Rachel Kerr
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263059
- eISBN:
- 9780191601422
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263051.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines the establishment, functions and significance of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. It sought an answer to whether the Tribunal could carry out its ...
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This book examines the establishment, functions and significance of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. It sought an answer to whether the Tribunal could carry out its duties as an impartial judicial body, given that it was established for political purposes. It is argued that the external political function did not undermine the Tribunal’s status as an impartial judicial body, but rather enhanced its effectiveness.Less
This book examines the establishment, functions and significance of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. It sought an answer to whether the Tribunal could carry out its duties as an impartial judicial body, given that it was established for political purposes. It is argued that the external political function did not undermine the Tribunal’s status as an impartial judicial body, but rather enhanced its effectiveness.
Mike W. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195304718
- eISBN:
- 9780199786572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195304713.003.Epilogue
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This epilogue presents some concluding thoughts. It argues that America's therapeutic trend in ethics — the tendency to approach moral matters in terms of mental health — was politicized by America's ...
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This epilogue presents some concluding thoughts. It argues that America's therapeutic trend in ethics — the tendency to approach moral matters in terms of mental health — was politicized by America's culture wars during the second half of the 20th century. It comments on the political resonance of three themes: healthy morality, responsibility for health, and mental health as moral-laden.Less
This epilogue presents some concluding thoughts. It argues that America's therapeutic trend in ethics — the tendency to approach moral matters in terms of mental health — was politicized by America's culture wars during the second half of the 20th century. It comments on the political resonance of three themes: healthy morality, responsibility for health, and mental health as moral-laden.
Christopher Hood, Colin Scott, Oliver James, George Jones, and Tony Travers
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280996
- eISBN:
- 9780191599491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280998.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Examines European Union oversight of UK public sector activity, over compliance with EU norms and financial rules. EU regulators, and particularly those within the European Commission, possess ...
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Examines European Union oversight of UK public sector activity, over compliance with EU norms and financial rules. EU regulators, and particularly those within the European Commission, possess financial sanctions to an extent unusual among domestic regulators over the UK public sector. However, the tendency towards politicization in many domains appeared to generate what, in terms of the rationality of the EU, looked like under‐enforcement.Less
Examines European Union oversight of UK public sector activity, over compliance with EU norms and financial rules. EU regulators, and particularly those within the European Commission, possess financial sanctions to an extent unusual among domestic regulators over the UK public sector. However, the tendency towards politicization in many domains appeared to generate what, in terms of the rationality of the EU, looked like under‐enforcement.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement ...
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Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.Less
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.
Badri Narayan Tiwari
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198071877
- eISBN:
- 9780199080724
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198071877.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This book is a commentary on politics and political consciousness, participation, and mobilization among the Dalits of Uttar Pradesh. Based on extensive fieldwork at the village level in eastern ...
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This book is a commentary on politics and political consciousness, participation, and mobilization among the Dalits of Uttar Pradesh. Based on extensive fieldwork at the village level in eastern Uttar Pradesh, it deals with Dalit social and political history in the state from 1950 to the present. Badri Narayan examines the process of politicization of Dalit communities through their internal social struggles and movements, and their emergence as a ‘political public’ in the State-oriented democratic political setting of contemporary India. This process is represented through stories and narratives that span the oppressed historical moments of the marginalized, documenting various social upheavels in post-Independence India. The volume uses various alternative sources, alive in the oral tradition and ‘collective memory’ of the grassroots to explain contemporary history of Dalit mobilization in north India. The book unfolds the suppressed multiple layers of Dalit consciousness, hitherto ignored by mainstream discourse.Less
This book is a commentary on politics and political consciousness, participation, and mobilization among the Dalits of Uttar Pradesh. Based on extensive fieldwork at the village level in eastern Uttar Pradesh, it deals with Dalit social and political history in the state from 1950 to the present. Badri Narayan examines the process of politicization of Dalit communities through their internal social struggles and movements, and their emergence as a ‘political public’ in the State-oriented democratic political setting of contemporary India. This process is represented through stories and narratives that span the oppressed historical moments of the marginalized, documenting various social upheavels in post-Independence India. The volume uses various alternative sources, alive in the oral tradition and ‘collective memory’ of the grassroots to explain contemporary history of Dalit mobilization in north India. The book unfolds the suppressed multiple layers of Dalit consciousness, hitherto ignored by mainstream discourse.
