Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The analytical framework sketched in Chapter One is used to review the history of state formation in Europe at a number of critical junctures from the sixteenth to the twentieth century: state ...
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The analytical framework sketched in Chapter One is used to review the history of state formation in Europe at a number of critical junctures from the sixteenth to the twentieth century: state formation, capitalist development and market formation, nation formation, generalisation of participation rights (democratization), and development of social sharing institutions (welfare systems). The recasting emphasizes how the processes of boundary control in various spheres contributed to the specific and historically unique constellation of centre-periphery structuring, interest intermediation structuring, and cleavage structuring in the Western experience. This key idea — that domestic political structures are historically grounded in specific configurations of economic, cultural, administrative and coercion confinement of actors and resources — suggests that political developments affecting the boundary configuration of the nation state will also affect the domestic forms of its political structures. This is the starting point for the succeeding chapters devoted to the European integration process.Less
The analytical framework sketched in Chapter One is used to review the history of state formation in Europe at a number of critical junctures from the sixteenth to the twentieth century: state formation, capitalist development and market formation, nation formation, generalisation of participation rights (democratization), and development of social sharing institutions (welfare systems). The recasting emphasizes how the processes of boundary control in various spheres contributed to the specific and historically unique constellation of centre-periphery structuring, interest intermediation structuring, and cleavage structuring in the Western experience. This key idea — that domestic political structures are historically grounded in specific configurations of economic, cultural, administrative and coercion confinement of actors and resources — suggests that political developments affecting the boundary configuration of the nation state will also affect the domestic forms of its political structures. This is the starting point for the succeeding chapters devoted to the European integration process.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one ...
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Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.Less
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.
Andreas Osiander
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198294511
- eISBN:
- 9780191717048
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294511.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter criticizes the amateurish way in which history is used to corroborate International Relations theory, in particular Realism. Conversely, it criticizes conventional ...
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This introductory chapter criticizes the amateurish way in which history is used to corroborate International Relations theory, in particular Realism. Conversely, it criticizes conventional historiography for its neglect of political theory. A case in point is the constructivist insight that political structures are created through political discourse. The political discourse underlying present-day political structures is so ubiquitous as to render those structures largely immune to manipulation. But since to most people the everyday political discourse of past eras is now unfamiliar, historians feel free, indeed obliged, to describe past political structures using the political concepts and assumptions of our own day. What they fail to realize is that unlike present-day political structures the political structures of past ages do change when anachronistic terminology is used to describe them: they come to look more like our own than they were.Less
This introductory chapter criticizes the amateurish way in which history is used to corroborate International Relations theory, in particular Realism. Conversely, it criticizes conventional historiography for its neglect of political theory. A case in point is the constructivist insight that political structures are created through political discourse. The political discourse underlying present-day political structures is so ubiquitous as to render those structures largely immune to manipulation. But since to most people the everyday political discourse of past eras is now unfamiliar, historians feel free, indeed obliged, to describe past political structures using the political concepts and assumptions of our own day. What they fail to realize is that unlike present-day political structures the political structures of past ages do change when anachronistic terminology is used to describe them: they come to look more like our own than they were.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Describes the aims, approaches, and structure of the book. The basic issue addressed is the political principles that should govern global politics, and to analyse this the book posits six sets of ...
