Ignacio Cano and Patrícia Salvão Ferreira
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, ...
More
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.Less
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.
Deborah J. Yashar
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Contemporary political discourse in Guatemala reflects a deep historical division over popular political participation. From the perspective of military and economic elites, social mobilization is ...
More
Contemporary political discourse in Guatemala reflects a deep historical division over popular political participation. From the perspective of military and economic elites, social mobilization is potentially subversive and destabilizing. The transition to democracy in the 1986 did not overcome this antagonism between state and society. Comparing the democratic transition in October 1944 with the 1986 transition, this study argues that a democratic change occurred in 1944 when there were divisions within and between military and civilian elites. In contrast, in 1986, the military had the support of a united elite. This second transition represented a more limited political liberalization rather than a full return to democratic politics. The flourishing organization of popular sectors remained at the margins of the political regime. Fear of state repression drove citizenship ‘underground’ and therefore disconnected from the formal political process. The continued practice of exclusion and mistrust perpetuate the tensions between state and society, and threatens to undermine Guatemala's fragile democracy.Less
Contemporary political discourse in Guatemala reflects a deep historical division over popular political participation. From the perspective of military and economic elites, social mobilization is potentially subversive and destabilizing. The transition to democracy in the 1986 did not overcome this antagonism between state and society. Comparing the democratic transition in October 1944 with the 1986 transition, this study argues that a democratic change occurred in 1944 when there were divisions within and between military and civilian elites. In contrast, in 1986, the military had the support of a united elite. This second transition represented a more limited political liberalization rather than a full return to democratic politics. The flourishing organization of popular sectors remained at the margins of the political regime. Fear of state repression drove citizenship ‘underground’ and therefore disconnected from the formal political process. The continued practice of exclusion and mistrust perpetuate the tensions between state and society, and threatens to undermine Guatemala's fragile democracy.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the first of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book. It qualitatively and ...
More
This is the first of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book. It qualitatively and quantitatively assesses the trajectory of the five case studies along the lines of their political stability, ethnic accommodation, and the long-term prospects for democratic accommodation. In attempting to find useful indicators of the trajectory of democratization in each of the five country case studies, six possible approaches are considered: political violence (the measurement of politically related deaths), economic indicators, political and societal indicators (political rights and civil liberties; media freedom and influence), electoral indicators (turnout; spoilt ballots), and ethnic accommodation (worsening ethnic and interregional relations, as exemplified by Zambia and Malawi; improving ethnic relations, as exemplified by Namibia and South Africa; and ethnic relations with an uncertain trajectory, as exemplified by Zimbabwe). Eight institutional indices of democratization are chosen from these: ethnic accommodation, political violence, economic performance, civil liberties, political rights, free media, electoral turnout, and spoilt ballots. The findings on these indicators for each case study are summarised in a table.Less
This is the first of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book. It qualitatively and quantitatively assesses the trajectory of the five case studies along the lines of their political stability, ethnic accommodation, and the long-term prospects for democratic accommodation. In attempting to find useful indicators of the trajectory of democratization in each of the five country case studies, six possible approaches are considered: political violence (the measurement of politically related deaths), economic indicators, political and societal indicators (political rights and civil liberties; media freedom and influence), electoral indicators (turnout; spoilt ballots), and ethnic accommodation (worsening ethnic and interregional relations, as exemplified by Zambia and Malawi; improving ethnic relations, as exemplified by Namibia and South Africa; and ethnic relations with an uncertain trajectory, as exemplified by Zimbabwe). Eight institutional indices of democratization are chosen from these: ethnic accommodation, political violence, economic performance, civil liberties, political rights, free media, electoral turnout, and spoilt ballots. The findings on these indicators for each case study are summarised in a table.
Richard A. Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
An examination is made of various aspects of justice and legitimacy in the transition from authoritarianism to democracy in South Africa. The major part of the chapter discusses the Truth and ...
More
An examination is made of various aspects of justice and legitimacy in the transition from authoritarianism to democracy in South Africa. The major part of the chapter discusses the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The different sections of the chapter are: Introduction; Race, Nationalism, and Political Violence – a discussion of the causes of the massive levels of political violence in the recent history of South Africa; The Negotiations for a Transition; Negotiating an Amnesty; and the TRC as a Liminal Institution; and Concluding Remarks.Less
An examination is made of various aspects of justice and legitimacy in the transition from authoritarianism to democracy in South Africa. The major part of the chapter discusses the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The different sections of the chapter are: Introduction; Race, Nationalism, and Political Violence – a discussion of the causes of the massive levels of political violence in the recent history of South Africa; The Negotiations for a Transition; Negotiating an Amnesty; and the TRC as a Liminal Institution; and Concluding Remarks.