Frits M. Van Der Meer and Jos C. N. Raadschelders
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Dutch society takes pride in its egalitarian character, and political and administrative officeholders are neither separated off nor placed on a pedestal. This general attitude originates in the ...
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Dutch society takes pride in its egalitarian character, and political and administrative officeholders are neither separated off nor placed on a pedestal. This general attitude originates in the predominantly middle‐class nature of Dutch society, in which the idea of formal incorporation of top civil servants in a separate class of administrative personnel is foreign; however, at the same time, there is a striving for unity in the national administration. The issue of tension between unity and fragmentation forces an assessment in this chapter of current developments in the higher civil service in comparison with the situation as it existed from the Second World War up to the early 1990s, with the emphasis on developments in the past two decades in which the most important event was the formation of a Senior Public Service (the Algemene Bestuursdienst, or ABD) after 1 July 1995. The first main section of the chapter (section II) examines what is meant by a ‘senior civil service’ in the Dutch context, where even the creation of the ABD does not provide a conclusive answer, since there are many senior civil servants outside it. In order to address this issue, the characteristics of the Dutch personnel management system are examined, and a brief outline given of the ABD and of the number of top civil servants working at central government level in the period 1976–1995. Section III turns to the political–administrative organization and the consultative structures at the top of the central government departments, and discusses the structure of the ABD, while section IV discusses the political affiliation (politicization) of top civil servants, and section V looks at functional mobility at the top, with special attention to the functional motives for creating the ABD. Finally, the social political structure of the civil service is reviewed, with sections on social (VI) and educational (VII) background.Less
Dutch society takes pride in its egalitarian character, and political and administrative officeholders are neither separated off nor placed on a pedestal. This general attitude originates in the predominantly middle‐class nature of Dutch society, in which the idea of formal incorporation of top civil servants in a separate class of administrative personnel is foreign; however, at the same time, there is a striving for unity in the national administration. The issue of tension between unity and fragmentation forces an assessment in this chapter of current developments in the higher civil service in comparison with the situation as it existed from the Second World War up to the early 1990s, with the emphasis on developments in the past two decades in which the most important event was the formation of a Senior Public Service (the Algemene Bestuursdienst, or ABD) after 1 July 1995. The first main section of the chapter (section II) examines what is meant by a ‘senior civil service’ in the Dutch context, where even the creation of the ABD does not provide a conclusive answer, since there are many senior civil servants outside it. In order to address this issue, the characteristics of the Dutch personnel management system are examined, and a brief outline given of the ABD and of the number of top civil servants working at central government level in the period 1976–1995. Section III turns to the political–administrative organization and the consultative structures at the top of the central government departments, and discusses the structure of the ABD, while section IV discusses the political affiliation (politicization) of top civil servants, and section V looks at functional mobility at the top, with special attention to the functional motives for creating the ABD. Finally, the social political structure of the civil service is reviewed, with sections on social (VI) and educational (VII) background.
Luc Rouban
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In France, the notion of a senior civil servant is a social rather than a legal one, and senior civil servants may be defined through their role as privileged partners of political power and ...
