Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
State capacity depends, most of all, of its democratic institutions. Only a strong and legitimate state will be able to provide good governance, individual and social justice, the guarantee of ...
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State capacity depends, most of all, of its democratic institutions. Only a strong and legitimate state will be able to provide good governance, individual and social justice, the guarantee of property rights and contracts, the protection to political and social rights, the defence of the national interests. An effective and efficient democratic state depends also on a good state organization and on competent government officials, able to make trade-offs between their legitimate personal objectives and the public interest. Public management reform is the contemporary form of assuring this kind state organization. In modern democracies, government officials–public managers as well as elected politicians–although also looking out for their own interests, are supposed to share republican virtues, to be committed to the general interest and to the protection of the public patrimony. Democratic institutions make them accountable for that.Less
State capacity depends, most of all, of its democratic institutions. Only a strong and legitimate state will be able to provide good governance, individual and social justice, the guarantee of property rights and contracts, the protection to political and social rights, the defence of the national interests. An effective and efficient democratic state depends also on a good state organization and on competent government officials, able to make trade-offs between their legitimate personal objectives and the public interest. Public management reform is the contemporary form of assuring this kind state organization. In modern democracies, government officials–public managers as well as elected politicians–although also looking out for their own interests, are supposed to share republican virtues, to be committed to the general interest and to the protection of the public patrimony. Democratic institutions make them accountable for that.
Leif Lewin
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198277255
- eISBN:
- 9780191599774
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198277253.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Is it self‐interest or public interest that dominates in public life? Rational‐choice theory, political philosophy, and electoral research were all used to answer this question. Analysing existing ...
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Is it self‐interest or public interest that dominates in public life? Rational‐choice theory, political philosophy, and electoral research were all used to answer this question. Analysing existing literature, Professor Leif Lewin shows that predominant consensus emerged on this issue by the 1980s. This consensus states that people in politics are driven mostly by their self‐interest and not by common good and society values. Although Professor Lewin is not testing existing views that ‘egoism rules’ on deep theoretical grounds, he strongly argues that empirical facts do not support such views and thus opens a new chapter in the debate on individuals’ rationality.Combining research results and achievements of different research fields, mentioned above, the author adopts methodology never used before. Extensive literature review on studies of Western democracy provides a basis for analysis for many countries. Separate chapters of the book are devoted to the attitudes and actions of the electoral voters, politicians, and bureaucrats in power.This allows the author to make broad conclusions, which challenges predominant views. He concludes that in most cases people in politics are driven by broader social interests rather than their own short‐term interests.Less
Is it self‐interest or public interest that dominates in public life? Rational‐choice theory, political philosophy, and electoral research were all used to answer this question. Analysing existing literature, Professor Leif Lewin shows that predominant consensus emerged on this issue by the 1980s. This consensus states that people in politics are driven mostly by their self‐interest and not by common good and society values. Although Professor Lewin is not testing existing views that ‘egoism rules’ on deep theoretical grounds, he strongly argues that empirical facts do not support such views and thus opens a new chapter in the debate on individuals’ rationality.
Combining research results and achievements of different research fields, mentioned above, the author adopts methodology never used before. Extensive literature review on studies of Western democracy provides a basis for analysis for many countries. Separate chapters of the book are devoted to the attitudes and actions of the electoral voters, politicians, and bureaucrats in power.
This allows the author to make broad conclusions, which challenges predominant views. He concludes that in most cases people in politics are driven by broader social interests rather than their own short‐term interests.
Stuart Macdonald
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241477
- eISBN:
- 9780191696947
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241477.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Innovation, Organization Studies
Information is not taken seriously. Much is said about the information age, the information economy, the information society, and particularly about information technology, but little about ...