Timothy Besley and Torsten Persson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152684
- eISBN:
- 9781400840526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152684.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
This chapter attempts to integrate two different strands of research on political violence, developing a theoretical model to analyze the common roots of repression and civil war. Under specific ...
More
This chapter attempts to integrate two different strands of research on political violence, developing a theoretical model to analyze the common roots of repression and civil war. Under specific assumptions about the conflict technology, it shows that peace, repression (one-sided violence), and civil war (two-sided violence) become ordered states depending on a common underlying latent variable, which is shifted by shocks to the value of public goods, wages, aid, and resource rents. But these effects only emerge when political institutions do not provide sufficient checks and balances on the ruling group or adequate protection for those excluded from power. The chapter also shows how to start bridging the gap between theoretical modeling and econometric testing. Under specific assumptions on what can be observed, the predictions from the model can be taken to the data by estimating either an ordered logit or the conditional probability of transition from peace to violence or from non-civil war to civil war. The empirical strategy here is much sharper than in earlier chapters and shows that the kind of theory we are building can help us approach the data in a specific way.Less
This chapter attempts to integrate two different strands of research on political violence, developing a theoretical model to analyze the common roots of repression and civil war. Under specific assumptions about the conflict technology, it shows that peace, repression (one-sided violence), and civil war (two-sided violence) become ordered states depending on a common underlying latent variable, which is shifted by shocks to the value of public goods, wages, aid, and resource rents. But these effects only emerge when political institutions do not provide sufficient checks and balances on the ruling group or adequate protection for those excluded from power. The chapter also shows how to start bridging the gap between theoretical modeling and econometric testing. Under specific assumptions on what can be observed, the predictions from the model can be taken to the data by estimating either an ordered logit or the conditional probability of transition from peace to violence or from non-civil war to civil war. The empirical strategy here is much sharper than in earlier chapters and shows that the kind of theory we are building can help us approach the data in a specific way.
Jo‐Marie Burt
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In the early 1990s, the rural‐based Maoist guerrilla organization, know as Shining Path, held Lima virtually under siege. The capture of the movement's leader by the Fujimori government in 1992 ...
More
In the early 1990s, the rural‐based Maoist guerrilla organization, know as Shining Path, held Lima virtually under siege. The capture of the movement's leader by the Fujimori government in 1992 effectively undermined the movement's activities. The question remains, however, as to why Shining Path generated so much support in Lima's shantytowns. Are poor people more willing to support violent political alternatives? This study argues that subaltern groups in Peru continually negotiate relationships with a range of political actors, from populist presidents to leftist organizations. It looks beyond Shining Path's use of terror and intimidation to its provision of material and symbolic goods. Within the shantytowns, the absence of state services, extreme poverty, growing crime, and insecurity and weak local institutions to mediate conflict made Shining Path's tactics seem as an effective means of restoring social order and imparting social justice. The group failed to develop long‐term political ties. When the state targeted the shantytowns with increased services and provided a security, Shining Path lost support among popular sectors.Less
In the early 1990s, the rural‐based Maoist guerrilla organization, know as Shining Path, held Lima virtually under siege. The capture of the movement's leader by the Fujimori government in 1992 effectively undermined the movement's activities. The question remains, however, as to why Shining Path generated so much support in Lima's shantytowns. Are poor people more willing to support violent political alternatives? This study argues that subaltern groups in Peru continually negotiate relationships with a range of political actors, from populist presidents to leftist organizations. It looks beyond Shining Path's use of terror and intimidation to its provision of material and symbolic goods. Within the shantytowns, the absence of state services, extreme poverty, growing crime, and insecurity and weak local institutions to mediate conflict made Shining Path's tactics seem as an effective means of restoring social order and imparting social justice. The group failed to develop long‐term political ties. When the state targeted the shantytowns with increased services and provided a security, Shining Path lost support among popular sectors.
Adam Branch
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199782086
- eISBN:
- 9780199919130
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782086.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 2 is a historical account of the politics of the northern Uganda conflict, placing it in its local, national, and international contexts. It begins with the colonial period and follows Acholi ...