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In France, the notion of a senior civil servant is a social rather than a legal one, and senior civil servants may be defined through their role as privileged partners of political power and participation in government decision‐making; they are a heterogeneous group of senior managers of the state public administration, whose members share neither the same careers nor prestige nor professional culture, and regard themselves generally as intellectuals rather than as managers. The relationship between senior civil servants and politicians is more ambiguous and closer in the 1990s than it was during the 1960s, and the politicization of the senior civil service has been considerably strengthened, but senior civil servants still consider themselves as representing the permanence of the state, and are still reluctant to talk freely about their political involvements. Whatever the social changes that have occurred during the last 15 years and whatever the political changes, the senior civil service remains strong. An overview of the higher French civil service has to take into account three variables that interact simultaneously: the fundamentally individualistic culture acquired during years of professional training; the decisive role of the grand corps in the career path and in the representation of what is ‘good administrative work’; and the privileged social rank of the higher civil service. This chapter presents the main characteristics of senior public managers in France by trying to highlight signs of an evolution since the 1960s; the different sections look at recruitment and promotion methods, the political activity and mobility of senior civil servants, the internal hierarchy of the civil service, the sociological characteristics of senior public managers, the professional relationships of senior civil servants, the absence of any higher civil service policy, and the debated question of the erosion of higher civil service social status.Less
In France, the notion of a senior civil servant is a social rather than a legal one, and senior civil servants may be defined through their role as privileged partners of political power and participation in government decision‐making; they are a heterogeneous group of senior managers of the state public administration, whose members share neither the same careers nor prestige nor professional culture, and regard themselves generally as intellectuals rather than as managers. The relationship between senior civil servants and politicians is more ambiguous and closer in the 1990s than it was during the 1960s, and the politicization of the senior civil service has been considerably strengthened, but senior civil servants still consider themselves as representing the permanence of the state, and are still reluctant to talk freely about their political involvements. Whatever the social changes that have occurred during the last 15 years and whatever the political changes, the senior civil service remains strong. An overview of the higher French civil service has to take into account three variables that interact simultaneously: the fundamentally individualistic culture acquired during years of professional training; the decisive role of the grand corps in the career path and in the representation of what is ‘good administrative work’; and the privileged social rank of the higher civil service. This chapter presents the main characteristics of senior public managers in France by trying to highlight signs of an evolution since the 1960s; the different sections look at recruitment and promotion methods, the political activity and mobility of senior civil servants, the internal hierarchy of the civil service, the sociological characteristics of senior public managers, the professional relationships of senior civil servants, the absence of any higher civil service policy, and the debated question of the erosion of higher civil service social status.
Klaus H. Goetz
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This account of institutional change and positional differentiation of senior officials in Germany's Federal administration is presented in five sections. Section I, ‘Senior Officials and the ...
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This account of institutional change and positional differentiation of senior officials in Germany's Federal administration is presented in five sections. Section I, ‘Senior Officials and the Reassertion of Political Authority’, is introductory and discusses the causes and implications of change in the organization and in the political and administrative roles of the senior civil service; changes identified include party politicization, parliamentarization and federalization of the national policy process, modernization initiatives, European integration, and unification. Section II gives a brief survey of the Federal senior ministerial personnel (looking at pay grade and rank, and centrality), and section III considers paths to the top, paying particular attention to the procedures for recruitment and promotion and the consequences of weak formal structures for personnel planning and development. Following on from the definition of political craft as a defining attribute of effective top officials, section IV highlights the central position of political coordination units as training grounds in the Federal administration and comments on the informal positional differentiation that they encourage. The discussion concludes in section V with an assessment of the implications of the partition of the ministerial bureaucracy between Bonn and Berlin.Less
This account of institutional change and positional differentiation of senior officials in Germany's Federal administration is presented in five sections. Section I, ‘Senior Officials and the Reassertion of Political Authority’, is introductory and discusses the causes and implications of change in the organization and in the political and administrative roles of the senior civil service; changes identified include party politicization, parliamentarization and federalization of the national policy process, modernization initiatives, European integration, and unification. Section II gives a brief survey of the Federal senior ministerial personnel (looking at pay grade and rank, and centrality), and section III considers paths to the top, paying particular attention to the procedures for recruitment and promotion and the consequences of weak formal structures for personnel planning and development. Following on from the definition of political craft as a defining attribute of effective top officials, section IV highlights the central position of political coordination units as training grounds in the Federal administration and comments on the informal positional differentiation that they encourage. The discussion concludes in section V with an assessment of the implications of the partition of the ministerial bureaucracy between Bonn and Berlin.
Charlotte Dargie and Rachel Locke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The aim is to describe the current senior civil service in Britain; in order to do this, recent changes instigated by the Thatcher and Major governments have to be addressed. To explain these ...
