Andreas Herberg-Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging ...
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This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.Less
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.
Bonnie Mann
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195187458
- eISBN:
- 9780199786565
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195187458.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
In the 1980s, this book contends, an uncritical affirmation of anti-essentialism turned this important feminist critique into a disciplinary dogmatism that constrained and homogenized feminist ...
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In the 1980s, this book contends, an uncritical affirmation of anti-essentialism turned this important feminist critique into a disciplinary dogmatism that constrained and homogenized feminist thinking. Feminist work in the academy became forgetful of both women and nature, and began to exchange an engaged politics for the intensity of sublime experience in its postmodern form. This book works between the modern and postmodern notions of the sublime to show that the gendered politics and effacement of nature, central to the modern sublime, especially in Kant's account, are at the heart of the postmodern sublime as well. It turns to Lyotard's postmodern sublime to argue that this sublime is hard at work in feminist poststructuralism, especially the early texts of Judith Butler. The melting away of the extra-discursively real in these accounts tends to make feminist thinking incapable of meaningfully articulating our relations to the natural world and to one another. Yet these very relations are necessarily tied to powerful aesthetic experiences of beauty and sublimity.Less
In the 1980s, this book contends, an uncritical affirmation of anti-essentialism turned this important feminist critique into a disciplinary dogmatism that constrained and homogenized feminist thinking. Feminist work in the academy became forgetful of both women and nature, and began to exchange an engaged politics for the intensity of sublime experience in its postmodern form. This book works between the modern and postmodern notions of the sublime to show that the gendered politics and effacement of nature, central to the modern sublime, especially in Kant's account, are at the heart of the postmodern sublime as well. It turns to Lyotard's postmodern sublime to argue that this sublime is hard at work in feminist poststructuralism, especially the early texts of Judith Butler. The melting away of the extra-discursively real in these accounts tends to make feminist thinking incapable of meaningfully articulating our relations to the natural world and to one another. Yet these very relations are necessarily tied to powerful aesthetic experiences of beauty and sublimity.
Francis G. Castles
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199270170
- eISBN:
- 9780191601514
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199270171.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This book uses data from 21 OECD countries for the period 1980 to 1998 to test a variety of hypotheses suggesting that contemporary welfare states are in crisis and to establish the factors shaping ...
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This book uses data from 21 OECD countries for the period 1980 to 1998 to test a variety of hypotheses suggesting that contemporary welfare states are in crisis and to establish the factors shaping the trajectory of welfare state development during these years. It assesses the validity of arguments that globalization leads to a ‘race to the bottom’ in social spending and that population ageing poses a threat to public budgets. It finds both of these arguments wanting and, instead, suggests that contemporary welfare states have been converging to a steady state over recent decades. The book also examines the extent to which welfare states across the OECD have been restructured in recent years and whether there are signs of the emergence of a distinctive European ‘social model’. Again, it finds that accounts of substantial welfare state restructuring and of the Europeanization of the welfare state are much exaggerated. Finally, the book identifies a potential threat to the viability of existing societies in a trend to declining fertility throughout the advanced world, but argues that the welfare state in the form of family-friendly policy is actually our best protection against this trend.Less
This book uses data from 21 OECD countries for the period 1980 to 1998 to test a variety of hypotheses suggesting that contemporary welfare states are in crisis and to establish the factors shaping the trajectory of welfare state development during these years. It assesses the validity of arguments that globalization leads to a ‘race to the bottom’ in social spending and that population ageing poses a threat to public budgets. It finds both of these arguments wanting and, instead, suggests that contemporary welfare states have been converging to a steady state over recent decades. The book also examines the extent to which welfare states across the OECD have been restructured in recent years and whether there are signs of the emergence of a distinctive European ‘social model’. Again, it finds that accounts of substantial welfare state restructuring and of the Europeanization of the welfare state are much exaggerated. Finally, the book identifies a potential threat to the viability of existing societies in a trend to declining fertility throughout the advanced world, but argues that the welfare state in the form of family-friendly policy is actually our best protection against this trend.
Avner de-Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of ...
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When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.Less
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.
Thomas Christiano
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198297475
- eISBN:
- 9780191716867
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297475.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
What is the ethical basis of democracy? And what reasons do we have to go along with democratic decisions even when we disagree with them? And when do we have reason to say that we may justly ignore ...