More
Chapter 2 is a historical account of the politics of the northern Uganda conflict, placing it in its local, national, and international contexts. It begins with the colonial period and follows Acholi political history to the present to demonstrate how internal and national political crises of the Acholi combined to underlie the inception and continuation of the war. The chapter examines the new forms these crises have taken since the government’s mass internment of the Acholi peasantry began in 1996. It argues that a sustainable resolution to the violence will have to be predicated upon a democratic resolution of these two crises, which can only proceed through the inclusive political organization and action of Acholi themselves. The chapter also shows the detrimental impact that the international context has had on the war: Uganda has used international support to intensify the war, increase its militarization, and repress democratic domestic politics.Less
Chapter 2 is a historical account of the politics of the northern Uganda conflict, placing it in its local, national, and international contexts. It begins with the colonial period and follows Acholi political history to the present to demonstrate how internal and national political crises of the Acholi combined to underlie the inception and continuation of the war. The chapter examines the new forms these crises have taken since the government’s mass internment of the Acholi peasantry began in 1996. It argues that a sustainable resolution to the violence will have to be predicated upon a democratic resolution of these two crises, which can only proceed through the inclusive political organization and action of Acholi themselves. The chapter also shows the detrimental impact that the international context has had on the war: Uganda has used international support to intensify the war, increase its militarization, and repress democratic domestic politics.
Timothy Besley and Torsten Persson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152684
- eISBN:
- 9781400840526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152684.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
This chapter takes some steps toward integrating endogenous political reform into the core model. A general finding is that forces that lead to political stability generally reduce the motives of ...
More
This chapter takes some steps toward integrating endogenous political reform into the core model. A general finding is that forces that lead to political stability generally reduce the motives of ruling groups to undertake political reforms toward greater cohesiveness. It sketches some micropolitical foundations for the main macropolitical parameters in the core model, political cohesiveness, and (peaceful) political turnover, and tried to relate them to real-world tangible political institutional rules and regulations. As in the case of tax compliance in Chapter 2, it notes that cohesiveness in political life may reflect not only formal institutions, but also informal rules of behavior, trust, and social norms. This is in line with studies that focus on the role of social capital. The chapter also considers political reform in a predatory state and gives reasons for resistance toward reforms that promote common-interest politics. This discussion reinforces the observation that reform may be particularly problematic in such states.Less
This chapter takes some steps toward integrating endogenous political reform into the core model. A general finding is that forces that lead to political stability generally reduce the motives of ruling groups to undertake political reforms toward greater cohesiveness. It sketches some micropolitical foundations for the main macropolitical parameters in the core model, political cohesiveness, and (peaceful) political turnover, and tried to relate them to real-world tangible political institutional rules and regulations. As in the case of tax compliance in Chapter 2, it notes that cohesiveness in political life may reflect not only formal institutions, but also informal rules of behavior, trust, and social norms. This is in line with studies that focus on the role of social capital. The chapter also considers political reform in a predatory state and gives reasons for resistance toward reforms that promote common-interest politics. This discussion reinforces the observation that reform may be particularly problematic in such states.
Christopher Daase
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199232024
- eISBN:
- 9780191716133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232024.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Despite the claims of recent critics, the transformation of warfare proves, rather than negates, the continuous relevance of Clausewitz's thinking. Clausewitz provides the means for a ...
More
Despite the claims of recent critics, the transformation of warfare proves, rather than negates, the continuous relevance of Clausewitz's thinking. Clausewitz provides the means for a conceptualization of political violence, which enables us to describe changes in war, those of today as much as those of the past. His thinking embraces the emergence of guerrilla warfare and of terrorism. He offers theoretical insights into the dynamics of defence and offence, which help to explain why asymmetrical strategies and tactics are applied. And he allows us to reflect on the effects of war on both actors and structures, and helps to explain why big states often lose small wars.Less
Despite the claims of recent critics, the transformation of warfare proves, rather than negates, the continuous relevance of Clausewitz's thinking. Clausewitz provides the means for a conceptualization of political violence, which enables us to describe changes in war, those of today as much as those of the past. His thinking embraces the emergence of guerrilla warfare and of terrorism. He offers theoretical insights into the dynamics of defence and offence, which help to explain why asymmetrical strategies and tactics are applied. And he allows us to reflect on the effects of war on both actors and structures, and helps to explain why big states often lose small wars.