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Information is not taken seriously. Much is said about the information age, the information economy, the information society, and particularly about information technology, but little about information itself. Information has some very odd characteristics, conveniently overlooked by senior managers passionate about knowledge-based, learning organizations; by politicians and public servants, compensating with policy and programme for the information failure of organization and market; and by the IT and dotcom communities, bent on adding value to what they treat as just a commodity. This book looks at innovation from an information perspective; one that puts information first. Its information perspective is applied to eighteenth-century agriculture and high technology, to technology transfer and espionage, to corporate strategy and intellectual property.Less
Information is not taken seriously. Much is said about the information age, the information economy, the information society, and particularly about information technology, but little about information itself. Information has some very odd characteristics, conveniently overlooked by senior managers passionate about knowledge-based, learning organizations; by politicians and public servants, compensating with policy and programme for the information failure of organization and market; and by the IT and dotcom communities, bent on adding value to what they treat as just a commodity. This book looks at innovation from an information perspective; one that puts information first. Its information perspective is applied to eighteenth-century agriculture and high technology, to technology transfer and espionage, to corporate strategy and intellectual property.
Edward C. Page
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280798
- eISBN:
- 9780191684395
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280798.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
In the minds of many, Brussels is very closely associated with bureaucracy. Yet we know little about the character of the European Union's bureaucracy. This book draws upon a wide range of empirical ...
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In the minds of many, Brussels is very closely associated with bureaucracy. Yet we know little about the character of the European Union's bureaucracy. This book draws upon a wide range of empirical sources to present a picture of the administrative system of the EU. It discusses the complexities of its internal organization and goes on to explore the people who work in it. As a multinational organization its procedures for appointment and promotion reflect in part the need to maintain a professional career civil service and in part the desire to secure a fair mix of nationalities among top officials. This book looks at the distinctive features of the administrative system which these two principles help to produce as well as at the nature of the people — their backgrounds, careers, and skills — who are attracted to it. The book also examines the role of top officials in the decision making process, above all in their dealings with politicians and interest groups.Less
In the minds of many, Brussels is very closely associated with bureaucracy. Yet we know little about the character of the European Union's bureaucracy. This book draws upon a wide range of empirical sources to present a picture of the administrative system of the EU. It discusses the complexities of its internal organization and goes on to explore the people who work in it. As a multinational organization its procedures for appointment and promotion reflect in part the need to maintain a professional career civil service and in part the desire to secure a fair mix of nationalities among top officials. This book looks at the distinctive features of the administrative system which these two principles help to produce as well as at the nature of the people — their backgrounds, careers, and skills — who are attracted to it. The book also examines the role of top officials in the decision making process, above all in their dealings with politicians and interest groups.
Anthony Kauders
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206316
- eISBN:
- 9780191677076
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206316.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book is a scholarly reassessment of the ‘Jewish Question’ in Germany (1910–1933). It challenges the view that, following Hitler's rise to power, anti-Semitism radically increased among the ...
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This book is a scholarly reassessment of the ‘Jewish Question’ in Germany (1910–1933). It challenges the view that, following Hitler's rise to power, anti-Semitism radically increased among the majority of Germans. It argues that the Weimar Republic was also very influential in changing people's attitudes towards the Jews and their place in German society. Through a study of Düsseldorf and Nuremberg, two German cities of comparable size but disparate regional, religious, and economic characteristics, it explores the attitudes of journalists, politicians, clerics, and ordinary people. Using local and national archival material, the book is able to show that, whereas before the First World War most Germans would distance themselves from racial anti-Semitism, after 1918 many Germans agreed with völkisch agitators that Jews were, in a variety of ways, alien to the national community.Less
This book is a scholarly reassessment of the ‘Jewish Question’ in Germany (1910–1933). It challenges the view that, following Hitler's rise to power, anti-Semitism radically increased among the majority of Germans. It argues that the Weimar Republic was also very influential in changing people's attitudes towards the Jews and their place in German society. Through a study of Düsseldorf and Nuremberg, two German cities of comparable size but disparate regional, religious, and economic characteristics, it explores the attitudes of journalists, politicians, clerics, and ordinary people. Using local and national archival material, the book is able to show that, whereas before the First World War most Germans would distance themselves from racial anti-Semitism, after 1918 many Germans agreed with völkisch agitators that Jews were, in a variety of ways, alien to the national community.