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What is the ethical basis of democracy? And what reasons do we have to go along with democratic decisions even when we disagree with them? And when do we have reason to say that we may justly ignore democratic decisions? These questions must be answered if we are to have answers to some of the most important questions facing our global community, which include whether there is a human right to democracy and whether we must attempt to spread democracy throughout the globe. This book provides a philosophical account of the moral foundations of democracy and of liberalism. It shows how democracy and basic liberal rights are grounded in the principle of public equality, which tells us that in the establishment of law and policy we must treat persons as equals in ways that they can see as being treated as equals. The principle of public equality is shown to be the fundamental principle of social justice. This account enables us to understand the nature and roles of adversarial politics and public deliberation in political life. It gives an account of the grounds of the authority of democracy. It also shows when the authority of democracy runs out. It shows how the violations of democratic and liberal rights are beyond the legitimate authority of democracy and how the creation of persistent minorities in a democratic society, and the failure to ensure a basic minimum for all persons, weaken the legitimate authority of democracy.Less
What is the ethical basis of democracy? And what reasons do we have to go along with democratic decisions even when we disagree with them? And when do we have reason to say that we may justly ignore democratic decisions? These questions must be answered if we are to have answers to some of the most important questions facing our global community, which include whether there is a human right to democracy and whether we must attempt to spread democracy throughout the globe. This book provides a philosophical account of the moral foundations of democracy and of liberalism. It shows how democracy and basic liberal rights are grounded in the principle of public equality, which tells us that in the establishment of law and policy we must treat persons as equals in ways that they can see as being treated as equals. The principle of public equality is shown to be the fundamental principle of social justice. This account enables us to understand the nature and roles of adversarial politics and public deliberation in political life. It gives an account of the grounds of the authority of democracy. It also shows when the authority of democracy runs out. It shows how the violations of democratic and liberal rights are beyond the legitimate authority of democracy and how the creation of persistent minorities in a democratic society, and the failure to ensure a basic minimum for all persons, weaken the legitimate authority of democracy.
Elizabeth Frazer
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295648
- eISBN:
- 9780191599316
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295642.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last ...
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Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last century, exploring how these have been and continue to be articulated in recent political and public policy debates. ‘Community’ is invoked as a justification for reorganization of state institutions, as the source of care and support for individuals, and as an entity that is valuable in its own right and must therefore be sustained and defended. In community development, community action, community care and community politics, the tensions and contradictions within the concept are invariably felt. Community is both inclusive and exclusive, both organized and unstructured, both hierarchical and egalitarian. The book argues that analysis of the concept ‘community’ reveals the role of ideas and ideals in shaping political action, the barriers to the realization of community in practical contexts, and ultimately the untenability of the ideal itself.Less
Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last century, exploring how these have been and continue to be articulated in recent political and public policy debates. ‘Community’ is invoked as a justification for reorganization of state institutions, as the source of care and support for individuals, and as an entity that is valuable in its own right and must therefore be sustained and defended. In community development, community action, community care and community politics, the tensions and contradictions within the concept are invariably felt. Community is both inclusive and exclusive, both organized and unstructured, both hierarchical and egalitarian. The book argues that analysis of the concept ‘community’ reveals the role of ideas and ideals in shaping political action, the barriers to the realization of community in practical contexts, and ultimately the untenability of the ideal itself.
Cheshire Calhoun
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257669
- eISBN:
- 9780191598906
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257663.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book is about placing sexual orientation politics within feminist theorizing. It is also about defining the central political issues confronting lesbian and gay men. It brings the study of ...
