination of ten novels by black British and British Asian writers. These authors range from the well known to the critically neglected: works by Monica Ali, Nadeem Aslam, Fred D'Aguiar, Ferdinand Dennis, Hanif Kureishi, Gautam Malkani, Caryl Phillips, Mike Phillips, Zadie Smith, and Meera Syal are read to explore the impacts of antiracism. These literary studies are grouped into three main themes, each of which is central to the direction of racial political identities over the last two decades in Britain: the use of the continent of Africa as a symbolic focus for black political culture; the changing forms of Muslim culture in Britain; and the emergence of a multiculturalist ethos based around the notion of ethnic communities.Less
This book offers an extended exploration of the cultural impact of the politics of race and antiracism in Britain by focusing on a selection of recent novels by black British and British Asian writers. It argues that an understanding of how race and ethnicity function in contemporary Britain can only be gained through attention to antiracism: the politics of opposing discrimination which manifest at the level of state legislation, within local and national activism, and inside the scholarly exploration of race. It is antiracism that now most strongly conditions the emergence of racial categorisations but also of racial identities and models of behaviour. This sense of how antiracism may determine the form and content of both political debate and individual identity is traced through an examination of ten novels by black British and British Asian writers. These authors range from the well known to the critically neglected: works by Monica Ali, Nadeem Aslam, Fred D'Aguiar, Ferdinand Dennis, Hanif Kureishi, Gautam Malkani, Caryl Phillips, Mike Phillips, Zadie Smith, and Meera Syal are read to explore the impacts of antiracism. These literary studies are grouped into three main themes, each of which is central to the direction of racial political identities over the last two decades in Britain: the use of the continent of Africa as a symbolic focus for black political culture; the changing forms of Muslim culture in Britain; and the emergence of a multiculturalist ethos based around the notion of ethnic communities.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226560120
- eISBN:
- 9780226560144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226560144.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses the growth of the Opportunities Industrialization Centers (OIC) in the 1960s. The OIC developed an innovative approach to job training and also proved adept at negotiating the ...
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This chapter discusses the growth of the Opportunities Industrialization Centers (OIC) in the 1960s. The OIC developed an innovative approach to job training and also proved adept at negotiating the treacherous politics of race at both the local and national levels. This made the organization a major recipient of federal anti-poverty funds, receiving a total of $14,465,832 in federal grants from 1964 to 1970. The chapter also highlights the success of the OIC in reformulating midcentury liberalism by simultaneously embracing both federal support and an ideology of self-reliance. The development of the OIC showed that the War on Poverty had the greatest positive effect when it focused on concrete dimensions of the problem of jobs and provided direct, categorical funding for pragmatic, community-based programs.Less
This chapter discusses the growth of the Opportunities Industrialization Centers (OIC) in the 1960s. The OIC developed an innovative approach to job training and also proved adept at negotiating the treacherous politics of race at both the local and national levels. This made the organization a major recipient of federal anti-poverty funds, receiving a total of $14,465,832 in federal grants from 1964 to 1970. The chapter also highlights the success of the OIC in reformulating midcentury liberalism by simultaneously embracing both federal support and an ideology of self-reliance. The development of the OIC showed that the War on Poverty had the greatest positive effect when it focused on concrete dimensions of the problem of jobs and provided direct, categorical funding for pragmatic, community-based programs.
James Wolfinger
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807831496
- eISBN:
- 9781469603551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807878101_wolfinger.13
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
An iconic figure of big-city politics in the 1960s and 1970s was Frank Rizzo, the police chief and mayor who polarized Philadelphia along racial lines and became a symbol of Vietnam-era reactionary ...
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An iconic figure of big-city politics in the 1960s and 1970s was Frank Rizzo, the police chief and mayor who polarized Philadelphia along racial lines and became a symbol of Vietnam-era reactionary politics. Rizzo's strategic use of race to gain political power in Philadelphia can be traced to the earlier Republican politics of the Depression and World War II era. The racial divisions Rizzo exploited had a history dating back to the New Deal years, when the Republican Party helped intensify white racism and used it for political gain. White racism heightened in Philadelphia in the early- to mid-twentieth century due to whites' perception of African Americans as threats in housing and employment. This book has demonstrated the interplay between New Deal liberalism, the roots of modern conservatism, and the politics of race in Philadelphia.Less
An iconic figure of big-city politics in the 1960s and 1970s was Frank Rizzo, the police chief and mayor who polarized Philadelphia along racial lines and became a symbol of Vietnam-era reactionary politics. Rizzo's strategic use of race to gain political power in Philadelphia can be traced to the earlier Republican politics of the Depression and World War II era. The racial divisions Rizzo exploited had a history dating back to the New Deal years, when the Republican Party helped intensify white racism and used it for political gain. White racism heightened in Philadelphia in the early- to mid-twentieth century due to whites' perception of African Americans as threats in housing and employment. This book has demonstrated the interplay between New Deal liberalism, the roots of modern conservatism, and the politics of race in Philadelphia.
Robert R. Korstad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833797
- eISBN:
- 9781469603674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807895740_korstad.4
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book is about the politics of race and poverty in America. It tells the story of the North Carolina Fund, a pioneer effort to improve the lives of the “neglected and forgotten” poor in a nation ...
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This book is about the politics of race and poverty in America. It tells the story of the North Carolina Fund, a pioneer effort to improve the lives of the “neglected and forgotten” poor in a nation that celebrated itself as an affluent society. Governor Terry Sanford created the Fund in 1963, at a time when the United States stood at a crossroads. A decade of civil rights activism had challenged the country to fulfill its promise of equality and opportunity. Not since the Civil War and Reconstruction had reformers raised such fundamental questions about the political and social foundations of the republic. It was, however, by no means clear how Americans would answer. Alabama governor George C. Wallace spoke for one possibility.Less
This book is about the politics of race and poverty in America. It tells the story of the North Carolina Fund, a pioneer effort to improve the lives of the “neglected and forgotten” poor in a nation that celebrated itself as an affluent society. Governor Terry Sanford created the Fund in 1963, at a time when the United States stood at a crossroads. A decade of civil rights activism had challenged the country to fulfill its promise of equality and opportunity. Not since the Civil War and Reconstruction had reformers raised such fundamental questions about the political and social foundations of the republic. It was, however, by no means clear how Americans would answer. Alabama governor George C. Wallace spoke for one possibility.
Genevieve Siegel-Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627830
- eISBN:
- 9781469627854
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627830.003.0008
- Subject:
- Education, History of Education
The afterword of When the Fences Come Down documents a conversation with one of the nation’s leading experts on school desegregation, Dr. Gary Orfield.
The afterword of When the Fences Come Down documents a conversation with one of the nation’s leading experts on school desegregation, Dr. Gary Orfield.