Mark Mc Neilly
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195189780
- eISBN:
- 9780199851584
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195189780.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This introductory chapter explains the reasons for writing a book about George Washington in relation to business leadership. It explains that though Washington was primarily a general and a ...
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This introductory chapter explains the reasons for writing a book about George Washington in relation to business leadership. It explains that though Washington was primarily a general and a politician, not a business leader, his accomplishments put him in a class that few other leaders in history can match. This book discusses the foundation of Washington's leadership principles and explores his success in organizing a revolution and securing liberty through a strong alliance.Less
This introductory chapter explains the reasons for writing a book about George Washington in relation to business leadership. It explains that though Washington was primarily a general and a politician, not a business leader, his accomplishments put him in a class that few other leaders in history can match. This book discusses the foundation of Washington's leadership principles and explores his success in organizing a revolution and securing liberty through a strong alliance.
Hannah Barker
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207412
- eISBN:
- 9780191677663
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207412.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
For many contemporaries in late eighteenth-century England, the influence which the press exerted over politics and public opinion was a blessing which ...
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For many contemporaries in late eighteenth-century England, the influence which the press exerted over politics and public opinion was a blessing which both prevented politicians from misusing their power and gave the people a voice. Others felt that newspapers were capable of misleading the public and creating unrest. Yet most are united in their belief that the press had a particularly powerful position in society. By stressing the commercial concerns of newspaper editors and proprietors, and by examining the links between newspapers and their readers, this book has challenged the existing historiography of the press, and emphasised the role of public opinion in determining newspaper contents.Less
For many contemporaries in late eighteenth-century England, the influence which the press exerted over politics and public opinion was a blessing which both prevented politicians from misusing their power and gave the people a voice. Others felt that newspapers were capable of misleading the public and creating unrest. Yet most are united in their belief that the press had a particularly powerful position in society. By stressing the commercial concerns of newspaper editors and proprietors, and by examining the links between newspapers and their readers, this book has challenged the existing historiography of the press, and emphasised the role of public opinion in determining newspaper contents.
Jonathan Bendor, Daniel Diermeier, David A. Siegel, and Michael M. Ting
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691135076
- eISBN:
- 9781400836802
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691135076.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Most theories of elections assume that voters and political actors are fully rational. While these formulations produce many insights, they also generate anomalies—most famously, about turnout. The ...
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Most theories of elections assume that voters and political actors are fully rational. While these formulations produce many insights, they also generate anomalies—most famously, about turnout. The rise of behavioral economics has posed new challenges to the premise of rationality. This book provides a behavioral theory of elections based on the notion that all actors—politicians as well as voters—are only boundedly rational. The theory posits learning via trial and error: actions that surpass an actor’s aspiration level are more likely to be used in the future, while those that fall short are less likely to be tried later. Based on this idea of adaptation, the book constructs formal models of party competition, turnout, and voters’ choices of candidates. These models predict substantial turnout levels, voters sorting into parties, and winning parties adopting centrist platforms. In multiparty elections, voters are able to coordinate vote choices on majority-preferred candidates, while all candidates garner significant vote shares. Overall, the behavioral theory and its models produce macroimplications consistent with the data on elections, and they use plausible microassumptions about the cognitive capacities of politicians and voters. A computational model accompanies the book and can be used as a tool for further research.Less
Most theories of elections assume that voters and political actors are fully rational. While these formulations produce many insights, they also generate anomalies—most famously, about turnout. The rise of behavioral economics has posed new challenges to the premise of rationality. This book provides a behavioral theory of elections based on the notion that all actors—politicians as well as voters—are only boundedly rational. The theory posits learning via trial and error: actions that surpass an actor’s aspiration level are more likely to be used in the future, while those that fall short are less likely to be tried later. Based on this idea of adaptation, the book constructs formal models of party competition, turnout, and voters’ choices of candidates. These models predict substantial turnout levels, voters sorting into parties, and winning parties adopting centrist platforms. In multiparty elections, voters are able to coordinate vote choices on majority-preferred candidates, while all candidates garner significant vote shares. Overall, the behavioral theory and its models produce macroimplications consistent with the data on elections, and they use plausible microassumptions about the cognitive capacities of politicians and voters. A computational model accompanies the book and can be used as a tool for further research.