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Describes the aims, approaches, and structure of the book. The basic issue addressed is the political principles that should govern global politics, and to analyse this the book posits six sets of questions, each of which is addressed in separate chapters that separately examine (moral) universalism, civil and political justice, distributive justice, political structures, just war, and humanitarian intervention. The author makes four points: that his concern is with political philosophy; that he refers to global rather than international political theory; that he examines global political theory rather than global ethics; and that he distinguishes three levels at which global political theory may operate—its relation to domestic political theory, the principles and institutions involved, and the application of these principles to specific issues. He also identifies the aims of the book, which are: to provide a defence of what is commonly termed a cosmopolitan political morality; to explore in depth and evaluate competing philosophical perspectives on these issues; and to emphasize that the topics examined in the book are very closely intertwined and cannot be engaged satisfactorily in isolation from one another. The four competing approaches that may be taken to global political theory (cosmopolitanism, realism, the ‘society of states’, and nationalism) are outlined in turn in order to provide a framework within which the six questions posited in the book are examined, and to stake out and defend the cosmopolitan approach taken.Less
Describes the aims, approaches, and structure of the book. The basic issue addressed is the political principles that should govern global politics, and to analyse this the book posits six sets of questions, each of which is addressed in separate chapters that separately examine (moral) universalism, civil and political justice, distributive justice, political structures, just war, and humanitarian intervention. The author makes four points: that his concern is with political philosophy; that he refers to global rather than international political theory; that he examines global political theory rather than global ethics; and that he distinguishes three levels at which global political theory may operate—its relation to domestic political theory, the principles and institutions involved, and the application of these principles to specific issues. He also identifies the aims of the book, which are: to provide a defence of what is commonly termed a cosmopolitan political morality; to explore in depth and evaluate competing philosophical perspectives on these issues; and to emphasize that the topics examined in the book are very closely intertwined and cannot be engaged satisfactorily in isolation from one another. The four competing approaches that may be taken to global political theory (cosmopolitanism, realism, the ‘society of states’, and nationalism) are outlined in turn in order to provide a framework within which the six questions posited in the book are examined, and to stake out and defend the cosmopolitan approach taken.
Vanessa Barker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195370027
- eISBN:
- 9780199871315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195370027.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter presents the theoretical basis for the study. It places the analysis in historical context, arguing that changes in American penal sanctioning were central to the remaking of American ...
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This chapter presents the theoretical basis for the study. It places the analysis in historical context, arguing that changes in American penal sanctioning were central to the remaking of American democracy in the 1960s and 1970s. Penal sanctioning, an expression of the state's power to punish and willingness to infringe upon the rights and liberties of others, clarifies, sorts and classifies the conditions of citizenship and social inclusion. This chapter develops an account of penal regime variation based on variation in the democratic process, conceptualized as: political structures, the institutional and administrative capacities of the state, and collective agency, varying forms of social mobilization and political participation. It introduces the key elements of the case studies: California's polarized populism and retribution; Washington State's deliberative democracy and the principle of parsimony; New York's elite pragmatism and managerial penal regime.Less
This chapter presents the theoretical basis for the study. It places the analysis in historical context, arguing that changes in American penal sanctioning were central to the remaking of American democracy in the 1960s and 1970s. Penal sanctioning, an expression of the state's power to punish and willingness to infringe upon the rights and liberties of others, clarifies, sorts and classifies the conditions of citizenship and social inclusion. This chapter develops an account of penal regime variation based on variation in the democratic process, conceptualized as: political structures, the institutional and administrative capacities of the state, and collective agency, varying forms of social mobilization and political participation. It introduces the key elements of the case studies: California's polarized populism and retribution; Washington State's deliberative democracy and the principle of parsimony; New York's elite pragmatism and managerial penal regime.
Jeffrey Broadbent
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199251780
- eISBN:
- 9780191599057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199251789.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presents a case for a network version of the concept of political opportunity structure, focusing on environmental movement activity in eight communities in Japan. Embeddedness in specific networks ...
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Presents a case for a network version of the concept of political opportunity structure, focusing on environmental movement activity in eight communities in Japan. Embeddedness in specific networks shapes political action much more strongly in densely knit societies like Japan than in Western, individualistic societies; in Japan, networks operate mostly in terms of block recruitment rather than individual recruitment, and this holds for both movements and local elites. In particular, vertical ties between elites and citizen strongly shape local political opportunities: it is the presence of ‘breakaway bosses’ (i.e. local leaders who take the protesters’ side) to prove the strongest predictor of success for collective action. The chapter also presents a distinctive theoretical framework, Integrative Structurational Analysis, to link structure and agency.Less
Presents a case for a network version of the concept of political opportunity structure, focusing on environmental movement activity in eight communities in Japan. Embeddedness in specific networks shapes political action much more strongly in densely knit societies like Japan than in Western, individualistic societies; in Japan, networks operate mostly in terms of block recruitment rather than individual recruitment, and this holds for both movements and local elites. In particular, vertical ties between elites and citizen strongly shape local political opportunities: it is the presence of ‘breakaway bosses’ (i.e. local leaders who take the protesters’ side) to prove the strongest predictor of success for collective action. The chapter also presents a distinctive theoretical framework, Integrative Structurational Analysis, to link structure and agency.