Brian K. Barber
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195343359
- eISBN:
- 9780199894116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195343359.003.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
This chapter reviews many of the central issues of concern related to youth and their experiences with political violence, and calls for expanding the scope of inquiry in order to better capture the ...
More
This chapter reviews many of the central issues of concern related to youth and their experiences with political violence, and calls for expanding the scope of inquiry in order to better capture the intricacy of youth experience with political conflict. The evaluation includes coverage of both sides of the equation: assessment of both the experience with conflict and the breadth of indices of youth functioning thought to be impacted by their experiences with political violence. It discusses issues of mediation and moderation of the impact of conflict, and wrestles with how to juxtapose the evidence of both negative and positive elements of functioning in conflict youth populations. Additionally, the chapter positions subsequent chapters in the book as evidence of how to approach the intricate and complex study of these youths.Less
This chapter reviews many of the central issues of concern related to youth and their experiences with political violence, and calls for expanding the scope of inquiry in order to better capture the intricacy of youth experience with political conflict. The evaluation includes coverage of both sides of the equation: assessment of both the experience with conflict and the breadth of indices of youth functioning thought to be impacted by their experiences with political violence. It discusses issues of mediation and moderation of the impact of conflict, and wrestles with how to juxtapose the evidence of both negative and positive elements of functioning in conflict youth populations. Additionally, the chapter positions subsequent chapters in the book as evidence of how to approach the intricate and complex study of these youths.
Michelle Slone
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195343359
- eISBN:
- 9780199894116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195343359.003.0004
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
This chapter summarizes a multifaceted program of research on youth in Israel and Palestine. It outlines a model for the study of the effects of political violence on children and presents a summary ...
More
This chapter summarizes a multifaceted program of research on youth in Israel and Palestine. It outlines a model for the study of the effects of political violence on children and presents a summary of data derived with the use of this paradigm, which includes contrasting effects for Israeli and Palestinian youth. This political life events model enables the examination of the differing severity of exposure for children divided along different demographic categories such as age, gender, residential location, and religious adherence. Further, the scale used allows for the study of the consequences to children's mental health from exposure to differing levels of severity and for the detection of those factors that enhance resilience in coping with exposure to political violence.Less
This chapter summarizes a multifaceted program of research on youth in Israel and Palestine. It outlines a model for the study of the effects of political violence on children and presents a summary of data derived with the use of this paradigm, which includes contrasting effects for Israeli and Palestinian youth. This political life events model enables the examination of the differing severity of exposure for children divided along different demographic categories such as age, gender, residential location, and religious adherence. Further, the scale used allows for the study of the consequences to children's mental health from exposure to differing levels of severity and for the detection of those factors that enhance resilience in coping with exposure to political violence.
Bernhard Fulda
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199547784
- eISBN:
- 9780191720079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547784.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The final years of the Weimar Republic were dominated by two factors: the economic crisis with its surge in mass unemployment; and the development of the Nazi party into a mass movement. How did ...
More
The final years of the Weimar Republic were dominated by two factors: the economic crisis with its surge in mass unemployment; and the development of the Nazi party into a mass movement. How did politicians respond to the challenges of a media democracy? This chapter studies the intensive news coverage of political violence, and examines the increasingly authoritarian nature of government press management. But even at this point, the Nazi press was unsuccessful in attracting a wider readership. So why did voters choose to support the Nazis? This book demonstrates that the economic crisis as such was insufficient in mobilizing voters to vote for the NSDAP. Rather, press presentation of increasing Communist violence and the perceived threat of civil war, together with the media image of an indecisive government, turned the Nazis into an attractive choice for voters desperate for decisive action.Less
The final years of the Weimar Republic were dominated by two factors: the economic crisis with its surge in mass unemployment; and the development of the Nazi party into a mass movement. How did politicians respond to the challenges of a media democracy? This chapter studies the intensive news coverage of political violence, and examines the increasingly authoritarian nature of government press management. But even at this point, the Nazi press was unsuccessful in attracting a wider readership. So why did voters choose to support the Nazis? This book demonstrates that the economic crisis as such was insufficient in mobilizing voters to vote for the NSDAP. Rather, press presentation of increasing Communist violence and the perceived threat of civil war, together with the media image of an indecisive government, turned the Nazis into an attractive choice for voters desperate for decisive action.