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This book is about placing sexual orientation politics within feminist theorizing. It is also about defining the central political issues confronting lesbian and gay men. It brings the study of lesbians from the margins of feminist theory to the centre by critiquing the analytic frameworks employed within feminist theory that render invisible the difference of lesbians from heterosexual women. The basic features of lesbian and gay subordination are also addressed by exploring the differences between heterosexual dominance and gender and race relations. Throughout the book, the aim is to re‐centre lesbian and gay politics away from concern with sexual regulations and towards concern with the displacement of gays and lesbians from the public sphere of visible citizenship and from the private sphere of romance, marriage, and family.Less
This book is about placing sexual orientation politics within feminist theorizing. It is also about defining the central political issues confronting lesbian and gay men. It brings the study of lesbians from the margins of feminist theory to the centre by critiquing the analytic frameworks employed within feminist theory that render invisible the difference of lesbians from heterosexual women. The basic features of lesbian and gay subordination are also addressed by exploring the differences between heterosexual dominance and gender and race relations. Throughout the book, the aim is to re‐centre lesbian and gay politics away from concern with sexual regulations and towards concern with the displacement of gays and lesbians from the public sphere of visible citizenship and from the private sphere of romance, marriage, and family.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198278641
- eISBN:
- 9780191599903
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198278640.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Offers a theoretical defence of market socialism, a third way between traditional capitalism and traditional socialism, which combines a market economy with social control of capital and employee ...
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Offers a theoretical defence of market socialism, a third way between traditional capitalism and traditional socialism, which combines a market economy with social control of capital and employee control of workplaces. The first part offers a critique of the libertarian philosophy used to defend free‐market capitalism, focussing on the issues of freedom, justice, the neutrality of markets, and private charity as an alternative to the welfare state. The second part defends markets against socialist criticism. Here it is shown that consumers are generally the best judges of their own welfare, that people can deserve their market receipts, that exploitation is not an inherent feature of market transactions, and that alienation can be overcome provided the market is subject to political control. The third part develops a model of the socialist state, defending the ideas of national community as a basis of citizenship, of politics as a form of dialogue between citizens, of the integration of cultural minorities into an encompassing community, and of constitutional limits on majority rule. The book concludes by defending the political relevance of the system outlined in previous chapters.Less
Offers a theoretical defence of market socialism, a third way between traditional capitalism and traditional socialism, which combines a market economy with social control of capital and employee control of workplaces. The first part offers a critique of the libertarian philosophy used to defend free‐market capitalism, focussing on the issues of freedom, justice, the neutrality of markets, and private charity as an alternative to the welfare state. The second part defends markets against socialist criticism. Here it is shown that consumers are generally the best judges of their own welfare, that people can deserve their market receipts, that exploitation is not an inherent feature of market transactions, and that alienation can be overcome provided the market is subject to political control. The third part develops a model of the socialist state, defending the ideas of national community as a basis of citizenship, of politics as a form of dialogue between citizens, of the integration of cultural minorities into an encompassing community, and of constitutional limits on majority rule. The book concludes by defending the political relevance of the system outlined in previous chapters.
Paul Brown
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265536
- eISBN:
- 9780191760327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265536.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Tipping points are exciting yet frustrating for journalists. They evoke progressive disaster and possible sudden catastrophe. But the scientific uncertainty over their onset and outcome makes it very ...
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Tipping points are exciting yet frustrating for journalists. They evoke progressive disaster and possible sudden catastrophe. But the scientific uncertainty over their onset and outcome makes it very difficult for the serious journalist to be sure of what information to convey and when in the awareness cycle. Where there is good chance of reversibility and where there is political or economic inaction of obfuscation, there is a news story. But the social network is hampering the accuracy and clarity of communication and clogging up useful and productive debate. Journalists need to develop the courage, and to guide their news desks accordingly, that seriously important tipping points, even if vaguely familiar to readers, still require persistent and accurate coverage.Less
Tipping points are exciting yet frustrating for journalists. They evoke progressive disaster and possible sudden catastrophe. But the scientific uncertainty over their onset and outcome makes it very difficult for the serious journalist to be sure of what information to convey and when in the awareness cycle. Where there is good chance of reversibility and where there is political or economic inaction of obfuscation, there is a news story. But the social network is hampering the accuracy and clarity of communication and clogging up useful and productive debate. Journalists need to develop the courage, and to guide their news desks accordingly, that seriously important tipping points, even if vaguely familiar to readers, still require persistent and accurate coverage.
Paul Webb and Stephen White (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. ...