Andrew Hindmoor
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273140
- eISBN:
- 9780191601897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273146.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter explores the rhetoric of invention, focusing on the kinds of arguments politicians use to persuade audiences. It discusses the kinds of rhetorical arguments politicians use, and the ...
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This chapter explores the rhetoric of invention, focusing on the kinds of arguments politicians use to persuade audiences. It discusses the kinds of rhetorical arguments politicians use, and the limits of rhetoric. It is argued that rhetoric can be used to change beliefs. However, it persuades an audience based on the beliefs it already has.Less
This chapter explores the rhetoric of invention, focusing on the kinds of arguments politicians use to persuade audiences. It discusses the kinds of rhetorical arguments politicians use, and the limits of rhetoric. It is argued that rhetoric can be used to change beliefs. However, it persuades an audience based on the beliefs it already has.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
For democracy to work, politicians and electors have to see the world in the same party–related terms. Evidence is cited from both surveys and party programmes to show this must be the Left–Right ...
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For democracy to work, politicians and electors have to see the world in the same party–related terms. Evidence is cited from both surveys and party programmes to show this must be the Left–Right dimension. However, issues get squeezed into this only during and round about elections. In inter–election periods, ministerial and procedural structures may well divide political issues up into separable domains, raising the possibility that different parliamentary medians exist, depending on the subject under discussion. This possibility has to be built into our research design.Less
For democracy to work, politicians and electors have to see the world in the same party–related terms. Evidence is cited from both surveys and party programmes to show this must be the Left–Right dimension. However, issues get squeezed into this only during and round about elections. In inter–election periods, ministerial and procedural structures may well divide political issues up into separable domains, raising the possibility that different parliamentary medians exist, depending on the subject under discussion. This possibility has to be built into our research design.
Avner de‐Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Through the examination of Eco‐feminism and Deep Ecology, it is demonstrated how many in these two schools have misused the concept of ‘environment’ and caused a confusion that has been detrimental ...
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Through the examination of Eco‐feminism and Deep Ecology, it is demonstrated how many in these two schools have misused the concept of ‘environment’ and caused a confusion that has been detrimental to the social and political status of environmental philosophy. It is argued that when putting forward political goals that are legitimate and justified, but not ‘environmental’ at all, they have ‘conceptually exploited’ the ‘environment’. The reasons for environmental philosophy's lack of popularity among politicians and activists are (1) that it fails to distinguish between meta‐ethics and political theory, (2) that it identifies goals that do not necessarily appeal to environmentalists, and (3) that it overextended the use of its main concepts and caused confusion and vagueness.Less
Through the examination of Eco‐feminism and Deep Ecology, it is demonstrated how many in these two schools have misused the concept of ‘environment’ and caused a confusion that has been detrimental to the social and political status of environmental philosophy. It is argued that when putting forward political goals that are legitimate and justified, but not ‘environmental’ at all, they have ‘conceptually exploited’ the ‘environment’. The reasons for environmental philosophy's lack of popularity among politicians and activists are (1) that it fails to distinguish between meta‐ethics and political theory, (2) that it identifies goals that do not necessarily appeal to environmentalists, and (3) that it overextended the use of its main concepts and caused confusion and vagueness.
Nicholas Carnes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182001
- eISBN:
- 9780691184203
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182001.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Why are Americans governed by the rich? Millionaires make up only three percent of the public but control all three branches of the federal government. How did this happen? What stops lower-income ...
