Andreas Herberg-Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging ...
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This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.Less
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.
Alexander Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294672
- eISBN:
- 9780191599637
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294670.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Kant's theory of justice continues to exert a powerful influence on contemporary discussions of justice and equality. Modern theorists disagree, however, regarding the implications of Kant's theory ...
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Kant's theory of justice continues to exert a powerful influence on contemporary discussions of justice and equality. Modern theorists disagree, however, regarding the implications of Kant's theory for the state's responsibility for public welfare. A traditional interpretation holds that Kant's political theory simply involves an investigation of the constraints that reason places on the state's authority to regulate external action. This ‘standard interpretation’ of Kant's thought has remained influential, and has grounded a reinterpretation of the classic liberal state by theorists such as Humboldt and Hayek. Kaufman argues that the standard interpretation neither succeeds as a faithful reading of Kant's texts nor as a plausible, philosophically sound reconstruction of a ‘Kantian’ political theory. Rather, Kaufman argues, Kant's political theory articulates a positive conception of the state's role. In particular, Kantian justice requires that each member of society must be guaranteed the opportunity to realize his or her purposive capacities. In order to secure this guarantee, Kantian justice requires interventions to secure equality of capabilities.Less
Kant's theory of justice continues to exert a powerful influence on contemporary discussions of justice and equality. Modern theorists disagree, however, regarding the implications of Kant's theory for the state's responsibility for public welfare. A traditional interpretation holds that Kant's political theory simply involves an investigation of the constraints that reason places on the state's authority to regulate external action. This ‘standard interpretation’ of Kant's thought has remained influential, and has grounded a reinterpretation of the classic liberal state by theorists such as Humboldt and Hayek. Kaufman argues that the standard interpretation neither succeeds as a faithful reading of Kant's texts nor as a plausible, philosophically sound reconstruction of a ‘Kantian’ political theory. Rather, Kaufman argues, Kant's political theory articulates a positive conception of the state's role. In particular, Kantian justice requires that each member of society must be guaranteed the opportunity to realize his or her purposive capacities. In order to secure this guarantee, Kantian justice requires interventions to secure equality of capabilities.
Steve Vanderheiden
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195334609
- eISBN:
- 9780199868759
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195334609.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
When policies of or activities within one country and generation cause deleterious consequences for those of other nations and later generations, they can constitute serious injustices. Hence, ...
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When policies of or activities within one country and generation cause deleterious consequences for those of other nations and later generations, they can constitute serious injustices. Hence, anthropogenic climate change poses not only a global environmental threat, but also one to international and intergenerational justice. The avoidance of such injustice has been recognized as a primary objective of global climate policy, and this book aims to comprehend the nature of this objective–to explore how climate change raises issues of international and intergenerational justice and to consider how the design of a global climate regime might these aims into account. Enlisting conceptual tools from ethics as well as legal and political theory, it treats justice as concerned with equity and responsibility and considers how each is undermined by climate change but might be incorporated into climate policy. Various theoretical problems in applying norms of equity and responsibility across borders, over time, and to nations for their greenhouse emissions are considered, and responses are given to these challenges. Finally, an outline for a global climate policy that adequately incorporates norms of justice is articulated and defended, along with a case for procedural fairness in policy development processes. Demonstrating how political theory can usefully contribute toward better understanding the proper human response to climate change as well as how the climate case offers insights into resolving contemporary controversies within political theory, the book offers a case study in which the application of normative theory to policy allows readers to better understand both.Less
When policies of or activities within one country and generation cause deleterious consequences for those of other nations and later generations, they can constitute serious injustices. Hence, anthropogenic climate change poses not only a global environmental threat, but also one to international and intergenerational justice. The avoidance of such injustice has been recognized as a primary objective of global climate policy, and this book aims to comprehend the nature of this objective–to explore how climate change raises issues of international and intergenerational justice and to consider how the design of a global climate regime might these aims into account. Enlisting conceptual tools from ethics as well as legal and political theory, it treats justice as concerned with equity and responsibility and considers how each is undermined by climate change but might be incorporated into climate policy. Various theoretical problems in applying norms of equity and responsibility across borders, over time, and to nations for their greenhouse emissions are considered, and responses are given to these challenges. Finally, an outline for a global climate policy that adequately incorporates norms of justice is articulated and defended, along with a case for procedural fairness in policy development processes. Demonstrating how political theory can usefully contribute toward better understanding the proper human response to climate change as well as how the climate case offers insights into resolving contemporary controversies within political theory, the book offers a case study in which the application of normative theory to policy allows readers to better understand both.