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The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. Drawing on a wealth of expertise and data, the book assesses the popular legitimacy, organizational development and functional performance of political parties in Latin America and postcommunist Eastern Europe. It demonstrates the generational differences between parties in the old and new democracies, and reveals contrasts among the latter. Parties are shown to be at their most feeble in those recently transitional democracies characterized by personalistic, candidate-centred forms of politics, but in other new democracies — especially those with parliamentary systems — parties are more stable and institutionalized, enabling them to facilitate a meaningful degree of popular choice and control. Wherever party politics is weakly institutionalized, political inequality tends to be greater, commitment to pluralism less certain, clientelism and corruption more pronounced, and populist demagoguery a greater temptation. Without party, democracy's hold is more tenuous.Less
The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. Drawing on a wealth of expertise and data, the book assesses the popular legitimacy, organizational development and functional performance of political parties in Latin America and postcommunist Eastern Europe. It demonstrates the generational differences between parties in the old and new democracies, and reveals contrasts among the latter. Parties are shown to be at their most feeble in those recently transitional democracies characterized by personalistic, candidate-centred forms of politics, but in other new democracies — especially those with parliamentary systems — parties are more stable and institutionalized, enabling them to facilitate a meaningful degree of popular choice and control. Wherever party politics is weakly institutionalized, political inequality tends to be greater, commitment to pluralism less certain, clientelism and corruption more pronounced, and populist demagoguery a greater temptation. Without party, democracy's hold is more tenuous.
Gerd-Rainer Horn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199204496
- eISBN:
- 9780191708145
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204496.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This book studies the development of a distinct, progressive variant of Catholicism in 20th century Western Europe. This Left Catholicism served to lay the basis for the subsequent events and ...
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This book studies the development of a distinct, progressive variant of Catholicism in 20th century Western Europe. This Left Catholicism served to lay the basis for the subsequent events and evolutions associated with Vatican II. Initially emerging within the boundaries of Catholic Action, fuelled by the growing power and self‐confidence of the Catholic laity, a series of challenges to received wisdom and an array of novel experiments were launched in various corners of Western Europe. The moment of liberation from Nazi occupation and world war in 1944/45 turned out to be the highpoint of the promising paradigm shifts at the center of this book. Concentrating on interrelated developments in theology, Catholic politics and apostolic social action, most concrete examples are drawn from Italian, French, and Belgian national contexts. This book highlights organisations (e.g. the Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne), social movements (e.g. the worker priests) and intellectual trends (e.g. la nouvelle théologie), at the same time that it demonstrates the pivotal contributions of key individuals, such as the theologians Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier — or millenarian activist priests, such as Don Zeno Saltini or Don Primo Mazzolari, operating in the epicentre of radical post‐liberation Italy, the Emilia‐Romagna. Based on research in more than twenty archives between Leuven and Rome, this study suggests that first‐wave Western European Left Catholicism served as an inspiration — and constituted a prototype — for subsequent Third World Liberation Theology.Less
This book studies the development of a distinct, progressive variant of Catholicism in 20th century Western Europe. This Left Catholicism served to lay the basis for the subsequent events and evolutions associated with Vatican II. Initially emerging within the boundaries of Catholic Action, fuelled by the growing power and self‐confidence of the Catholic laity, a series of challenges to received wisdom and an array of novel experiments were launched in various corners of Western Europe. The moment of liberation from Nazi occupation and world war in 1944/45 turned out to be the highpoint of the promising paradigm shifts at the center of this book. Concentrating on interrelated developments in theology, Catholic politics and apostolic social action, most concrete examples are drawn from Italian, French, and Belgian national contexts. This book highlights organisations (e.g. the Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne), social movements (e.g. the worker priests) and intellectual trends (e.g. la nouvelle théologie), at the same time that it demonstrates the pivotal contributions of key individuals, such as the theologians Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier — or millenarian activist priests, such as Don Zeno Saltini or Don Primo Mazzolari, operating in the epicentre of radical post‐liberation Italy, the Emilia‐Romagna. Based on research in more than twenty archives between Leuven and Rome, this study suggests that first‐wave Western European Left Catholicism served as an inspiration — and constituted a prototype — for subsequent Third World Liberation Theology.
James K. Wellman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195300116
- eISBN:
- 9780199868742
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300116.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The book is the first in-depth ethnographic study of churched religion in the Pacific Northwest. It describes and explains how Protestant churches survive and thrive in the most unchurched region of ...
