Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Builds on the global analysis presented in Ch. 2 by focusing on political support in advanced industrial societies. The goal is to determine how citizens in these nations judge the democratic process ...
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Builds on the global analysis presented in Ch. 2 by focusing on political support in advanced industrial societies. The goal is to determine how citizens in these nations judge the democratic process today—is there a popular crisis of democracy? There are two challenges in answering this question: first, there is the conceptual problem about what is meant by ‘political support’ or ‘support for democracy’; and second, there is the empirical problem of assembling the appropriate cross‐national and cross‐temporal data to evaluate claims about changes in public opinion. This chapter addresses both of these topics to provide a framework for assessing public support for democratic politics in advanced industrial societies.Less
Builds on the global analysis presented in Ch. 2 by focusing on political support in advanced industrial societies. The goal is to determine how citizens in these nations judge the democratic process today—is there a popular crisis of democracy? There are two challenges in answering this question: first, there is the conceptual problem about what is meant by ‘political support’ or ‘support for democracy’; and second, there is the empirical problem of assembling the appropriate cross‐national and cross‐temporal data to evaluate claims about changes in public opinion. This chapter addresses both of these topics to provide a framework for assessing public support for democratic politics in advanced industrial societies.
William Mishler and Richard Rose
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and ...
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Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.Less
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is ...
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The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.Less
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Substantial cross‐national variations have been demonstrated in political support/institutional confidence; the aim of this chapter is to investigate why these major differences between countries ...
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Substantial cross‐national variations have been demonstrated in political support/institutional confidence; the aim of this chapter is to investigate why these major differences between countries exist. It identifies at least three separate schools of thought seeking to explain this phenomenon: the role of cultural values, government performance, and political institutions. Comparisons are made among a broad range of political systems, drawing on the 1981–4, 1990–1 and 1995–7 World Values Surveys, the Latinobarometer and the Eurobarometer, and various support hypotheses are advanced (support for the party in government; dependence on level of democratization; differences between presidential and parliamentary systems (executive structure); variation with party system; differences between federal and unitary state structures; and variation with electoral system) and tested. The findings indicate that institutional confidence is most likely to be highest in parliamentary democracies characterized by plurality electoral systems, two‐party or moderate multi‐party systems, and unitary states, and that these relationships are confirmed even after controlling for differences in levels of economic development and post‐material values; social background and education are also related to institutional confidence, while the influence of socioeconomic status and gender are very modest. The results replicate one of the main theoretical principles of Anderson and Guillory (1997)—that winners express more confidence in the system than losers, and they also show that majoritarian institutions tend to produce greater institutional confidence than consociational arrangements.Less
Substantial cross‐national variations have been demonstrated in political support/institutional confidence; the aim of this chapter is to investigate why these major differences between countries exist. It identifies at least three separate schools of thought seeking to explain this phenomenon: the role of cultural values, government performance, and political institutions. Comparisons are made among a broad range of political systems, drawing on the 1981–4, 1990–1 and 1995–7 World Values Surveys, the Latinobarometer and the Eurobarometer, and various support hypotheses are advanced (support for the party in government; dependence on level of democratization; differences between presidential and parliamentary systems (executive structure); variation with party system; differences between federal and unitary state structures; and variation with electoral system) and tested. The findings indicate that institutional confidence is most likely to be highest in parliamentary democracies characterized by plurality electoral systems, two‐party or moderate multi‐party systems, and unitary states, and that these relationships are confirmed even after controlling for differences in levels of economic development and post‐material values; social background and education are also related to institutional confidence, while the influence of socioeconomic status and gender are very modest. The results replicate one of the main theoretical principles of Anderson and Guillory (1997)—that winners express more confidence in the system than losers, and they also show that majoritarian institutions tend to produce greater institutional confidence than consociational arrangements.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199268436
- eISBN:
- 9780191708572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter presents the current debate over the decrease in political support in most advanced industrial democracies and its potential implications for democratic politics. Theory distinguishes ...