Terence Ball
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279952
- eISBN:
- 9780191598753
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279957.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The book—the second volume of my trilogy Political Theory and the Human Sciences—is divided into two sections. The first and shorter section (Chs. 1 and 2) deals with methodological and interpretive ...
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The book—the second volume of my trilogy Political Theory and the Human Sciences—is divided into two sections. The first and shorter section (Chs. 1 and 2) deals with methodological and interpretive questions and advocates a methodologically `pluralist’ and `problem‐driven’ approach to the interpretation and reappraisal of works of political theory. The second and much longer section (Chs. 3–12), applying the method outlined and defended in the first, consists of a series of reinterpretations and reappraisals of thinkers, texts, themes, and topics in political theory.Less
The book—the second volume of my trilogy Political Theory and the Human Sciences—is divided into two sections. The first and shorter section (Chs. 1 and 2) deals with methodological and interpretive questions and advocates a methodologically `pluralist’ and `problem‐driven’ approach to the interpretation and reappraisal of works of political theory. The second and much longer section (Chs. 3–12), applying the method outlined and defended in the first, consists of a series of reinterpretations and reappraisals of thinkers, texts, themes, and topics in political theory.
Andrew Vincent
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199271252
- eISBN:
- 9780191601101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199271259.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Explores the generic foundations of political theory in the twentieth century. It sorts and analyses the overarching perceptions of the political theory, at a broad level of generality, during the ...
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Explores the generic foundations of political theory in the twentieth century. It sorts and analyses the overarching perceptions of the political theory, at a broad level of generality, during the bulk of the century. The five positions outlined are normative political theory, institutional theory, historical political theory, empirical political theory, and ideological theory.Less
Explores the generic foundations of political theory in the twentieth century. It sorts and analyses the overarching perceptions of the political theory, at a broad level of generality, during the bulk of the century. The five positions outlined are normative political theory, institutional theory, historical political theory, empirical political theory, and ideological theory.
Brent Waters
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199271962
- eISBN:
- 9780191709883
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271962.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The book provides a critical and constructive overview of historic and contemporary themes on the family in Christian social and political thought. The principal historic sources examined include ...
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The book provides a critical and constructive overview of historic and contemporary themes on the family in Christian social and political thought. The principal historic sources examined include Greco-Roman and biblical texts, patristic and medieval literature, and selected Reformation, Puritan, and 19th century authors. The development of modern liberal thought on marriage and family is subjected to extensive scrutiny by surveying the works of some of its leading founders, proponents, and contemporary critics, including a range of Christian theological responses. The chief weakness of late liberalism is that it promotes a voluntaristic vision of civil society, which portrays human associations solely as the outcome of the corporate will of autonomous individuals. The central constructive argument of the book is that such a vision has effectively eroded an understanding of the family as the most basic and natural form of human association, thereby diminishing contemporary Christian social and political thought. In order to rectify this situation, the philosophical and ideological presuppositions of late liberalism is subjected to critical analysis regarding its understanding of the nature of human associations in general, and the familial association in particular. Building upon this analysis, an alternative set of philosophical, theological, and moral presuppositions are developed, which provide the basis for developing a normative account of the family in opposition to that offered by late liberalism. This alternative account in turn may be used to inform contemporary Christian social and political thought.Less
The book provides a critical and constructive overview of historic and contemporary themes on the family in Christian social and political thought. The principal historic sources examined include Greco-Roman and biblical texts, patristic and medieval literature, and selected Reformation, Puritan, and 19th century authors. The development of modern liberal thought on marriage and family is subjected to extensive scrutiny by surveying the works of some of its leading founders, proponents, and contemporary critics, including a range of Christian theological responses. The chief weakness of late liberalism is that it promotes a voluntaristic vision of civil society, which portrays human associations solely as the outcome of the corporate will of autonomous individuals. The central constructive argument of the book is that such a vision has effectively eroded an understanding of the family as the most basic and natural form of human association, thereby diminishing contemporary Christian social and political thought. In order to rectify this situation, the philosophical and ideological presuppositions of late liberalism is subjected to critical analysis regarding its understanding of the nature of human associations in general, and the familial association in particular. Building upon this analysis, an alternative set of philosophical, theological, and moral presuppositions are developed, which provide the basis for developing a normative account of the family in opposition to that offered by late liberalism. This alternative account in turn may be used to inform contemporary Christian social and political thought.