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The book is the first in-depth ethnographic study of churched religion in the Pacific Northwest. It describes and explains how Protestant churches survive and thrive in the most unchurched region of the country. The study is based on nearly 450 interviews from thirty-four vital liberal and evangelical Protestant churches in the Pacific Northwest. These two sets of congregations embody separate moral worldviews and the study shows how these moral worldviews conflict, compete, and, on rare occasions, find common ground in five areas: ideology; religious beliefs; organizational and ritual life; mission (both local and international), and finally, how each relates to the politics of the region and nation. Evangelicals have dominated the public discourse on American religious life and politics over the last decade; it has become popular to accuse them of advocating an American theocracy. There was no evidence for this claim in the data from this study. Evangelicals do want influence — focusing intense energy on a political culture to nurture families — but they express the same intense distrust of the government that was found among liberals. Moreover, the study found relative disinterest on the part of liberals in influencing the public square. There was little consensus among liberals in protesting the Iraq War. Nonetheless, liberals were committed to a “moral culture” like evangelicals, though with distinctively different values — embracing a culture of inclusiveness and hospitality for homosexuals, the homeless, and the hungry.Less
The book is the first in-depth ethnographic study of churched religion in the Pacific Northwest. It describes and explains how Protestant churches survive and thrive in the most unchurched region of the country. The study is based on nearly 450 interviews from thirty-four vital liberal and evangelical Protestant churches in the Pacific Northwest. These two sets of congregations embody separate moral worldviews and the study shows how these moral worldviews conflict, compete, and, on rare occasions, find common ground in five areas: ideology; religious beliefs; organizational and ritual life; mission (both local and international), and finally, how each relates to the politics of the region and nation. Evangelicals have dominated the public discourse on American religious life and politics over the last decade; it has become popular to accuse them of advocating an American theocracy. There was no evidence for this claim in the data from this study. Evangelicals do want influence — focusing intense energy on a political culture to nurture families — but they express the same intense distrust of the government that was found among liberals. Moreover, the study found relative disinterest on the part of liberals in influencing the public square. There was little consensus among liberals in protesting the Iraq War. Nonetheless, liberals were committed to a “moral culture” like evangelicals, though with distinctively different values — embracing a culture of inclusiveness and hospitality for homosexuals, the homeless, and the hungry.
David Domke and Kevin Coe
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195326413
- eISBN:
- 9780199870431
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326413.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religion has always been a part of American politics, but something profound has changed in recent decades. This book demonstrates that, beginning with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in ...
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Religion has always been a part of American politics, but something profound has changed in recent decades. This book demonstrates that, beginning with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980, US politicians have employed religion as a partisan weapon, using it in a no-holds-barred calculus designed to attract voters, identify enemies, and solidify power. The book reveals this political approach by identifying four crucial religious signals used by leading Republicans and Democrats, from Reagan to Bill Clinton to George W. Bush to the front-running candidates for the 2008 presidential election. In their emphasis on God and faith in public addresses, commemorations of tragedies and requests for divine blessing for the nation, the issue agendas pursued, and even the audiences addressed and the nature of Christmas celebrations, today's political leaders use religion for partisan gain in a manner distinct from those who came before. These signals become apparent through analysis of thousands of public communications by American politicians over the past seventy-five years, the tracking of public sentiment on several topics during the same period, and the perspectives of interest groups and political strategists. The result of these developments is an environment in the United States in which religion and politics have become almost inseparably intertwined — an outcome which benefits savvy politicians but endangers the vitality of church, state, and the entire American experiment in democracy. Less
Religion has always been a part of American politics, but something profound has changed in recent decades. This book demonstrates that, beginning with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980, US politicians have employed religion as a partisan weapon, using it in a no-holds-barred calculus designed to attract voters, identify enemies, and solidify power. The book reveals this political approach by identifying four crucial religious signals used by leading Republicans and Democrats, from Reagan to Bill Clinton to George W. Bush to the front-running candidates for the 2008 presidential election. In their emphasis on God and faith in public addresses, commemorations of tragedies and requests for divine blessing for the nation, the issue agendas pursued, and even the audiences addressed and the nature of Christmas celebrations, today's political leaders use religion for partisan gain in a manner distinct from those who came before. These signals become apparent through analysis of thousands of public communications by American politicians over the past seventy-five years, the tracking of public sentiment on several topics during the same period, and the perspectives of interest groups and political strategists. The result of these developments is an environment in the United States in which religion and politics have become almost inseparably intertwined — an outcome which benefits savvy politicians but endangers the vitality of church, state, and the entire American experiment in democracy.