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This chapter presents the current debate over the decrease in political support in most advanced industrial democracies and its potential implications for democratic politics. Theory distinguishes between support for government, the regime, and the political community. Public support for the regime and the political process is often seen an essential element of democracy. The chapter discusses the theoretical link between political support and democratic politics, and why support is important for the functioning of the democratic process.Less
This chapter presents the current debate over the decrease in political support in most advanced industrial democracies and its potential implications for democratic politics. Theory distinguishes between support for government, the regime, and the political community. Public support for the regime and the political process is often seen an essential element of democracy. The chapter discusses the theoretical link between political support and democratic politics, and why support is important for the functioning of the democratic process.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199268436
- eISBN:
- 9780191708572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter assembles an array of cross-national public opinion data to track the decline in political trust in advanced industrial democracies. Contemporary publics are less trustful of ...
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This chapter assembles an array of cross-national public opinion data to track the decline in political trust in advanced industrial democracies. Contemporary publics are less trustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. However, support for democratic values has increased over time, and support for the nation and political community remain strong.Less
This chapter assembles an array of cross-national public opinion data to track the decline in political trust in advanced industrial democracies. Contemporary publics are less trustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. However, support for democratic values has increased over time, and support for the nation and political community remain strong.
George Klosko
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199270200
- eISBN:
- 9780191699467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270200.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter focuses on liberal citizens’ support for democratic procedures despite the lack of consensus on rights and liberties. The discussion is organized as follows. Section 1 explores evidence ...
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This chapter focuses on liberal citizens’ support for democratic procedures despite the lack of consensus on rights and liberties. The discussion is organized as follows. Section 1 explores evidence concerning political trust which indicates that American citizens do not support their political system. To counter this claim, American political trust is distinguished from other forms of political support, especially ‘regime’ or ‘system’ support. Section 2 examines evidence that Americans do support their political process, including many people who lack other democratic skills. Section 3 attempts more precise delineation of the principles to which Americans subscribe while Section 4 draws some implications.Less
This chapter focuses on liberal citizens’ support for democratic procedures despite the lack of consensus on rights and liberties. The discussion is organized as follows. Section 1 explores evidence concerning political trust which indicates that American citizens do not support their political system. To counter this claim, American political trust is distinguished from other forms of political support, especially ‘regime’ or ‘system’ support. Section 2 examines evidence that Americans do support their political process, including many people who lack other democratic skills. Section 3 attempts more precise delineation of the principles to which Americans subscribe while Section 4 draws some implications.
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter examines the ways in which the protracted Sahrawi refugee context has been represented by its political body, the Polisario Front, to its non-Sahrawi ‘audience’ in such a way as to ...
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This chapter examines the ways in which the protracted Sahrawi refugee context has been represented by its political body, the Polisario Front, to its non-Sahrawi ‘audience’ in such a way as to assure continued political and humanitarian support. This chapter builds upon the recognition that the delivery of development aid is generally dependent on the capacity of the recipients to fulfil a set of non-economic conditionalities such as the creation of democratic political structures, the protection of human rights, and the promotion of gender equality. Refugees are expected to conform to the values of their sponsors. Conformity to these imposed values assuages them continued arrival of humanitarian supplies. However, such conditionalities do not necessarily lead to the modification of recipients’ socio-political structures as sponsors may expect. Rather, multiple forms of dependence on external aid and the broader political context have directly impacted the manners with which the recipients market themselves to their sponsors. In this chapter, the efforts of the Polisario Front in developing a particular representation of the Sahrawi ‘Self’ based upon the observations of its own observers form the focus of this chapter. It examines the strategies employed by the Front such as placing the Sahrawi refugee woman and solidarity movements as forefront representations of the refugee camps in order to secure external aid.Less
This chapter examines the ways in which the protracted Sahrawi refugee context has been represented by its political body, the Polisario Front, to its non-Sahrawi ‘audience’ in such a way as to assure continued political and humanitarian support. This chapter builds upon the recognition that the delivery of development aid is generally dependent on the capacity of the recipients to fulfil a set of non-economic conditionalities such as the creation of democratic political structures, the protection of human rights, and the promotion of gender equality. Refugees are expected to conform to the values of their sponsors. Conformity to these imposed values assuages them continued arrival of humanitarian supplies. However, such conditionalities do not necessarily lead to the modification of recipients’ socio-political structures as sponsors may expect. Rather, multiple forms of dependence on external aid and the broader political context have directly impacted the manners with which the recipients market themselves to their sponsors. In this chapter, the efforts of the Polisario Front in developing a particular representation of the Sahrawi ‘Self’ based upon the observations of its own observers form the focus of this chapter. It examines the strategies employed by the Front such as placing the Sahrawi refugee woman and solidarity movements as forefront representations of the refugee camps in order to secure external aid.