Daniel Engster
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214358
- eISBN:
- 9780191706684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214358.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Care theorists have described a number of elements of a political theory of caring, but have not fully elaborated the basic political institutions and policies of a caring society. This chapter takes ...
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Care theorists have described a number of elements of a political theory of caring, but have not fully elaborated the basic political institutions and policies of a caring society. This chapter takes up the task of outlining a caring theory of justice for domestic politics. This chapter begins by addressing a question that care theorists have not satisfactorily answered: Why should government assume responsibility for supporting caring activities at all? The chapter then outlines six guiding principles of a caring government, and describe in detail the specific institutions and policies necessary for supporting personal caring activities and providing individuals with adequate care. Since any discussion of minimally adequate care will inevitably raise questions about cultural bias, the chapter next discusses the relation between care theory and multiculturalism. In the final section, the chapter addresses a number of possible objections to a caring government, including concerns about its costs and moral hazards.Less
Care theorists have described a number of elements of a political theory of caring, but have not fully elaborated the basic political institutions and policies of a caring society. This chapter takes up the task of outlining a caring theory of justice for domestic politics. This chapter begins by addressing a question that care theorists have not satisfactorily answered: Why should government assume responsibility for supporting caring activities at all? The chapter then outlines six guiding principles of a caring government, and describe in detail the specific institutions and policies necessary for supporting personal caring activities and providing individuals with adequate care. Since any discussion of minimally adequate care will inevitably raise questions about cultural bias, the chapter next discusses the relation between care theory and multiculturalism. In the final section, the chapter addresses a number of possible objections to a caring government, including concerns about its costs and moral hazards.
Robert E. Goodin and Hans-Dieter Klingemann (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes contributions from over 40 political scientists from around the world and surveys developments in the discipline over the past 20 years. Discusses each of the main sub‐disciplines: political ...
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Includes contributions from over 40 political scientists from around the world and surveys developments in the discipline over the past 20 years. Discusses each of the main sub‐disciplines: political institutions, political behaviour, comparative politics, international relations, political theory, public policy, administration of political economy, and political methodology.Less
Includes contributions from over 40 political scientists from around the world and surveys developments in the discipline over the past 20 years. Discusses each of the main sub‐disciplines: political institutions, political behaviour, comparative politics, international relations, political theory, public policy, administration of political economy, and political methodology.
Jacob T. Levy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297123
- eISBN:
- 9780191599767
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297122.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally ...
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This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally concerned either with preserving or with transcending cultural communities, practices, and identities. Rather, it should focus on mitigating evils such as interethnic civil wars, cruel practices internal to cultural communities, and state violence against ethnic minorities. This ‘multiculturalism of fear’ must be grounded in the realities of ethnic politics and ethnic conflict. It must therefore take seriously the importance, which persons feel their ethnic identities and cultural practices to have, without falling into a celebration of cultural belonging. Levy argues against nationalist and multicultural theories that accord significant moral weight to cultural communities as such. Yet he also insists that the challenges of life in a multicultural world cannot be met with appeals to cosmopolitanism, with attempts to deny the importance that particularist identities and practices have to individual persons and to social life. The book applies the multiculturalism of fear to a variety of policy problems confronting multi‐ethnic states. These include the regulation of sexist practices internal to cultural communities, secession and national self‐determination, land rights, customary law, and the symbols and words used by the state, including official apologies. It draws on cases from diverse states such as Australia, Canada, Israel, India, South Africa, and the US.Less
This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally concerned either with preserving or with transcending cultural communities, practices, and identities. Rather, it should focus on mitigating evils such as interethnic civil wars, cruel practices internal to cultural communities, and state violence against ethnic minorities. This ‘multiculturalism of fear’ must be grounded in the realities of ethnic politics and ethnic conflict. It must therefore take seriously the importance, which persons feel their ethnic identities and cultural practices to have, without falling into a celebration of cultural belonging. Levy argues against nationalist and multicultural theories that accord significant moral weight to cultural communities as such. Yet he also insists that the challenges of life in a multicultural world cannot be met with appeals to cosmopolitanism, with attempts to deny the importance that particularist identities and practices have to individual persons and to social life. The book applies the multiculturalism of fear to a variety of policy problems confronting multi‐ethnic states. These include the regulation of sexist practices internal to cultural communities, secession and national self‐determination, land rights, customary law, and the symbols and words used by the state, including official apologies. It draws on cases from diverse states such as Australia, Canada, Israel, India, South Africa, and the US.