Daniel Lefkowitz
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195121902
- eISBN:
- 9780199788347
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195121902.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
Social and ethnic identity are nowhere more enmeshed with language than in Israel. This book explores the politics of identity in Israel through an analysis of the social life of language. By ...
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Social and ethnic identity are nowhere more enmeshed with language than in Israel. This book explores the politics of identity in Israel through an analysis of the social life of language. By examining the social choices Israelis make when they speak, and the social meanings such choices produce, the book reveals how Israeli identities are negotiated through language. It studies three major languages and their role in the social lives of Israelis: Hebrew, the dominant language, Arabic, and English. It reveals their complex interrelationship by showing how the language a speaker chooses to use is as important as the language they choose not to use — in the same way that a claim to an Israeli identity is simultaneously a claim against other, opposing identities. The result is an analysis of how the identity of “Israeliness” is linguistically negotiated in the three-way struggle among Ashkenazi (Jewish), Mizrahi (Jewish), and Palestinian (Arab) Israelis. This book's ethnography of language — use is both thoroughly anthropological and thoroughly linguistic — provides an examination of the role of language in Israeli society.Less
Social and ethnic identity are nowhere more enmeshed with language than in Israel. This book explores the politics of identity in Israel through an analysis of the social life of language. By examining the social choices Israelis make when they speak, and the social meanings such choices produce, the book reveals how Israeli identities are negotiated through language. It studies three major languages and their role in the social lives of Israelis: Hebrew, the dominant language, Arabic, and English. It reveals their complex interrelationship by showing how the language a speaker chooses to use is as important as the language they choose not to use — in the same way that a claim to an Israeli identity is simultaneously a claim against other, opposing identities. The result is an analysis of how the identity of “Israeliness” is linguistically negotiated in the three-way struggle among Ashkenazi (Jewish), Mizrahi (Jewish), and Palestinian (Arab) Israelis. This book's ethnography of language — use is both thoroughly anthropological and thoroughly linguistic — provides an examination of the role of language in Israeli society.
Michael Saward
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579389
- eISBN:
- 9780191722950
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579389.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In an era of disaffection from traditional political institutions and the rise of transnational politics, the need to rethink political representation – who speaks for whom and with what authority – ...
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In an era of disaffection from traditional political institutions and the rise of transnational politics, the need to rethink political representation – who speaks for whom and with what authority – has taken on a new and practical urgency. This book offers and defends an innovative approach to the topic, built around the straightforward but versatile idea of the ‘representative claim’. Representation is defined broadly as a dynamic process of claim‐making, and not solely an institutional fact deriving from election. The book shows how the idea of the representative claim provides critical purchase where conventional approaches reach their analytical limits. The elaboration of the representative claim is conducted against the background of a systematic critique of prominent existing theories. The crucial aesthetic, cultural and performative sides of representation are developed as part of its political dimension, and the key concepts are put to work in examinations of cases of non‐elective representation, political parties, and the representation of women and ‘nature’. Concluding with a detailed account of what can make representative claims democratically legitimate, the book shows how our ideas of democracy are disrupted and revised when we embrace the notion of representation as the making and reception of claims.Less
In an era of disaffection from traditional political institutions and the rise of transnational politics, the need to rethink political representation – who speaks for whom and with what authority – has taken on a new and practical urgency. This book offers and defends an innovative approach to the topic, built around the straightforward but versatile idea of the ‘representative claim’. Representation is defined broadly as a dynamic process of claim‐making, and not solely an institutional fact deriving from election. The book shows how the idea of the representative claim provides critical purchase where conventional approaches reach their analytical limits. The elaboration of the representative claim is conducted against the background of a systematic critique of prominent existing theories. The crucial aesthetic, cultural and performative sides of representation are developed as part of its political dimension, and the key concepts are put to work in examinations of cases of non‐elective representation, political parties, and the representation of women and ‘nature’. Concluding with a detailed account of what can make representative claims democratically legitimate, the book shows how our ideas of democracy are disrupted and revised when we embrace the notion of representation as the making and reception of claims.
Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199731954
- eISBN:
- 9780199866571
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199731954.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The number of women elected to Latin American legislatures has grown significantly over the past 30 years. Yet, wide variation persists across countries within the region. These patterns generate ...
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The number of women elected to Latin American legislatures has grown significantly over the past 30 years. Yet, wide variation persists across countries within the region. These patterns generate politically relevant and theoretically challenging questions about the causes and consequences of women’s representation in Latin America. Why have the numbers of women in office increased in some countries and why does it vary across others? What does having women in office mean for how representatives legislate? And, what consequences does the election of women have for representative democracy, more generally? This book answers these questions by articulating a comprehensive theory of women’s representation and testing this theory empirically in Latin America. It first examines explanations for the varying gender representativeness of Latin American legislatures. Then, it focuses on how a legislator’s gender affects four types of substantive representation, specifically legislators’ political preferences, policymaking behavior, leadership posts and committee assignments, and home-style activities. Finally, it examines how women’s representation affects citizen views of representative democracy in the region. Ultimately, this book communicates the complex and often incomplete nature of women’s political representation in Latin America.Less
The number of women elected to Latin American legislatures has grown significantly over the past 30 years. Yet, wide variation persists across countries within the region. These patterns generate politically relevant and theoretically challenging questions about the causes and consequences of women’s representation in Latin America. Why have the numbers of women in office increased in some countries and why does it vary across others? What does having women in office mean for how representatives legislate? And, what consequences does the election of women have for representative democracy, more generally? This book answers these questions by articulating a comprehensive theory of women’s representation and testing this theory empirically in Latin America. It first examines explanations for the varying gender representativeness of Latin American legislatures. Then, it focuses on how a legislator’s gender affects four types of substantive representation, specifically legislators’ political preferences, policymaking behavior, leadership posts and committee assignments, and home-style activities. Finally, it examines how women’s representation affects citizen views of representative democracy in the region. Ultimately, this book communicates the complex and often incomplete nature of women’s political representation in Latin America.
Liu Fei
David Kerr (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264089
- eISBN:
- 9780191734809
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264089.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The European Union and China have emerged as new international actors. They have an increasingly diverse relationship covering the economy, politics, technology, culture and education; but beyond ...
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The European Union and China have emerged as new international actors. They have an increasingly diverse relationship covering the economy, politics, technology, culture and education; but beyond these two-way linkages EU–China development is also changing the international political environment. One noted US scholar, David Shambaugh, has pointed to a ‘Strategic Triangle’ between the US, the EU, and China. Several other major actors such as Japan, India and Russia are also interested in the ‘EU factor’ in their relations with China; or the ‘China factor’ in their EU relations. This volume presents contributions from scholars from Europe and China, which debate the nature, problems and potential of the emerging strategic relationship between the EU and China. Several papers develop theoretical approaches to regionalism and inter-regionalism. This book provides an overview of EU–China relations and the wider international context, and it will be of interest to anyone interested in international relations.Less
The European Union and China have emerged as new international actors. They have an increasingly diverse relationship covering the economy, politics, technology, culture and education; but beyond these two-way linkages EU–China development is also changing the international political environment. One noted US scholar, David Shambaugh, has pointed to a ‘Strategic Triangle’ between the US, the EU, and China. Several other major actors such as Japan, India and Russia are also interested in the ‘EU factor’ in their relations with China; or the ‘China factor’ in their EU relations. This volume presents contributions from scholars from Europe and China, which debate the nature, problems and potential of the emerging strategic relationship between the EU and China. Several papers develop theoretical approaches to regionalism and inter-regionalism. This book provides an overview of EU–China relations and the wider international context, and it will be of interest to anyone interested in international relations.
Daniel Engster
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214358
- eISBN:
- 9780191706684
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214358.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book proposes a new framework of political justice based upon the practice of caring. Integrating the insights of earlier care theorists with the concerns of traditional justice theorists, the ...