Tito Boeri, Micael Castanheira, Riccardo Faini, Vincenzo Galasso, Giorgio Barba Navaretti, Carcillo Stéphane, Jonathan Haskel, Giuseppe Nicoletti, Enrico Perotti, Carlo Scarpa, Lidia Tsyganok, and Christian Wey
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199203628
- eISBN:
- 9780191708169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199203628.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter discusses an alternate strategy that policy-makers tend to use when they do not enjoy sufficiently strong political power, and when they address reforms in broad-reaching sectors that ...
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This chapter discusses an alternate strategy that policy-makers tend to use when they do not enjoy sufficiently strong political power, and when they address reforms in broad-reaching sectors that affect a large fraction of the population. In the absence of a large parliamentary majority or in the presence of strong opposition in the economic or social arena, policy-makers widen the political base for their reform by resorting to social dialogue and to a more consensual style. The need to gather wider social and political support induces policy-makers to increase the share of winners from the reform, while raising expenses for the losers.Less
This chapter discusses an alternate strategy that policy-makers tend to use when they do not enjoy sufficiently strong political power, and when they address reforms in broad-reaching sectors that affect a large fraction of the population. In the absence of a large parliamentary majority or in the presence of strong opposition in the economic or social arena, policy-makers widen the political base for their reform by resorting to social dialogue and to a more consensual style. The need to gather wider social and political support induces policy-makers to increase the share of winners from the reform, while raising expenses for the losers.
Tito Boeri, Micael Castanheira, Riccardo Faini, Vincenzo Galasso, Giorgio Barba Navaretti, Carcillo Stéphane, Jonathan Haskel, Giuseppe Nicoletti, Enrico Perotti, Carlo Scarpa, Lidia Tsyganok, and Christian Wey
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199203628
- eISBN:
- 9780191708169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199203628.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter introduces Part II of the book, which focuses on how to gain political support for reforms. The succeeding chapters focus on the political feasibility of these reforms, in an attempt to ...
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This chapter introduces Part II of the book, which focuses on how to gain political support for reforms. The succeeding chapters focus on the political feasibility of these reforms, in an attempt to provide some policy advice on how to push forward with structural reforms. The case studies include a broad array of economic areas — such as labour and product markets, the welfare state, and privatizations — and of political institutions, ranging from majority systems, such as the UK, to proportional systems and consensus democracies, such as Denmark, to hybrid systems (Italy), and to new democracies (Russia and the Czech Republic). Although this methodological approach may fail to identify universal ‘laws’, the wide range of economic and political framework conditions analysed will provide common lessons on how to design politically feasible reforms.Less
This chapter introduces Part II of the book, which focuses on how to gain political support for reforms. The succeeding chapters focus on the political feasibility of these reforms, in an attempt to provide some policy advice on how to push forward with structural reforms. The case studies include a broad array of economic areas — such as labour and product markets, the welfare state, and privatizations — and of political institutions, ranging from majority systems, such as the UK, to proportional systems and consensus democracies, such as Denmark, to hybrid systems (Italy), and to new democracies (Russia and the Czech Republic). Although this methodological approach may fail to identify universal ‘laws’, the wide range of economic and political framework conditions analysed will provide common lessons on how to design politically feasible reforms.
Tito Boeri, Micael Castanheira, Riccardo Faini, Vincenzo Galasso, Giorgio Barba Navaretti, Carcillo Stéphane, Jonathan Haskel, Giuseppe Nicoletti, Enrico Perotti, Carlo Scarpa, Lidia Tsyganok, and Christian Wey
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199203628
- eISBN:
- 9780191708169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199203628.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the main focus of the book, namely structural reforms in the product and labour markets, and the method adopted in the analysis of ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the main focus of the book, namely structural reforms in the product and labour markets, and the method adopted in the analysis of structural reforms. It then considers the relevant interactions among institutions and the question of whether these interactions can be exploited to obtain political support for reforms. Government exploitation of labour market reforms and the delegation of power to supranatural authorities are also discussed.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the main focus of the book, namely structural reforms in the product and labour markets, and the method adopted in the analysis of structural reforms. It then considers the relevant interactions among institutions and the question of whether these interactions can be exploited to obtain political support for reforms. Government exploitation of labour market reforms and the delegation of power to supranatural authorities are also discussed.