Roland Dannreuther
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Aims to contribute to the emerging debate over the nature of capitalist development and its relationship to the social and political developments in different regions of the world, by suggesting an ...
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Aims to contribute to the emerging debate over the nature of capitalist development and its relationship to the social and political developments in different regions of the world, by suggesting an analytical framework for assessing the implications of these recent developments for the political structures within developing countries. The first section seeks to isolate the most important structural and international factors that have contributed to the democratizing trend in the developing world. The second section looks beyond these general trends and assesses the existing social, economic and political conditions of most developing countries, focussing, in particular on the continuing internal and external obstacles to democratization. The final section attempts to draw from this analysis an overarching assessment of the direction of political change in the developing world, and the most appropriate models or approaches for understanding the underlying dynamic of these changes.Less
Aims to contribute to the emerging debate over the nature of capitalist development and its relationship to the social and political developments in different regions of the world, by suggesting an analytical framework for assessing the implications of these recent developments for the political structures within developing countries. The first section seeks to isolate the most important structural and international factors that have contributed to the democratizing trend in the developing world. The second section looks beyond these general trends and assesses the existing social, economic and political conditions of most developing countries, focussing, in particular on the continuing internal and external obstacles to democratization. The final section attempts to draw from this analysis an overarching assessment of the direction of political change in the developing world, and the most appropriate models or approaches for understanding the underlying dynamic of these changes.
Jochen Clasen
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199270712
- eISBN:
- 9780191603266
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199270716.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The chapter discusses three periods of policy change in the field of social protection for unemployed people. It explains basic parameters of unemployment protection systems, contrasting contemporary ...
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The chapter discusses three periods of policy change in the field of social protection for unemployed people. It explains basic parameters of unemployment protection systems, contrasting contemporary systems with those which existed in the late 1970s. Making use of several indicators, it assess the scale and profile of change in each country. The different reform profiles are identified and their genesis discussed in the context of major legislative changes. It argues that the specific links between unemployment protection systems and respective national political economy structures have impacted strongly on the emerging reform profiles. Dynamic power relations within and across government parties, as well as contextual changes impeded or facilitated policies, thus explaining cross-national variations in the pace and profile of reform.Less
The chapter discusses three periods of policy change in the field of social protection for unemployed people. It explains basic parameters of unemployment protection systems, contrasting contemporary systems with those which existed in the late 1970s. Making use of several indicators, it assess the scale and profile of change in each country. The different reform profiles are identified and their genesis discussed in the context of major legislative changes. It argues that the specific links between unemployment protection systems and respective national political economy structures have impacted strongly on the emerging reform profiles. Dynamic power relations within and across government parties, as well as contextual changes impeded or facilitated policies, thus explaining cross-national variations in the pace and profile of reform.
Masahiko Aoki, Kevin Murdock, and Masahiro Okuno‐Fujiwara
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198294917
- eISBN:
- 9780191715501
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294917.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter discusses the relevant parts of the contributions included in this volume. A summary ofThe East Asian Miraclepublished by the World Bank in 1993 is presented. The potential role of ...
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This chapter discusses the relevant parts of the contributions included in this volume. A summary ofThe East Asian Miraclepublished by the World Bank in 1993 is presented. The potential role of government in resolving coordination failures; how government policy can complement decentralized coordination; the use of contingent rents versus the use of direct policies; a framework for analyzing the roles of the private sector and government in coordinating economic activity; the political-economy structures of East Asian economies; and the motivations of government and the bureaucracy are discussed.Less
This chapter discusses the relevant parts of the contributions included in this volume. A summary ofThe East Asian Miraclepublished by the World Bank in 1993 is presented. The potential role of government in resolving coordination failures; how government policy can complement decentralized coordination; the use of contingent rents versus the use of direct policies; a framework for analyzing the roles of the private sector and government in coordinating economic activity; the political-economy structures of East Asian economies; and the motivations of government and the bureaucracy are discussed.