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The aim is to describe the current senior civil service in Britain; in order to do this, recent changes instigated by the Thatcher and Major governments have to be addressed. To explain these developments, four analytical themes are used that run through the different reforms of the senior civil service that are to be discussed. These themes are managerialism (private‐sector management styles in the civil service), marketization (introducing markets into civil service operations), agencification (‘hiving off’ civil service functions to separate agencies), and politicization (breaking down the barriers between political and non‐partisan tasks in government). The introduction to the chapter characterizes these four themes. The second section defines the British senior civil service, and further sections assess change through various aspects of the senior civil service: recruitment and promotion; mobility; sociological characteristics of senior officials; and the relationship with the political machinery of government.Less
The aim is to describe the current senior civil service in Britain; in order to do this, recent changes instigated by the Thatcher and Major governments have to be addressed. To explain these developments, four analytical themes are used that run through the different reforms of the senior civil service that are to be discussed. These themes are managerialism (private‐sector management styles in the civil service), marketization (introducing markets into civil service operations), agencification (‘hiving off’ civil service functions to separate agencies), and politicization (breaking down the barriers between political and non‐partisan tasks in government). The introduction to the chapter characterizes these four themes. The second section defines the British senior civil service, and further sections assess change through various aspects of the senior civil service: recruitment and promotion; mobility; sociological characteristics of senior officials; and the relationship with the political machinery of government.
Michael Moran
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199247578
- eISBN:
- 9780191601996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247579.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the regulation of the public sphere in Britain. It presents the four major domains of reorganization. Hyper-politicisation is discussed, which resulted from the breakdown of the ...
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This chapter examines the regulation of the public sphere in Britain. It presents the four major domains of reorganization. Hyper-politicisation is discussed, which resulted from the breakdown of the old mechanisms protecting interests from democratic accountability, thus exposing them to the full force of partisan politics.Less
This chapter examines the regulation of the public sphere in Britain. It presents the four major domains of reorganization. Hyper-politicisation is discussed, which resulted from the breakdown of the old mechanisms protecting interests from democratic accountability, thus exposing them to the full force of partisan politics.
Alec Stone Sweet
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198297710
- eISBN:
- 9780191601095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297718.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The book's main findings are integrated into a theory of the dynamics of constitutional politics. Politicization and judicialization are expected to be found taking place together, and the conditions ...
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The book's main findings are integrated into a theory of the dynamics of constitutional politics. Politicization and judicialization are expected to be found taking place together, and the conditions under which one produces the other are spelt out, both at the normative macro‐level and the strategically driven micro‐level. The analytically distinct features of the four stages that comprise this circular path are examined individually. In the final evaluation, the techniques of constitutional adjudication are argued to tend to diffuse; therefore, governing with judges also means governing like judges.Less
The book's main findings are integrated into a theory of the dynamics of constitutional politics. Politicization and judicialization are expected to be found taking place together, and the conditions under which one produces the other are spelt out, both at the normative macro‐level and the strategically driven micro‐level. The analytically distinct features of the four stages that comprise this circular path are examined individually. In the final evaluation, the techniques of constitutional adjudication are argued to tend to diffuse; therefore, governing with judges also means governing like judges.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Power now does the work that culture used to do. This is seen in the tendency toward the politicization of nearly everything. Politicization is most visibly manifested in the role ideology has come ...
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Power now does the work that culture used to do. This is seen in the tendency toward the politicization of nearly everything. Politicization is most visibly manifested in the role ideology has come to play in public life, the well-established predisposition to interpret all of public life through the filter of partisan beliefs, values, ideals, and attachments. As a consequence, we find it difficult to think in ways to address public problems or issues in any way that is not political. Politicization means that the final arbiter within most of social life is the coercive power of the state. Our times amply demonstrate that it is far easier to force one’s will upon others through legal and political means than it is to persuade them or negotiate compromise with them. What adds pathos to this situation is the presence of ressentiment, defined by a combination of anger, envy, hate, rage, and revenge.Less
Power now does the work that culture used to do. This is seen in the tendency toward the politicization of nearly everything. Politicization is most visibly manifested in the role ideology has come to play in public life, the well-established predisposition to interpret all of public life through the filter of partisan beliefs, values, ideals, and attachments. As a consequence, we find it difficult to think in ways to address public problems or issues in any way that is not political. Politicization means that the final arbiter within most of social life is the coercive power of the state. Our times amply demonstrate that it is far easier to force one’s will upon others through legal and political means than it is to persuade them or negotiate compromise with them. What adds pathos to this situation is the presence of ressentiment, defined by a combination of anger, envy, hate, rage, and revenge.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Politically conservative Christians are animate by a mythic ideal concerned with the “right-ordering” of society. They want the world in which they live reflect their own likeness. A legacy of a ...