Brian K. Barber and Julie Mikles Schluterman
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195343359
- eISBN:
- 9780199894116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195343359.003.0002
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
This chapter presents an assessment of the available evidence in the research literature on how youth experience political violence. It focuses not only in evaluating the evidence for the empirical ...
More
This chapter presents an assessment of the available evidence in the research literature on how youth experience political violence. It focuses not only in evaluating the evidence for the empirical associations between exposure and/or involvement in political violence and aspects of adolescent functioning, but in how the research literature has chosen to measure conflict experiences and youth functioning. It begins with a detailed overview of past and current quantitative, empirical efforts to study political violence and its associations with youth functioning, and provides a review of 95 qualifying studies. It argues that the current state of research remains relatively simplistic both in scope (i.e. narrow definitions of conflict and functioning) and in findings, and offers recommendations for how research on this topic could provide a better understanding of the complexities inherent in youth experiences with political violence.Less
This chapter presents an assessment of the available evidence in the research literature on how youth experience political violence. It focuses not only in evaluating the evidence for the empirical associations between exposure and/or involvement in political violence and aspects of adolescent functioning, but in how the research literature has chosen to measure conflict experiences and youth functioning. It begins with a detailed overview of past and current quantitative, empirical efforts to study political violence and its associations with youth functioning, and provides a review of 95 qualifying studies. It argues that the current state of research remains relatively simplistic both in scope (i.e. narrow definitions of conflict and functioning) and in findings, and offers recommendations for how research on this topic could provide a better understanding of the complexities inherent in youth experiences with political violence.
Christopher Capozzola
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195335491
- eISBN:
- 9780199868971
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335491.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In April 1917, the United States embarked on World War I, with little history of conscription, an army smaller than Romania's, and a political culture that saw little role for the federal government ...
More
In April 1917, the United States embarked on World War I, with little history of conscription, an army smaller than Romania's, and a political culture that saw little role for the federal government other than delivering the mail. This book tells the story of the American homefront in World War I, revealing how the tensions of mass mobilization led to a significant increase in power in Washington. It shows how — in the absence of a strong federal government — Americans at first mobilized society by stressing duty, obligation, and responsibility over rights and freedoms. In clubs, schools, churches, and workplaces, Americans governed each other. But the heated temper of war quickly unleashed coercion on an unprecedented scale, making wartime America the scene of some of the nation's most serious political violence, including notorious episodes of outright mob violence. To solve this problem, Americans turned over increasing amounts of power to state institutions. In the end, whether they were some of the four million men drafted under the Selective Service Act or the tens of millions of homefront volunteers — or counted themselves among the thousands of conscientious objectors, anti-war radicals, or German enemy aliens — Americans of the World War I era created a new American state, and new ways of being American citizens.Less
In April 1917, the United States embarked on World War I, with little history of conscription, an army smaller than Romania's, and a political culture that saw little role for the federal government other than delivering the mail. This book tells the story of the American homefront in World War I, revealing how the tensions of mass mobilization led to a significant increase in power in Washington. It shows how — in the absence of a strong federal government — Americans at first mobilized society by stressing duty, obligation, and responsibility over rights and freedoms. In clubs, schools, churches, and workplaces, Americans governed each other. But the heated temper of war quickly unleashed coercion on an unprecedented scale, making wartime America the scene of some of the nation's most serious political violence, including notorious episodes of outright mob violence. To solve this problem, Americans turned over increasing amounts of power to state institutions. In the end, whether they were some of the four million men drafted under the Selective Service Act or the tens of millions of homefront volunteers — or counted themselves among the thousands of conscientious objectors, anti-war radicals, or German enemy aliens — Americans of the World War I era created a new American state, and new ways of being American citizens.
Timothy Besley and Torsten Persson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152684
- eISBN:
- 9781400840526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152684.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
This chapter summarizes the lessons from Chapter 4 in the form of a function that describes endogenous political turnover. This preliminary allows us to study equilibrium investments in fiscal and ...