Tim Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199278688
- eISBN:
- 9780191602757
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278687.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book shows why a fundamental right to an adequate environment ought to be provided in the constitution of any modern democratic state. Explains why the right to an environment adequate for one’s ...
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This book shows why a fundamental right to an adequate environment ought to be provided in the constitution of any modern democratic state. Explains why the right to an environment adequate for one’s health and well-being is a genuine human right and why it ought to be constitutionalised. Elaborates this case and defends it in closely argued responses to critical challenges. Shows why there is no insurmountable obstacle to the effective implementation of this constitutional right, and why constitutionalising this right is not democratically illegitimate. With particular reference to European Union member states, it explains what this right adds to the states’ existing human rights and environmental commitments Concludes by showing how constitutional environmental rights can serve to promote the cause of environmental justice in a global context.Less
This book shows why a fundamental right to an adequate environment ought to be provided in the constitution of any modern democratic state. Explains why the right to an environment adequate for one’s health and well-being is a genuine human right and why it ought to be constitutionalised. Elaborates this case and defends it in closely argued responses to critical challenges. Shows why there is no insurmountable obstacle to the effective implementation of this constitutional right, and why constitutionalising this right is not democratically illegitimate. With particular reference to European Union member states, it explains what this right adds to the states’ existing human rights and environmental commitments Concludes by showing how constitutional environmental rights can serve to promote the cause of environmental justice in a global context.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book addresses some of the special challenges that arise when two or more national communities share the same (multinational) state. As a work in normative political philosophy, its principal ...
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This book addresses some of the special challenges that arise when two or more national communities share the same (multinational) state. As a work in normative political philosophy, its principal aim is to evaluate the political and institutional choices of citizens and governments in states with rival nationalist discourses and nation-building projects. The first chapter takes stock of a decade of intense philosophical and sociological debates about the nature of nations and nationalism. The remainder of the book focuses on the three major political and institutional choices in multinational states. First, what can political actors and governments legitimately do to shape citizens’ national identity or identities? This is the core question in the ethics of nation-building. Second, how can minority and majority national communities each be given an adequate degree of self-determination, including equal rights to carry out nation-building projects, within a democratic federal state? Finally, even in a world where most national minorities cannot have their own state, how should the constitutions of multinational federations regulate secessionist politics within the rule of law and the ideals of democracy?Less
This book addresses some of the special challenges that arise when two or more national communities share the same (multinational) state. As a work in normative political philosophy, its principal aim is to evaluate the political and institutional choices of citizens and governments in states with rival nationalist discourses and nation-building projects. The first chapter takes stock of a decade of intense philosophical and sociological debates about the nature of nations and nationalism. The remainder of the book focuses on the three major political and institutional choices in multinational states. First, what can political actors and governments legitimately do to shape citizens’ national identity or identities? This is the core question in the ethics of nation-building. Second, how can minority and majority national communities each be given an adequate degree of self-determination, including equal rights to carry out nation-building projects, within a democratic federal state? Finally, even in a world where most national minorities cannot have their own state, how should the constitutions of multinational federations regulate secessionist politics within the rule of law and the ideals of democracy?
Desmond King and Marc Stears
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two ...
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This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two initial viable causes for such actions. The first gives emphasis to capitalism and its role in American political explanation while the second highlights the anti-authoritarian tendencies of Cold War political thinking in the United States. However, the chapter argues that these two are insufficient to explain such exclusion. Obsession with the exclusive, oppressive, and tyrannical character of popular opinion and conventional wisdom in the United States is also taken into consideration when discussing why a generation of political theorists removed the state and situated “liberal tradition” in its place.Less
This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two initial viable causes for such actions. The first gives emphasis to capitalism and its role in American political explanation while the second highlights the anti-authoritarian tendencies of Cold War political thinking in the United States. However, the chapter argues that these two are insufficient to explain such exclusion. Obsession with the exclusive, oppressive, and tyrannical character of popular opinion and conventional wisdom in the United States is also taken into consideration when discussing why a generation of political theorists removed the state and situated “liberal tradition” in its place.