Alan Whitworth and Tim Williamson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199556229
- eISBN:
- 9780191721823
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556229.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This synthesis chapter draws out the main findings from the individual chapters. After much agonizing over the direction of economic policy, three fundamental reforms between 1990 and 1992 ...
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This synthesis chapter draws out the main findings from the individual chapters. After much agonizing over the direction of economic policy, three fundamental reforms between 1990 and 1992 —legalization of the parallel foreign exchange market, liberalization of coffee marketing, and the establishment of fiscal discipline — brought macroeconomic stability. Together with trade liberalization and privatization, Uganda was set on the road to a liberal, capitalist economy. Concern that growth was bypassing the poor led to a focus on poverty reduction between the mid 1990s and early 2000s. Measures such as decentralization, the Poverty Eradication Action Plan, the Medium Term Expenditure Framework, the Poverty Action Fund, and Sector Working Groups succeeded in attracting increased aid and channeling it into poverty reduction. Sound economic management and a clear commitment to poverty reduction together explain why Uganda was the first beneficiary of both HIPC debt relief and the shift from project aid to budget support. The resulting increase in public service delivery contributed to rapid poverty reduction. The pace of reform has eased since 2002. The chapter concludes by emphasizing the crucial importance of political support for successful economic reform.Less
This synthesis chapter draws out the main findings from the individual chapters. After much agonizing over the direction of economic policy, three fundamental reforms between 1990 and 1992 —legalization of the parallel foreign exchange market, liberalization of coffee marketing, and the establishment of fiscal discipline — brought macroeconomic stability. Together with trade liberalization and privatization, Uganda was set on the road to a liberal, capitalist economy. Concern that growth was bypassing the poor led to a focus on poverty reduction between the mid 1990s and early 2000s. Measures such as decentralization, the Poverty Eradication Action Plan, the Medium Term Expenditure Framework, the Poverty Action Fund, and Sector Working Groups succeeded in attracting increased aid and channeling it into poverty reduction. Sound economic management and a clear commitment to poverty reduction together explain why Uganda was the first beneficiary of both HIPC debt relief and the shift from project aid to budget support. The resulting increase in public service delivery contributed to rapid poverty reduction. The pace of reform has eased since 2002. The chapter concludes by emphasizing the crucial importance of political support for successful economic reform.
Peter Knoepfel
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781447345053
- eISBN:
- 9781447345091
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447345053.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
No actor from a specific policy community is capable of controlling the relatively volatile but nonetheless necessary resource Political Support enjoyed by substantive policies. Hence, this chapter ...
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No actor from a specific policy community is capable of controlling the relatively volatile but nonetheless necessary resource Political Support enjoyed by substantive policies. Hence, this chapter is structured differently from the other nine chapters dealing with the public action resources. Political Support consists of the primary legitimation (as opposed to the secondary legitimation delivered by the resource Consensus) by parliamentary bodies whose agendas cover hundreds of public policies which may be opposed. Thus, all three policy actor groups have a common interest in fighting this risk by means of common ‘external’ policy. This chapter illustrates the role of the resource Political Support and the modalities of its maintenance and use with examples from agricultural policy, energy policy and anti-money-laundering policy. It stresses the crucial role of third party winners and losers (actors positioned between the core policy actors and their environment), political parties and changes in the composition of the basic triangular structure of public policies. It demonstrates strategies deployed by each one of the three policy actor groups for recovering Political support.Less
No actor from a specific policy community is capable of controlling the relatively volatile but nonetheless necessary resource Political Support enjoyed by substantive policies. Hence, this chapter is structured differently from the other nine chapters dealing with the public action resources. Political Support consists of the primary legitimation (as opposed to the secondary legitimation delivered by the resource Consensus) by parliamentary bodies whose agendas cover hundreds of public policies which may be opposed. Thus, all three policy actor groups have a common interest in fighting this risk by means of common ‘external’ policy. This chapter illustrates the role of the resource Political Support and the modalities of its maintenance and use with examples from agricultural policy, energy policy and anti-money-laundering policy. It stresses the crucial role of third party winners and losers (actors positioned between the core policy actors and their environment), political parties and changes in the composition of the basic triangular structure of public policies. It demonstrates strategies deployed by each one of the three policy actor groups for recovering Political support.
Andrija Henjak, Gábor Tóka, and David Sanders
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199602339
- eISBN:
- 9780199949908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602339.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines generalized support for the EU rather than attitudes towards specific institutions and policies. Theories about its origin are subjected to more comprehensive empirical tests ...