More
This chapter summarizes the lessons from Chapter 4 in the form of a function that describes endogenous political turnover. This preliminary allows us to study equilibrium investments in fiscal and legal capacity in the comprehensive core model. Section 5.2 develops the model by adding private capital formation along the same lines as in Section 3.2.3, but in a setting where the risk of civil war affects the expected return to private investment. Section 5.3 discusses the empirical implications of our comprehensive framework and how it can be used to interpret observed patterns in the data. Section 5.4 puts the typologies of investment states and violence states together into an Anna Karenina principle of development, an allusion to the Tolstoy quote at the beginning of the chapter. It also briefly revisits the possibility of a predatory state and observes how this enriches our understanding of nonprosperity.Less
This chapter summarizes the lessons from Chapter 4 in the form of a function that describes endogenous political turnover. This preliminary allows us to study equilibrium investments in fiscal and legal capacity in the comprehensive core model. Section 5.2 develops the model by adding private capital formation along the same lines as in Section 3.2.3, but in a setting where the risk of civil war affects the expected return to private investment. Section 5.3 discusses the empirical implications of our comprehensive framework and how it can be used to interpret observed patterns in the data. Section 5.4 puts the typologies of investment states and violence states together into an Anna Karenina principle of development, an allusion to the Tolstoy quote at the beginning of the chapter. It also briefly revisits the possibility of a predatory state and observes how this enriches our understanding of nonprosperity.
Paul Mosley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199692125
- eISBN:
- 9780191739286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199692125.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, Macro- and Monetary Economics
From the previous chapter, conflict in this chapter is related to trust: specifically to the trust of the non-elite group (the ‘people’) in the fairness of the allocation of resources between ...
More
From the previous chapter, conflict in this chapter is related to trust: specifically to the trust of the non-elite group (the ‘people’) in the fairness of the allocation of resources between themselves and the elite, to ‘military centrality’ or provocation by government; and to the level of unemployment and poverty. This chapter explores this idea in two steps. First it explains the level of ‘riot-type violence’ – that is violence which falls short of the standard definition of 1,000 civilian deaths per annum, and thence the escalation of riot-type conflict, in some places, into full-scale civil war. It shows, with the help of both panel data and case studies especially of Bolivia and Indonesia, that both riot-type violence and its growth into civil war can be restrained through policies and institutions which promote trust. This can be done by sending signals of trustworthiness – for example in the sense of more equitable public expenditure, more equitable taxation or forums capable of defusing latent social conflicts. The chapter interprets such policies as social efficiency wage policies – just as in the efficiency-wage policies of labour economics, a wage above the equilibrium level can increase stability in the labour force, so in this context, judicious increases in the social wage can make the political system more stable and less fragile.Less
From the previous chapter, conflict in this chapter is related to trust: specifically to the trust of the non-elite group (the ‘people’) in the fairness of the allocation of resources between themselves and the elite, to ‘military centrality’ or provocation by government; and to the level of unemployment and poverty. This chapter explores this idea in two steps. First it explains the level of ‘riot-type violence’ – that is violence which falls short of the standard definition of 1,000 civilian deaths per annum, and thence the escalation of riot-type conflict, in some places, into full-scale civil war. It shows, with the help of both panel data and case studies especially of Bolivia and Indonesia, that both riot-type violence and its growth into civil war can be restrained through policies and institutions which promote trust. This can be done by sending signals of trustworthiness – for example in the sense of more equitable public expenditure, more equitable taxation or forums capable of defusing latent social conflicts. The chapter interprets such policies as social efficiency wage policies – just as in the efficiency-wage policies of labour economics, a wage above the equilibrium level can increase stability in the labour force, so in this context, judicious increases in the social wage can make the political system more stable and less fragile.
José López Mazz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097560
- eISBN:
- 9781526104441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097560.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
“Operation Carrot” was devised and executed by the Uruguayan military at the time of the country’s return to democracy, between 1983 and 1985. The objective of this secret operation was to exhume all ...