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Politically conservative Christians are animate by a mythic ideal concerned with the “right-ordering” of society. They want the world in which they live reflect their own likeness. A legacy of a Christian origin is understood as providing a sense of ownership over America and “radical secularists” have taken this away. The effect is harming to America, and people of faith, marginalizing them in public life. Their response has been one of political engagement, often conflating Christian faith and national identity in the political imagination. There are changes occurring among the Religious Right. However, though the tactics have expanded to include worldview and culture, the logic at work—that America has been taken over by secularists, that it is time to “take back the culture” for Christ—is identical to the longstanding approach of the Christian Right. This is because the underlying myth that defines their goals and strategy of action has not changed.Less
Politically conservative Christians are animate by a mythic ideal concerned with the “right-ordering” of society. They want the world in which they live reflect their own likeness. A legacy of a Christian origin is understood as providing a sense of ownership over America and “radical secularists” have taken this away. The effect is harming to America, and people of faith, marginalizing them in public life. Their response has been one of political engagement, often conflating Christian faith and national identity in the political imagination. There are changes occurring among the Religious Right. However, though the tactics have expanded to include worldview and culture, the logic at work—that America has been taken over by secularists, that it is time to “take back the culture” for Christ—is identical to the longstanding approach of the Christian Right. This is because the underlying myth that defines their goals and strategy of action has not changed.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Progressives have always been animated by the myth of equality and community and therefore see history as an ongoing struggle to realize these ideals. The key word in the progressive lexicon is ...
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Progressives have always been animated by the myth of equality and community and therefore see history as an ongoing struggle to realize these ideals. The key word in the progressive lexicon is justice. The biblical tradition that Christian progressives appeal to is the prophetic tradition in its condemnation of the wealthy for their abuse of the poor, the weak, and the marginalized. However, in its commitment to social change through politics and politically oriented social movements, in its conflation of the public with the political, in its own selective use of Scripture to justify political interests, and in its confusion of theology with national interests and identity, the Christian Left imitates the Christian Right.Less
Progressives have always been animated by the myth of equality and community and therefore see history as an ongoing struggle to realize these ideals. The key word in the progressive lexicon is justice. The biblical tradition that Christian progressives appeal to is the prophetic tradition in its condemnation of the wealthy for their abuse of the poor, the weak, and the marginalized. However, in its commitment to social change through politics and politically oriented social movements, in its conflation of the public with the political, in its own selective use of Scripture to justify political interests, and in its confusion of theology with national interests and identity, the Christian Left imitates the Christian Right.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The mythic ideal that animates the neo-Anabaptist position is the ideal of true and authentic New Testament Christianity and the primitive church of the apostolic age. Constantinianism is a ...
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The mythic ideal that animates the neo-Anabaptist position is the ideal of true and authentic New Testament Christianity and the primitive church of the apostolic age. Constantinianism is a multifaceted heresy that surfaced and resurfaced throughout history. The archetype of neo-Constantinianism is the founding of the American republic, which has a strong view of the church and a separatist impulse. While the neo-Anabaptists attempt to reject it, they are also defined and depend upon it.Less
The mythic ideal that animates the neo-Anabaptist position is the ideal of true and authentic New Testament Christianity and the primitive church of the apostolic age. Constantinianism is a multifaceted heresy that surfaced and resurfaced throughout history. The archetype of neo-Constantinianism is the founding of the American republic, which has a strong view of the church and a separatist impulse. While the neo-Anabaptists attempt to reject it, they are also defined and depend upon it.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Politics has become a “social imaginary” that defines the horizon of understanding and the parameters for action. What is never challenged is the proclivity to think of the Christian faith and its ...