David P. Gauthier
- Published in print:
- 1979
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198246169
- eISBN:
- 9780191680939
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198246169.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book presents the most plausible reading of Thomas Hobbes's moral and political theory based on his book, Leviathan. Hobbes constructs a political theory that bases unlimited political authority ...
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This book presents the most plausible reading of Thomas Hobbes's moral and political theory based on his book, Leviathan. Hobbes constructs a political theory that bases unlimited political authority on unlimited individualism. The conclusion requires the premiss; anything less than unlimited individualism would justify only limited political authority. But the premiss is too strong for the conclusions; as this book shows, from unlimited individualism only anarchy follows. The theory is a failure. But it has two outstanding merits. First of all, Hobbes introduces a number of important moral and political concepts that deserve our attention. Obligation is his basic moral concept, while authorisation is his basic political concept. Hobbes relies neither on the goodwill of men – their willingness to consider each other's interests for their own sake, and not as means to self-satisfaction – nor on the efficacy of institutions, as the means of both concentrating and limiting political power. Aside from political and moral theory, the book explores Hobbes's views on the nature of man, sovereignty, and God.Less
This book presents the most plausible reading of Thomas Hobbes's moral and political theory based on his book, Leviathan. Hobbes constructs a political theory that bases unlimited political authority on unlimited individualism. The conclusion requires the premiss; anything less than unlimited individualism would justify only limited political authority. But the premiss is too strong for the conclusions; as this book shows, from unlimited individualism only anarchy follows. The theory is a failure. But it has two outstanding merits. First of all, Hobbes introduces a number of important moral and political concepts that deserve our attention. Obligation is his basic moral concept, while authorisation is his basic political concept. Hobbes relies neither on the goodwill of men – their willingness to consider each other's interests for their own sake, and not as means to self-satisfaction – nor on the efficacy of institutions, as the means of both concentrating and limiting political power. Aside from political and moral theory, the book explores Hobbes's views on the nature of man, sovereignty, and God.
Andrew Vincent
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199271252
- eISBN:
- 9780191601101
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199271259.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This is a controversial book that challenges established views of contemporary political theory. It offers a synoptic, critical, and comparative analysis of the widely different accounts of how the ...
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This is a controversial book that challenges established views of contemporary political theory. It offers a synoptic, critical, and comparative analysis of the widely different accounts of how the discipline developed during the twentieth century. Its ‘nature’ is seen as intrinsically pluralistic and internally divided. The discussion utilizes the idea of foundationalism to bring coherence to the complex practices associated with theory during the twentieth century. Overall, the book aims to dispute current monistic trends in the way the discipline is understood. It will be an immensely useful resource for students of politics, as well as in providing critical perspectives on the future of the subject.Less
This is a controversial book that challenges established views of contemporary political theory. It offers a synoptic, critical, and comparative analysis of the widely different accounts of how the discipline developed during the twentieth century. Its ‘nature’ is seen as intrinsically pluralistic and internally divided. The discussion utilizes the idea of foundationalism to bring coherence to the complex practices associated with theory during the twentieth century. Overall, the book aims to dispute current monistic trends in the way the discipline is understood. It will be an immensely useful resource for students of politics, as well as in providing critical perspectives on the future of the subject.
Andrew Vincent
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199271252
- eISBN:
- 9780191601101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199271259.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Examines the advent of logical positivism, the development of conceptual analysis, ordinary language philosophy, the so‐called death of political theory, the impact of linguistic philosophy and the ...
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Examines the advent of logical positivism, the development of conceptual analysis, ordinary language philosophy, the so‐called death of political theory, the impact of linguistic philosophy and the influence of Wittgenstein's thought on political theory, and particularly the idea of ‘essential contestability’.Less
Examines the advent of logical positivism, the development of conceptual analysis, ordinary language philosophy, the so‐called death of political theory, the impact of linguistic philosophy and the influence of Wittgenstein's thought on political theory, and particularly the idea of ‘essential contestability’.
Will Kymlicka and Magda Opalski (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book explores recent work by Western liberal theorists on ethnocultural pluralism, and shows Western liberals that conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and ...