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Why are Americans governed by the rich? Millionaires make up only three percent of the public but control all three branches of the federal government. How did this happen? What stops lower-income and working-class Americans from becoming politicians? This book is a compelling and comprehensive account of why so few working-class people hold office—and what reformers can do about it. It debunks popular misconceptions (like the idea that workers are unelectable or unqualified to govern), identifies the factors that keep lower-class Americans off the ballot and out of political institutions, and evaluates a variety of reform proposals. The book shows that in the United States elections have a built-in “cash ceiling,” a series of structural barriers that make it almost impossible for the working-class to run for public office. Elections take a serious toll on candidates, many working-class Americans simply cannot shoulder the practical burdens, and civic and political leaders often pass them over in favor of white-collar candidates. But these obstacles are not inevitable. Pilot programs to recruit, train, and support working-class candidates have the potential to increase the economic diversity of our governing institutions and ultimately amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. Who runs for office goes to the heart of whether the USA has a democracy that is representative or not. The book shows that the best hope for combating the oversized political influence of the rich might simply be to help more working-class Americans become politicians.Less
Why are Americans governed by the rich? Millionaires make up only three percent of the public but control all three branches of the federal government. How did this happen? What stops lower-income and working-class Americans from becoming politicians? This book is a compelling and comprehensive account of why so few working-class people hold office—and what reformers can do about it. It debunks popular misconceptions (like the idea that workers are unelectable or unqualified to govern), identifies the factors that keep lower-class Americans off the ballot and out of political institutions, and evaluates a variety of reform proposals. The book shows that in the United States elections have a built-in “cash ceiling,” a series of structural barriers that make it almost impossible for the working-class to run for public office. Elections take a serious toll on candidates, many working-class Americans simply cannot shoulder the practical burdens, and civic and political leaders often pass them over in favor of white-collar candidates. But these obstacles are not inevitable. Pilot programs to recruit, train, and support working-class candidates have the potential to increase the economic diversity of our governing institutions and ultimately amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. Who runs for office goes to the heart of whether the USA has a democracy that is representative or not. The book shows that the best hope for combating the oversized political influence of the rich might simply be to help more working-class Americans become politicians.
Paul F. Lurquin and Linda Stone
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195315387
- eISBN:
- 9780199785674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195315387.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Creationists and some conservative politicians are allies in a culture war that threatens science education in the United States. The threat comes from religious ideologies, such as Intelligent ...
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Creationists and some conservative politicians are allies in a culture war that threatens science education in the United States. The threat comes from religious ideologies, such as Intelligent Design, that have never provided a shred of experimental evidence to buttress their claims. This book concludes that the proposition that evolutionary science is against human free will is baseless, and so is the contention that the theory of evolution deprives humans of purpose in life.Less
Creationists and some conservative politicians are allies in a culture war that threatens science education in the United States. The threat comes from religious ideologies, such as Intelligent Design, that have never provided a shred of experimental evidence to buttress their claims. This book concludes that the proposition that evolutionary science is against human free will is baseless, and so is the contention that the theory of evolution deprives humans of purpose in life.
Sören Holmberg
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In Scandinavia, as demonstrated by the analysis of the World Values Survey in Ch. 2, people remain highly positive towards the political community and democratic principles; nevertheless, support for ...
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In Scandinavia, as demonstrated by the analysis of the World Values Survey in Ch. 2, people remain highly positive towards the political community and democratic principles; nevertheless, support for the remaining three levels of measure—regime performance, political institutions, and politicians—is more problematic. This chapter therefore focuses on how trust in politicians has evolved over the last twenty to thirty years in Scandinavia (Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Netherlands, Sweden, and Finland all established, parliamentary, multi‐party, unitary, welfare state democracies. The analysis starts at the bottom level—trust in politicians—since that is where the greatest change over time might be expected, and where there is access to some of the longest measured time‐series in the Scandinavian countries. Subsequent sections of the chapter analyse support for Swedish political institutions (parties, elections, the Rikstag, and the Cabinet), and democratic processes too. Considers explanations for trends in trust in politicians and regime institutions over time.Less
In Scandinavia, as demonstrated by the analysis of the World Values Survey in Ch. 2, people remain highly positive towards the political community and democratic principles; nevertheless, support for the remaining three levels of measure—regime performance, political institutions, and politicians—is more problematic. This chapter therefore focuses on how trust in politicians has evolved over the last twenty to thirty years in Scandinavia (Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Netherlands, Sweden, and Finland all established, parliamentary, multi‐party, unitary, welfare state democracies. The analysis starts at the bottom level—trust in politicians—since that is where the greatest change over time might be expected, and where there is access to some of the longest measured time‐series in the Scandinavian countries. Subsequent sections of the chapter analyse support for Swedish political institutions (parties, elections, the Rikstag, and the Cabinet), and democratic processes too. Considers explanations for trends in trust in politicians and regime institutions over time.