Martin Kitchener
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195388299
- eISBN:
- 9780199866519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388299.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter extends institutional theory to analyze processes by which resource‐poor actors initiate new structures within fields of healthcare organizations. Using insights from studies of ...
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This chapter extends institutional theory to analyze processes by which resource‐poor actors initiate new structures within fields of healthcare organizations. Using insights from studies of counter‐movements, political opportunity structures, and social processes, a series of propositions are derived and illustrated using three case studies of institutional change driven by health reform movements: abortion rights, AIDS, and long‐term care. The framework assumes that multiple belief systems (logics) within healthcare fields ensure that institutional arrangements will be challenged, sometimes by reform movements. Five aspects of political opportunity structures support such efforts: organizational fields that are centralized and immature, an open policy context, a decentralized state, neighboring fields of reform activity, and journalistic standards of balanced reporting. Health reform movements are enabled by networked forms of leadership, the development of equivalent capacities to counter‐movements, and leaders framing an array of arguments. Successful reform processes are likely to be slow, highly contested, and result in the new structure being accommodated alongside aspects of the traditional arrangements.Less
This chapter extends institutional theory to analyze processes by which resource‐poor actors initiate new structures within fields of healthcare organizations. Using insights from studies of counter‐movements, political opportunity structures, and social processes, a series of propositions are derived and illustrated using three case studies of institutional change driven by health reform movements: abortion rights, AIDS, and long‐term care. The framework assumes that multiple belief systems (logics) within healthcare fields ensure that institutional arrangements will be challenged, sometimes by reform movements. Five aspects of political opportunity structures support such efforts: organizational fields that are centralized and immature, an open policy context, a decentralized state, neighboring fields of reform activity, and journalistic standards of balanced reporting. Health reform movements are enabled by networked forms of leadership, the development of equivalent capacities to counter‐movements, and leaders framing an array of arguments. Successful reform processes are likely to be slow, highly contested, and result in the new structure being accommodated alongside aspects of the traditional arrangements.
Georgina Waylen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199248032
- eISBN:
- 9780191714894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248032.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The conclusion gives an overview of how the changes in citizenship, participation and policymaking that have been part of transitions to democracy are gendered and lays out the circumstances under ...
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The conclusion gives an overview of how the changes in citizenship, participation and policymaking that have been part of transitions to democracy are gendered and lays out the circumstances under which gender outcomes can be positive. After summarizing the outcomes in the electoral, bureaucratic, and constitutional/legal arenas, the conclusion outlines the key factors involved in any explanation. Although women's movements are often central in articulating gender issues, more is needed to ensure that those issues are placed on the agenda of the transition and subsequently remain on the policy agenda in the post transition period. Any analysis therefore has to include the political opportunity structure and the roles of key actors and strategic alliances. The conclusion then outlines how the book's arguments fit into wider debates within the study of gender and politics and comparative politics.Less
The conclusion gives an overview of how the changes in citizenship, participation and policymaking that have been part of transitions to democracy are gendered and lays out the circumstances under which gender outcomes can be positive. After summarizing the outcomes in the electoral, bureaucratic, and constitutional/legal arenas, the conclusion outlines the key factors involved in any explanation. Although women's movements are often central in articulating gender issues, more is needed to ensure that those issues are placed on the agenda of the transition and subsequently remain on the policy agenda in the post transition period. Any analysis therefore has to include the political opportunity structure and the roles of key actors and strategic alliances. The conclusion then outlines how the book's arguments fit into wider debates within the study of gender and politics and comparative politics.
R.A. Duff, Lindsay Farmer, S.E. Marshall, Massimo Renzo, and Victor Tadros (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199644315
- eISBN:
- 9780191732249
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199644315.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology, Philosophy of Law
This book is part of a series arising from an interdisciplinary investigation into the issue of criminalization, focussing on the principles and goals that should guide decisions about what kinds of ...