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This book explores recent work by Western liberal theorists on ethnocultural pluralism, and shows Western liberals that conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 presents a paper by Will Kymlicka entitled ‘Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe’. Part 2 features 15 replies and commentaries on this paper, mostly by scholars and writers in Eastern Europe. Part 3 presents a reply by Kymlicka, which examines some of the specific issues raised in the commentaries, and reflects on the exportability of Western political theory to newly-democratizing countries.Less
This book explores recent work by Western liberal theorists on ethnocultural pluralism, and shows Western liberals that conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 presents a paper by Will Kymlicka entitled ‘Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe’. Part 2 features 15 replies and commentaries on this paper, mostly by scholars and writers in Eastern Europe. Part 3 presents a reply by Kymlicka, which examines some of the specific issues raised in the commentaries, and reflects on the exportability of Western political theory to newly-democratizing countries.
Terence Ball
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279952
- eISBN:
- 9780191598753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279957.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter traces the history of several trends and tendencies in political theory in the latter half of the twentieth century. It begins with the announcement of the `death’ of political theory ...
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This chapter traces the history of several trends and tendencies in political theory in the latter half of the twentieth century. It begins with the announcement of the `death’ of political theory and the `end of ideology’ in the mid 1950s, traces its purported rebirth in the 1970s, and its trajectory since then. The chapter concludes with several conjectures about the possible future(s) of political theory.Less
This chapter traces the history of several trends and tendencies in political theory in the latter half of the twentieth century. It begins with the announcement of the `death’ of political theory and the `end of ideology’ in the mid 1950s, traces its purported rebirth in the 1970s, and its trajectory since then. The chapter concludes with several conjectures about the possible future(s) of political theory.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement ...
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Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.Less
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.
Andreas Herberg‐Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The prologue explains the fundamental contrasts between the early and the late Clausewitz by reflecting on his analyses of war campaigns. Unfortunately, the erroneous identification of Clausewitz's ...
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The prologue explains the fundamental contrasts between the early and the late Clausewitz by reflecting on his analyses of war campaigns. Unfortunately, the erroneous identification of Clausewitz's wondrous trinity with trinitarian war has been further strengthened by a wrong translation in the English edition of Paret and Howard. It is argued that one might win battles and campaigns against weak adversaries with concepts of Sun Tzu, Clausewitz's most important antagonist in past and present, but that it is difficult to win a war in modern times by following his principles. To the contrary, the book argues that Clausewitz is still important in the 21st century because he developed a theory, which concentrates on transforming military success in a true political settlement.Less
The prologue explains the fundamental contrasts between the early and the late Clausewitz by reflecting on his analyses of war campaigns. Unfortunately, the erroneous identification of Clausewitz's wondrous trinity with trinitarian war has been further strengthened by a wrong translation in the English edition of Paret and Howard. It is argued that one might win battles and campaigns against weak adversaries with concepts of Sun Tzu, Clausewitz's most important antagonist in past and present, but that it is difficult to win a war in modern times by following his principles. To the contrary, the book argues that Clausewitz is still important in the 21st century because he developed a theory, which concentrates on transforming military success in a true political settlement.
Alan Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198250173
- eISBN:
- 9780191604072
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198250177.003.0012
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
This chapter puts contextualism to work in analyzing Rawlsian liberalism. Political Liberalism marked a shift in focus in Rawls’s project from the presentation of a conception of justice and its ...
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This chapter puts contextualism to work in analyzing Rawlsian liberalism. Political Liberalism marked a shift in focus in Rawls’s project from the presentation of a conception of justice and its stability to the wider question of what constituted a legitimate conception of justice for a modern society marked by a certain kind of moral pluralism. Some commentators have erroneously taken this shift to represent a revision in Rawls’s initial presentation of his conception of justice. Others have accepted that this part of the view remains unchanged while nevertheless expressing reservations as to whether the issue of legitimacy needed to be raised in the way in which Rawls raised it. It is argued that focusing on the contextualist model of justification underpinning Rawls’s view can alleviate both sources of concern.Less
This chapter puts contextualism to work in analyzing Rawlsian liberalism. Political Liberalism marked a shift in focus in Rawls’s project from the presentation of a conception of justice and its stability to the wider question of what constituted a legitimate conception of justice for a modern society marked by a certain kind of moral pluralism. Some commentators have erroneously taken this shift to represent a revision in Rawls’s initial presentation of his conception of justice. Others have accepted that this part of the view remains unchanged while nevertheless expressing reservations as to whether the issue of legitimacy needed to be raised in the way in which Rawls raised it. It is argued that focusing on the contextualist model of justification underpinning Rawls’s view can alleviate both sources of concern.