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This chapter examines generalized support for the EU rather than attitudes towards specific institutions and policies. Theories about its origin are subjected to more comprehensive empirical tests than previous analyses attempted, using time-series cross-section data covering all member states from the 1970s to 2007. The dynamic relationship between EU-support and national economic and political developments follows a transfer, rather than substitution logic, while increasing trade with EU member states, high cognitive mobilization, low welfare spending, Catholicism and favourable labour market position all contribute to favourable dispositions towards EU-membership. Other often suggested influences on EU support appear inconsistently across nations or time, which we attribute to the nature of the EU itself that generates diverse, contradictory, and ever-changing expectations among citizens.Less
This chapter examines generalized support for the EU rather than attitudes towards specific institutions and policies. Theories about its origin are subjected to more comprehensive empirical tests than previous analyses attempted, using time-series cross-section data covering all member states from the 1970s to 2007. The dynamic relationship between EU-support and national economic and political developments follows a transfer, rather than substitution logic, while increasing trade with EU member states, high cognitive mobilization, low welfare spending, Catholicism and favourable labour market position all contribute to favourable dispositions towards EU-membership. Other often suggested influences on EU support appear inconsistently across nations or time, which we attribute to the nature of the EU itself that generates diverse, contradictory, and ever-changing expectations among citizens.
Edward C. Page
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277279
- eISBN:
- 9780191684166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277279.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter reviews principal conclusions of the study and explores their implications for the future of local government and for countries other than those included in the analysis. It looks at the ...
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This chapter reviews principal conclusions of the study and explores their implications for the future of local government and for countries other than those included in the analysis. It looks at the different opportunities for local influence offered by different political systems and suggests that the nature of this variation implies two very different and conflicting types of local parties. The differences between systems of local government in unitary states, as well as the tensions within the local government systems of other states, seem to be between a form of local government where the role of political leadership is predominantly one of giving direction to a welfare bureaucracy, and a form where the leadership is predominantly that of mobilizing political support.Less
This chapter reviews principal conclusions of the study and explores their implications for the future of local government and for countries other than those included in the analysis. It looks at the different opportunities for local influence offered by different political systems and suggests that the nature of this variation implies two very different and conflicting types of local parties. The differences between systems of local government in unitary states, as well as the tensions within the local government systems of other states, seem to be between a form of local government where the role of political leadership is predominantly one of giving direction to a welfare bureaucracy, and a form where the leadership is predominantly that of mobilizing political support.
Carl Wellman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199744787
- eISBN:
- 9780199827138
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744787.003.0011
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
This chapter assesses the recognition and implementation of treaty human rights. A nation-state usually ought to agree to a human rights treaty in order to add to the protection of moral human rights ...
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This chapter assesses the recognition and implementation of treaty human rights. A nation-state usually ought to agree to a human rights treaty in order to add to the protection of moral human rights and to fulfill its international obligations. It ought to enter reservations only when necessary to prevent conflict with its constitution, to prevent diminished protection of human rights, or to obtain political support necessary to ratify the proposed treaty. The proper implementation of treaty rights depends primarily on the nature of the obligations they impose on state parties, the requirements of constitutional law, and the available resourcesLess
This chapter assesses the recognition and implementation of treaty human rights. A nation-state usually ought to agree to a human rights treaty in order to add to the protection of moral human rights and to fulfill its international obligations. It ought to enter reservations only when necessary to prevent conflict with its constitution, to prevent diminished protection of human rights, or to obtain political support necessary to ratify the proposed treaty. The proper implementation of treaty rights depends primarily on the nature of the obligations they impose on state parties, the requirements of constitutional law, and the available resources
Nolte Insa
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638956
- eISBN:
- 9780748653027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638956.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, African Studies
This chapter focuses on the importance for Awolowo, and party politics in general, of popular mobilisation beyond the traditional hierarchy or historical rivalries, and examines the entrenchment of ...