Jens Borchert
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly ...
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If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.Less
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.
Diana C. Mutz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691165110
- eISBN:
- 9781400865871
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691165110.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Americans are disgusted with watching politicians screaming and yelling at one another on television. But does all the noise really make a difference? Drawing on numerous studies, this book provides ...
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Americans are disgusted with watching politicians screaming and yelling at one another on television. But does all the noise really make a difference? Drawing on numerous studies, this book provides the first comprehensive look at the consequences of in-your-face politics. The book contradicts the conventional wisdom by documenting both the benefits and the drawbacks of in-your-face media. “In-your-face” politics refers to both the level of incivility and the up-close and personal way that we experience political conflict on television. Just as actual physical closeness intensifies people's emotional reactions to others, the appearance of closeness on a video screen has similar effects. We tend to keep our distance from those with whom we disagree. Modern media, however, puts those we dislike in our faces in a way that intensifies our negative reactions. This book finds that incivility is particularly detrimental to facilitating respect for oppositional political viewpoints and to citizens' levels of trust in politicians and the political process. On the positive side, incivility and close-up camera perspectives contribute to making politics more physiologically arousing and entertaining to viewers. This encourages more attention to political programs, stimulates recall of the content, and encourages people to relay content to others. In the end, this book demonstrates why political incivility is not easily dismissed as a disservice to democracy—it may even be a necessity in an age with so much competition for citizens' attention.Less
Americans are disgusted with watching politicians screaming and yelling at one another on television. But does all the noise really make a difference? Drawing on numerous studies, this book provides the first comprehensive look at the consequences of in-your-face politics. The book contradicts the conventional wisdom by documenting both the benefits and the drawbacks of in-your-face media. “In-your-face” politics refers to both the level of incivility and the up-close and personal way that we experience political conflict on television. Just as actual physical closeness intensifies people's emotional reactions to others, the appearance of closeness on a video screen has similar effects. We tend to keep our distance from those with whom we disagree. Modern media, however, puts those we dislike in our faces in a way that intensifies our negative reactions. This book finds that incivility is particularly detrimental to facilitating respect for oppositional political viewpoints and to citizens' levels of trust in politicians and the political process. On the positive side, incivility and close-up camera perspectives contribute to making politics more physiologically arousing and entertaining to viewers. This encourages more attention to political programs, stimulates recall of the content, and encourages people to relay content to others. In the end, this book demonstrates why political incivility is not easily dismissed as a disservice to democracy—it may even be a necessity in an age with so much competition for citizens' attention.
Michael Laver and Ernest Sergenti
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691139036
- eISBN:
- 9781400840328
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Party competition for votes in free and fair elections involves complex interactions by multiple actors in political landscapes that are continuously evolving, yet classical theoretical approaches to ...