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Politics has become a “social imaginary” that defines the horizon of understanding and the parameters for action. What is never challenged is the proclivity to think of the Christian faith and its engagements with culture in political terms. For all, the public has been conflated with the political. But the ressentiment that marks the way they operate makes it clear that a crucial part of what motivates politics is a will to dominate. However, for politics to be about more than power, it depends upon a realm that is independent of the political process. The deepest irony is that the Christian faith has the possibility of autonomous institutions and practices that could be a source of ideals and values that could elevate politics to more than a quest for power. Instead, by nurturing its resentments, they become functional Nietzcheans, participating in the very cultural breakdown they so ardently strive to resist.Less
Politics has become a “social imaginary” that defines the horizon of understanding and the parameters for action. What is never challenged is the proclivity to think of the Christian faith and its engagements with culture in political terms. For all, the public has been conflated with the political. But the ressentiment that marks the way they operate makes it clear that a crucial part of what motivates politics is a will to dominate. However, for politics to be about more than power, it depends upon a realm that is independent of the political process. The deepest irony is that the Christian faith has the possibility of autonomous institutions and practices that could be a source of ideals and values that could elevate politics to more than a quest for power. Instead, by nurturing its resentments, they become functional Nietzcheans, participating in the very cultural breakdown they so ardently strive to resist.
Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199202812
- eISBN:
- 9780191708008
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202812.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Democratization
Despite variations among Southern European state bureaucracies, there are certain common features of the Southern European bureaucratic model, such as political clientelism at the higher echelons of ...
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Despite variations among Southern European state bureaucracies, there are certain common features of the Southern European bureaucratic model, such as political clientelism at the higher echelons of the bureaucracy and at the entry level; an uneven distribution of resources and infrastructure in the public sector; legal rigidity and excessive legalism; and—with the exception of Spain—lack of an administrative elite. Corruption and inefficiency are also common, but their extent is debatable. During democratic transition and consolidation, Southern European bureaucracies were not “cleansed” from collaborators of the authoritarian regimes. In the period of democratic persistence, most attempts at implementing public management reforms in Southern Europe failed. However, decentralization progressed immensely it Italy and Spain, but hardly in Greece and Portugal. Except for Spain, professionalism was not achieved. Even though extensive politicization persists, the traditional features of South European bureaucracies have started fading.Less
Despite variations among Southern European state bureaucracies, there are certain common features of the Southern European bureaucratic model, such as political clientelism at the higher echelons of the bureaucracy and at the entry level; an uneven distribution of resources and infrastructure in the public sector; legal rigidity and excessive legalism; and—with the exception of Spain—lack of an administrative elite. Corruption and inefficiency are also common, but their extent is debatable. During democratic transition and consolidation, Southern European bureaucracies were not “cleansed” from collaborators of the authoritarian regimes. In the period of democratic persistence, most attempts at implementing public management reforms in Southern Europe failed. However, decentralization progressed immensely it Italy and Spain, but hardly in Greece and Portugal. Except for Spain, professionalism was not achieved. Even though extensive politicization persists, the traditional features of South European bureaucracies have started fading.
Abdullah al-Otaibi and Pascal Ménoret
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195369212
- eISBN:
- 9780199871179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369212.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Islam
This chapter analyses a particularly daring and dangerous yet common practice among male youth in Saudi Arabian cities: car skidding at high speed, or tafhit. It aims first to give a somewhat ...
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This chapter analyses a particularly daring and dangerous yet common practice among male youth in Saudi Arabian cities: car skidding at high speed, or tafhit. It aims first to give a somewhat different reading of processes of politicization of male youth in the Middle East. Analyzing the criminalized practice of tafhit as a long-term and low-scale mob action, it shows that politicization may result from processes of deviance and desocialization. It then endeavors to break down the walls that, in the literature on politics in the Middle East, divide the Islamic movements from their environment. It eventually tries to retrace the narratives that allow young people to engage in an extremely dangerous and seemingly absurd activism.Less
This chapter analyses a particularly daring and dangerous yet common practice among male youth in Saudi Arabian cities: car skidding at high speed, or tafhit. It aims first to give a somewhat different reading of processes of politicization of male youth in the Middle East. Analyzing the criminalized practice of tafhit as a long-term and low-scale mob action, it shows that politicization may result from processes of deviance and desocialization. It then endeavors to break down the walls that, in the literature on politics in the Middle East, divide the Islamic movements from their environment. It eventually tries to retrace the narratives that allow young people to engage in an extremely dangerous and seemingly absurd activism.