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This chapter focuses on the importance for Awolowo, and party politics in general, of popular mobilisation beyond the traditional hierarchy or historical rivalries, and examines the entrenchment of party political support in Remo's grassroots associations during the 1960s. When Awolowo was tried and eventually imprisoned, local civic associations organised and structured resistance to the central government they held responsible for this turn of events. As a result of such popular mobilisation, Awolowo's physical absence from Remo confirmed his symbolical centrality to its politics.Less
This chapter focuses on the importance for Awolowo, and party politics in general, of popular mobilisation beyond the traditional hierarchy or historical rivalries, and examines the entrenchment of party political support in Remo's grassroots associations during the 1960s. When Awolowo was tried and eventually imprisoned, local civic associations organised and structured resistance to the central government they held responsible for this turn of events. As a result of such popular mobilisation, Awolowo's physical absence from Remo confirmed his symbolical centrality to its politics.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758642
- eISBN:
- 9780804763158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758642.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines political support for religious parties in Israel. It suggests that the explanations of religious party support in Israel present a microcosm of the ongoing conceptual debates ...
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This chapter examines political support for religious parties in Israel. It suggests that the explanations of religious party support in Israel present a microcosm of the ongoing conceptual debates in the social sciences in general, and political science in particular. The chapter explores the analytical potential of alternative explanations of party support, and considers the perception of religious partisans themselves and the political platforms of the parties. It also explains that Mafdal and Shas both express novel ideological syntheses and serve as transformative movements within Israel's religious blocs and also partially its secular blocs.Less
This chapter examines political support for religious parties in Israel. It suggests that the explanations of religious party support in Israel present a microcosm of the ongoing conceptual debates in the social sciences in general, and political science in particular. The chapter explores the analytical potential of alternative explanations of party support, and considers the perception of religious partisans themselves and the political platforms of the parties. It also explains that Mafdal and Shas both express novel ideological syntheses and serve as transformative movements within Israel's religious blocs and also partially its secular blocs.
Marlene Mauk
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- June 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198854852
- eISBN:
- 9780191888960
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198854852.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This introductory chapter develops three core research questions for the book: How widespread is citizen support for the respective regime in democracies and autocracies? What individual-level ...
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This introductory chapter develops three core research questions for the book: How widespread is citizen support for the respective regime in democracies and autocracies? What individual-level sources is regime support based upon in democracies and autocracies? What system-level sources affect regime support in democracies and autocracies? Pointing out the relevance of political support for regime stability, it argues that answering these questions can contribute to assessing the stability of both democracies and autocracies. Following a brief review of the literature, it outlines the theoretical model proposed in the book and gives an overview of the research strategy, case selection, data, and methods applied in the empirical analysis.Less
This introductory chapter develops three core research questions for the book: How widespread is citizen support for the respective regime in democracies and autocracies? What individual-level sources is regime support based upon in democracies and autocracies? What system-level sources affect regime support in democracies and autocracies? Pointing out the relevance of political support for regime stability, it argues that answering these questions can contribute to assessing the stability of both democracies and autocracies. Following a brief review of the literature, it outlines the theoretical model proposed in the book and gives an overview of the research strategy, case selection, data, and methods applied in the empirical analysis.
Sugata Marjit and Saibal Kar
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198071495
- eISBN:
- 9780199081257
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198071495.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter examines the political economy aspects of the survival and performance of the informal sector. It develops a political support model and an interlinked reforms-bribery model to show that ...
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This chapter examines the political economy aspects of the survival and performance of the informal sector. It develops a political support model and an interlinked reforms-bribery model to show that the level of ‘informality’ can, on the one hand, be the outcome of a conscious choice of society and, on the other, may behave unexpectedly in the presence of corruption in the system. In such societies where income levels in the informal sector depend significantly on the level of governance adopted by the state, the government chooses lower levels of governance and tax rates. As poverty increases in these economies, similar choices are manifested by state authorities. Introduction of the informal sector in such models plays a pivotal role in challenging the prediction of conventional political economy models where more poverty and inequality triggers a choice of higher tax rates at the political equilibrium.Less
This chapter examines the political economy aspects of the survival and performance of the informal sector. It develops a political support model and an interlinked reforms-bribery model to show that the level of ‘informality’ can, on the one hand, be the outcome of a conscious choice of society and, on the other, may behave unexpectedly in the presence of corruption in the system. In such societies where income levels in the informal sector depend significantly on the level of governance adopted by the state, the government chooses lower levels of governance and tax rates. As poverty increases in these economies, similar choices are manifested by state authorities. Introduction of the informal sector in such models plays a pivotal role in challenging the prediction of conventional political economy models where more poverty and inequality triggers a choice of higher tax rates at the political equilibrium.