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Party competition for votes in free and fair elections involves complex interactions by multiple actors in political landscapes that are continuously evolving, yet classical theoretical approaches to the subject leave many important questions unanswered. This book offers the first comprehensive treatment of party competition using the computational techniques of agent-based modeling. This exciting new technology enables researchers to model competition between several different political parties for the support of voters with widely varying preferences on many different issues. The book models party competition as a true dynamic process in which political parties rise and fall, a process where different politicians attack the same political problem in very different ways, and where today's political actors, lacking perfect information about the potential consequences of their choices, must constantly adapt their behavior to yesterday's political outcomes. This book shows how agent-based modeling can be used to accurately reflect how political systems really work. It demonstrates that politicians who are satisfied with relatively modest vote shares often do better at winning votes than rivals who search ceaselessly for higher shares of the vote. It reveals that politicians who pay close attention to their personal preferences when setting party policy often have more success than opponents who focus solely on the preferences of voters, that some politicians have idiosyncratic “valence” advantages that enhance their electability—and much more.Less
Party competition for votes in free and fair elections involves complex interactions by multiple actors in political landscapes that are continuously evolving, yet classical theoretical approaches to the subject leave many important questions unanswered. This book offers the first comprehensive treatment of party competition using the computational techniques of agent-based modeling. This exciting new technology enables researchers to model competition between several different political parties for the support of voters with widely varying preferences on many different issues. The book models party competition as a true dynamic process in which political parties rise and fall, a process where different politicians attack the same political problem in very different ways, and where today's political actors, lacking perfect information about the potential consequences of their choices, must constantly adapt their behavior to yesterday's political outcomes. This book shows how agent-based modeling can be used to accurately reflect how political systems really work. It demonstrates that politicians who are satisfied with relatively modest vote shares often do better at winning votes than rivals who search ceaselessly for higher shares of the vote. It reveals that politicians who pay close attention to their personal preferences when setting party policy often have more success than opponents who focus solely on the preferences of voters, that some politicians have idiosyncratic “valence” advantages that enhance their electability—and much more.
Leah Wright Rigueur
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159010
- eISBN:
- 9781400852437
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Covering more than four decades of American social and political history, this book examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians, from the era of the New ...
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Covering more than four decades of American social and political history, this book examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians, from the era of the New Deal to Ronald Reagan's presidential ascent in 1980. Their unique stories reveal African Americans fighting for an alternative economic and civil rights movement—even as the Republican Party appeared increasingly hostile to that very idea. Black party members attempted to influence the direction of conservatism—not to destroy it, but rather to expand the ideology to include black needs and interests. As racial minorities in their political party and as political minorities within their community, black Republicans occupied an irreconcilable position—they were shunned by African American communities and subordinated by the Grand Old Party (GOP). In response, black Republicans vocally, and at times viciously, critiqued members of their race and party, in an effort to shape the attitudes and public images of black citizens and the GOP. Moving beyond traditional liberalism and conservatism, black Republicans sought to address African American racial experiences in a distinctly Republican way. This book provides a new understanding of the interaction between African Americans and the Republican Party, and the seemingly incongruous intersection of civil rights and American conservatism.Less
Covering more than four decades of American social and political history, this book examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians, from the era of the New Deal to Ronald Reagan's presidential ascent in 1980. Their unique stories reveal African Americans fighting for an alternative economic and civil rights movement—even as the Republican Party appeared increasingly hostile to that very idea. Black party members attempted to influence the direction of conservatism—not to destroy it, but rather to expand the ideology to include black needs and interests. As racial minorities in their political party and as political minorities within their community, black Republicans occupied an irreconcilable position—they were shunned by African American communities and subordinated by the Grand Old Party (GOP). In response, black Republicans vocally, and at times viciously, critiqued members of their race and party, in an effort to shape the attitudes and public images of black citizens and the GOP. Moving beyond traditional liberalism and conservatism, black Republicans sought to address African American racial experiences in a distinctly Republican way. This book provides a new understanding of the interaction between African Americans and the Republican Party, and the seemingly incongruous intersection of civil rights and American conservatism.
Stephen Spector
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195368024
- eISBN:
- 9780199867646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368024.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Judaism
This chapter addresses criticisms of Christian Zionism. There are four principal charges: First, that evangelical Christians support aliyah (Jewish emigration to Israel) mainly because it speeds the ...