HUGH M. THOMAS
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199251230
- eISBN:
- 9780191719134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251230.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
English identity and anti-foreign feeling were important in English politics during the 13th century. This chapter examines five interrelated developments in the reigns of Richard I and John. The ...
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English identity and anti-foreign feeling were important in English politics during the 13th century. This chapter examines five interrelated developments in the reigns of Richard I and John. The first was the intensification of English identity among the predominantly immigrant elites. The second was the increasingly strong focus on the realm of England as a community to which loyalty was owed. The third was the development of a politically based xenophobia, directed not only against potentially hostile or disruptive outsiders, but also against new immigrants who might compete for power and royal favour with the established and increasingly English elites. Fourth was the solidification of anti-French views during the civil war surrounding Magna Carta. Fifth was the increasing tendency to view politics through an ethnic or national lens. In tracing the politicization of Englishness, this chapter pays as much attention to the interpretation of events and the rhetoric surrounding them as to the events themselves.Less
English identity and anti-foreign feeling were important in English politics during the 13th century. This chapter examines five interrelated developments in the reigns of Richard I and John. The first was the intensification of English identity among the predominantly immigrant elites. The second was the increasingly strong focus on the realm of England as a community to which loyalty was owed. The third was the development of a politically based xenophobia, directed not only against potentially hostile or disruptive outsiders, but also against new immigrants who might compete for power and royal favour with the established and increasingly English elites. Fourth was the solidification of anti-French views during the civil war surrounding Magna Carta. Fifth was the increasing tendency to view politics through an ethnic or national lens. In tracing the politicization of Englishness, this chapter pays as much attention to the interpretation of events and the rhetoric surrounding them as to the events themselves.
PERRY GAUCI
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199241934
- eISBN:
- 9780191714344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241934.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The French commerce bill of 1713 was crucial to the government's attempt to settle Anglo-French trade at the conclusion of the War of the Spanish Succession, and was considered vital for ...
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The French commerce bill of 1713 was crucial to the government's attempt to settle Anglo-French trade at the conclusion of the War of the Spanish Succession, and was considered vital for re-establishing relations between Europe's leading rivals. However, the bill was defeated in the House of Commons by a mere nine votes. The division sent shock-waves through the political world of its day. Economic historians, most notably Donald Coleman, have used the controversy to explore the relationship between early economic theory and political practice, and to demonstrate the faltering steps that commerce took upon the parliamentary stage at that time. Coleman argued that contemporaries perceived trade in ‘quasi-political’ terms, as an adjunct of international relations, and he stressed that the impact of commercial issues could not be properly assessed without such broader perspectives. This chapter builds on Coleman's work by examining the ‘political’ rhetoric of commercial debate, to see whether contemporaries had consciously accorded trade a greater priority on the agenda of state interests.Less
The French commerce bill of 1713 was crucial to the government's attempt to settle Anglo-French trade at the conclusion of the War of the Spanish Succession, and was considered vital for re-establishing relations between Europe's leading rivals. However, the bill was defeated in the House of Commons by a mere nine votes. The division sent shock-waves through the political world of its day. Economic historians, most notably Donald Coleman, have used the controversy to explore the relationship between early economic theory and political practice, and to demonstrate the faltering steps that commerce took upon the parliamentary stage at that time. Coleman argued that contemporaries perceived trade in ‘quasi-political’ terms, as an adjunct of international relations, and he stressed that the impact of commercial issues could not be properly assessed without such broader perspectives. This chapter builds on Coleman's work by examining the ‘political’ rhetoric of commercial debate, to see whether contemporaries had consciously accorded trade a greater priority on the agenda of state interests.