More
“Operation Carrot” was devised and executed by the Uruguayan military at the time of the country’s return to democracy, between 1983 and 1985. The objective of this secret operation was to exhume all the bodies of disappeared prisoners who had been murdered during the dictatorship, in order either to destroy them or make them disappear permanently. This chapter discusses the tools and methodological processes that allow us to physically identify and then interpret these types of actions, which are often extremely hard to detect, given that they are part of an intentional and systematic attempt by the killers to conceal their past deeds. However, we also seek to develop a better understanding of violence within Uruguayan social and political life: for, while the country’s dictatorship only lasted around ten years (between 1973 and 1984), political violence had already begun in the 1960s in the context of social conflicts surrounding land ownership, wages, and civil rights. It is, we argue, precisely because political violence is deeply rooted in Latin America that we must, in order to analyze it, adopt an integrated historical and anthropological approach which also draws on the more specialised disciplines of archaeology and forensic science.Less
“Operation Carrot” was devised and executed by the Uruguayan military at the time of the country’s return to democracy, between 1983 and 1985. The objective of this secret operation was to exhume all the bodies of disappeared prisoners who had been murdered during the dictatorship, in order either to destroy them or make them disappear permanently. This chapter discusses the tools and methodological processes that allow us to physically identify and then interpret these types of actions, which are often extremely hard to detect, given that they are part of an intentional and systematic attempt by the killers to conceal their past deeds. However, we also seek to develop a better understanding of violence within Uruguayan social and political life: for, while the country’s dictatorship only lasted around ten years (between 1973 and 1984), political violence had already begun in the 1960s in the context of social conflicts surrounding land ownership, wages, and civil rights. It is, we argue, precisely because political violence is deeply rooted in Latin America that we must, in order to analyze it, adopt an integrated historical and anthropological approach which also draws on the more specialised disciplines of archaeology and forensic science.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist ...
More
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.Less
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.
Srila Roy
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198081722
- eISBN:
- 9780199082223
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198081722.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Remembering Revolution explores the gendered politics of leftwing cultures and practices of violence. It is a study of women’s role and involvement in the late 1960s radical left ...
More
Remembering Revolution explores the gendered politics of leftwing cultures and practices of violence. It is a study of women’s role and involvement in the late 1960s radical left Naxalbari movement of West Bengal, the origin of India’s Maoist revolution. At a time when the face of international terrorism is increasingly female, this book raises new and pressing questions about women’s participation in cultures of violence through the memories of urban, middle-class women activists. One of the first major studies of the gender and sexual politics of Naxalbari, the book draws on a unique body of historiographic, popular and personal memoirs, and a wide range of interdisciplinary theoretical devices. In making central the issue of violence, the book offers fresh reflections on how women are implicated by and negotiate different types of violence. It forwards the first major examination of the ordinary, everyday interpersonal violence of revolutionary movements. Such forms of violence are not merely silenced in the collective memory of Naxalbari but also in women’s own search for heroic identity through militant action. Moving beyond current considerations of radical politics as a site of women’s agency or victimhood, the book points to the more ambivalent, psychosocial implications and costs of women’s political identifications and subjectivities.Less
Remembering Revolution explores the gendered politics of leftwing cultures and practices of violence. It is a study of women’s role and involvement in the late 1960s radical left Naxalbari movement of West Bengal, the origin of India’s Maoist revolution. At a time when the face of international terrorism is increasingly female, this book raises new and pressing questions about women’s participation in cultures of violence through the memories of urban, middle-class women activists. One of the first major studies of the gender and sexual politics of Naxalbari, the book draws on a unique body of historiographic, popular and personal memoirs, and a wide range of interdisciplinary theoretical devices. In making central the issue of violence, the book offers fresh reflections on how women are implicated by and negotiate different types of violence. It forwards the first major examination of the ordinary, everyday interpersonal violence of revolutionary movements. Such forms of violence are not merely silenced in the collective memory of Naxalbari but also in women’s own search for heroic identity through militant action. Moving beyond current considerations of radical politics as a site of women’s agency or victimhood, the book points to the more ambivalent, psychosocial implications and costs of women’s political identifications and subjectivities.
Robert J. McCouch
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195343359
- eISBN:
- 9780199894116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195343359.003.0008
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
Given that there has been very little explicit attention to policy concerns in the research literatures on youth and political violence, this chapter uses a policy lens to focus on existing empirical ...
More
Given that there has been very little explicit attention to policy concerns in the research literatures on youth and political violence, this chapter uses a policy lens to focus on existing empirical data in an attempt to understand the relationship between young Bosnians' wartime experiences and their post-conflict behaviors. It also documents some of the socioemotional or psychosocial characteristics whereby the effect of violence exposure was transmitted to these negative outcomes. Important policy implications are evident.Less
Given that there has been very little explicit attention to policy concerns in the research literatures on youth and political violence, this chapter uses a policy lens to focus on existing empirical data in an attempt to understand the relationship between young Bosnians' wartime experiences and their post-conflict behaviors. It also documents some of the socioemotional or psychosocial characteristics whereby the effect of violence exposure was transmitted to these negative outcomes. Important policy implications are evident.