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This chapter addresses criticisms of Christian Zionism. There are four principal charges: First, that evangelical Christians support aliyah (Jewish emigration to Israel) mainly because it speeds the battle of Armageddon, the mass conversion or death of the Jews, and Christ’s Millennial kingdom. Second, that evangelicals’ true motive is to convert the Jews. Third, that Christian Zionist theology distorts Christianity: that it misunderstands biblical covenants and ignores the scriptural emphasis on doing justice, relieving suffering, and showing compassion to the oppressed, who, in this view, are the Palestinians. The fourth major criticism is that the evangelical Zionists’ biblical worldview allies them with extreme right-wing Israeli politicians in opposing any exchange of land for peace. The chapter discusses efforts to evangelize Jews, and notes the beliefs of Messianic Jews. It examines the claim by some evangelicals that Christians are the heirs to God’s promises to Israel; that the covenantal promises to the Jews are conditional; and that modern Israel is not the fulfillment of prophecy. The chapter notes the role of the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center in opposing Christian Zionism and Israeli policies. It also considers the limits on empathy toward the other in this conflict.Less
This chapter addresses criticisms of Christian Zionism. There are four principal charges: First, that evangelical Christians support aliyah (Jewish emigration to Israel) mainly because it speeds the battle of Armageddon, the mass conversion or death of the Jews, and Christ’s Millennial kingdom. Second, that evangelicals’ true motive is to convert the Jews. Third, that Christian Zionist theology distorts Christianity: that it misunderstands biblical covenants and ignores the scriptural emphasis on doing justice, relieving suffering, and showing compassion to the oppressed, who, in this view, are the Palestinians. The fourth major criticism is that the evangelical Zionists’ biblical worldview allies them with extreme right-wing Israeli politicians in opposing any exchange of land for peace. The chapter discusses efforts to evangelize Jews, and notes the beliefs of Messianic Jews. It examines the claim by some evangelicals that Christians are the heirs to God’s promises to Israel; that the covenantal promises to the Jews are conditional; and that modern Israel is not the fulfillment of prophecy. The chapter notes the role of the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center in opposing Christian Zionism and Israeli policies. It also considers the limits on empathy toward the other in this conflict.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers Angell's efforts as a Labour politician. At first an enthusiastic leftist, he moderated his views from the autumn of 1920, and became somewhat detached from party work after ...
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This chapter considers Angell's efforts as a Labour politician. At first an enthusiastic leftist, he moderated his views from the autumn of 1920, and became somewhat detached from party work after buying Northey Island in 1923 and failing the following year to sell his increasingly pro-League-of-Nations foreign policy either to the first Labour government or to its backbench critics. Yet he aspired to be a Foreign Office minister, and, having secured election to parliament in 1929, was disappointed not to be included in the second Labour government. A compensation was that as the public turned against the First World War it regarded his ‘illusion’ thesis as having been vindicated. Though thus partially rehabilitated as a pundit, he remained intellectually too eclectic to offer a single, clear message: for example, he began claiming that he personally believed in the efficacy of non-resistance and so supported the League of Nations only as a second-best policy. And he failed in his attempts to understand why the public was prone to foreign-policy illusions and to devise an educational antidote. Unhappy on the back benches, and unable either to condemn Ramsay MacDonald for agreeing to a National Government during the financial crisis of August 1931 or to support him, he retired from parliament.Less
This chapter considers Angell's efforts as a Labour politician. At first an enthusiastic leftist, he moderated his views from the autumn of 1920, and became somewhat detached from party work after buying Northey Island in 1923 and failing the following year to sell his increasingly pro-League-of-Nations foreign policy either to the first Labour government or to its backbench critics. Yet he aspired to be a Foreign Office minister, and, having secured election to parliament in 1929, was disappointed not to be included in the second Labour government. A compensation was that as the public turned against the First World War it regarded his ‘illusion’ thesis as having been vindicated. Though thus partially rehabilitated as a pundit, he remained intellectually too eclectic to offer a single, clear message: for example, he began claiming that he personally believed in the efficacy of non-resistance and so supported the League of Nations only as a second-best policy. And he failed in his attempts to understand why the public was prone to foreign-policy illusions and to devise an educational antidote. Unhappy on the back benches, and unable either to condemn Ramsay MacDonald for agreeing to a National Government during the financial crisis of August 1931 or to support him, he retired from parliament.