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This book proposes a new framework of political justice based upon the practice of caring. Integrating the insights of earlier care theorists with the concerns of traditional justice theorists, the author forges a new synthesis between care and justice, and further argues that the institutional and policy commitments of care theory must be recognized as central to any adequate theory of justice. The book begins by offering a practice‐based account of caring and a theory of obligation that explains why individuals should care for others. It then systematically demonstrates the implications of this account of caring for domestic politics, economics, international relations, and culture. In each of these areas, it reviews the contributions of earlier care theorists and then extends their arguments to provide a more complete description of the institutions and policies of a caring society. Care ethics is further put in dialogue with diverse cultural and religious traditions and used to address the challenges of multicultural justice, cultural relativism, and international human rights. More fully than other works on care theory, this book provides an overarching account of the institutions and policies of a caring society.Less
This book proposes a new framework of political justice based upon the practice of caring. Integrating the insights of earlier care theorists with the concerns of traditional justice theorists, the author forges a new synthesis between care and justice, and further argues that the institutional and policy commitments of care theory must be recognized as central to any adequate theory of justice. The book begins by offering a practice‐based account of caring and a theory of obligation that explains why individuals should care for others. It then systematically demonstrates the implications of this account of caring for domestic politics, economics, international relations, and culture. In each of these areas, it reviews the contributions of earlier care theorists and then extends their arguments to provide a more complete description of the institutions and policies of a caring society. Care ethics is further put in dialogue with diverse cultural and religious traditions and used to address the challenges of multicultural justice, cultural relativism, and international human rights. More fully than other works on care theory, this book provides an overarching account of the institutions and policies of a caring society.
Desmond King and Robert C. Lieberman
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter intends to draw a suppler, multidimensional picture of the American state's origins, structure, and consequences. The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate the significance of the state ...
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This chapter intends to draw a suppler, multidimensional picture of the American state's origins, structure, and consequences. The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate the significance of the state as an institutional force despite the threat of the demise of the state as the essential unit of global politics as a result of global trends. The chapter also discusses an emerging theoretical perspective in comparatives state research that intends to prove the state's resilience to forces that threatens to marginalize it. In addition, this chapter also presents the paradoxical role of the state in American political development. Likewise, the resurgence of the state in comparative politics and international relation literatures is illustrated. The chapter concludes by pointing out that the proposition that the organizing notion of the state is under threat seems overstated.Less
This chapter intends to draw a suppler, multidimensional picture of the American state's origins, structure, and consequences. The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate the significance of the state as an institutional force despite the threat of the demise of the state as the essential unit of global politics as a result of global trends. The chapter also discusses an emerging theoretical perspective in comparatives state research that intends to prove the state's resilience to forces that threatens to marginalize it. In addition, this chapter also presents the paradoxical role of the state in American political development. Likewise, the resurgence of the state in comparative politics and international relation literatures is illustrated. The chapter concludes by pointing out that the proposition that the organizing notion of the state is under threat seems overstated.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The chapter begins with a brief sketch of the EU’s representative politics in comparison with national politics. It then examines the EU’s effects on national politics generally as well as ...
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The chapter begins with a brief sketch of the EU’s representative politics in comparison with national politics. It then examines the EU’s effects on national politics generally as well as differentially between majoritarian and proportional representation systems in terms of questions related to party politics and electoral participation, referenda and citizen activism, trust in government, identity and class between majoritarian and proportional representation systems. This is followed by a more detailed consideration of the EU’s effects in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. While Europeanization has been equally problematic for the polarized, majoritarian politics of France and Britain, Britain has been more politically polarized for much longer around the issue of Europe than France, despite the fact that it has shielded itself more from EU encroachments on national policies. Europeanization has been least disruptive to Germany’s consensus-oriented, proportional representation system and most salutary to Italy’s more conflictual, mixed system of representation.Less
The chapter begins with a brief sketch of the EU’s representative politics in comparison with national politics. It then examines the EU’s effects on national politics generally as well as differentially between majoritarian and proportional representation systems in terms of questions related to party politics and electoral participation, referenda and citizen activism, trust in government, identity and class between majoritarian and proportional representation systems. This is followed by a more detailed consideration of the EU’s effects in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. While Europeanization has been equally problematic for the polarized, majoritarian politics of France and Britain, Britain has been more politically polarized for much longer around the issue of Europe than France, despite the fact that it has shielded itself more from EU encroachments on national policies. Europeanization has been least disruptive to Germany’s consensus-oriented, proportional representation system and most salutary to Italy’s more conflictual, mixed system of representation.