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This book is part of a series arising from an interdisciplinary investigation into the issue of criminalization, focussing on the principles and goals that should guide decisions about what kinds of conduct are to be criminalized, and the forms that criminalization should take. This is the second volume in the series and it concerns itself with the structures of criminal law in three different senses. The first examines the internal structure of the criminal law itself and the questions posed by familiar distinctions between which offences are typically analysed. These questions of classification include discussion of the growing range of crimes and the problems posed by this broadening of definition. Should traditional ideas and conceptions of the criminal law be reshaped in light of recent developments or should these developments be criticized and refuted? Structures of criminal law also refer to the place of the criminal law within the larger structure of the law. Here, the book examines the relationships with and between the criminal law and other aspects of law, particularly private law and public law. It also looks at how the criminal law is made, and by whom. Finally, the third sense of structure is outlined — the relationships between legal structures and social and political structures. What place does the criminal law have within the existing political and social landscapes? What are the influences, both political and social, upon the criminal law, and should they be allowed to influence the law in this fashion? What is its proper role?Less
This book is part of a series arising from an interdisciplinary investigation into the issue of criminalization, focussing on the principles and goals that should guide decisions about what kinds of conduct are to be criminalized, and the forms that criminalization should take. This is the second volume in the series and it concerns itself with the structures of criminal law in three different senses. The first examines the internal structure of the criminal law itself and the questions posed by familiar distinctions between which offences are typically analysed. These questions of classification include discussion of the growing range of crimes and the problems posed by this broadening of definition. Should traditional ideas and conceptions of the criminal law be reshaped in light of recent developments or should these developments be criticized and refuted? Structures of criminal law also refer to the place of the criminal law within the larger structure of the law. Here, the book examines the relationships with and between the criminal law and other aspects of law, particularly private law and public law. It also looks at how the criminal law is made, and by whom. Finally, the third sense of structure is outlined — the relationships between legal structures and social and political structures. What place does the criminal law have within the existing political and social landscapes? What are the influences, both political and social, upon the criminal law, and should they be allowed to influence the law in this fashion? What is its proper role?
Dorothy McBride Stetson (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state ...
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This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.Less
This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter examines the ways in which the protracted Sahrawi refugee context has been represented by its political body, the Polisario Front, to its non-Sahrawi ‘audience’ in such a way as to ...
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This chapter examines the ways in which the protracted Sahrawi refugee context has been represented by its political body, the Polisario Front, to its non-Sahrawi ‘audience’ in such a way as to assure continued political and humanitarian support. This chapter builds upon the recognition that the delivery of development aid is generally dependent on the capacity of the recipients to fulfil a set of non-economic conditionalities such as the creation of democratic political structures, the protection of human rights, and the promotion of gender equality. Refugees are expected to conform to the values of their sponsors. Conformity to these imposed values assuages them continued arrival of humanitarian supplies. However, such conditionalities do not necessarily lead to the modification of recipients’ socio-political structures as sponsors may expect. Rather, multiple forms of dependence on external aid and the broader political context have directly impacted the manners with which the recipients market themselves to their sponsors. In this chapter, the efforts of the Polisario Front in developing a particular representation of the Sahrawi ‘Self’ based upon the observations of its own observers form the focus of this chapter. It examines the strategies employed by the Front such as placing the Sahrawi refugee woman and solidarity movements as forefront representations of the refugee camps in order to secure external aid.Less
This chapter examines the ways in which the protracted Sahrawi refugee context has been represented by its political body, the Polisario Front, to its non-Sahrawi ‘audience’ in such a way as to assure continued political and humanitarian support. This chapter builds upon the recognition that the delivery of development aid is generally dependent on the capacity of the recipients to fulfil a set of non-economic conditionalities such as the creation of democratic political structures, the protection of human rights, and the promotion of gender equality. Refugees are expected to conform to the values of their sponsors. Conformity to these imposed values assuages them continued arrival of humanitarian supplies. However, such conditionalities do not necessarily lead to the modification of recipients’ socio-political structures as sponsors may expect. Rather, multiple forms of dependence on external aid and the broader political context have directly impacted the manners with which the recipients market themselves to their sponsors. In this chapter, the efforts of the Polisario Front in developing a particular representation of the Sahrawi ‘Self’ based upon the observations of its own observers form the focus of this chapter. It examines the strategies employed by the Front such as placing the Sahrawi refugee woman and solidarity movements as forefront representations of the refugee camps in order to secure external aid.
John Landers
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199279579
- eISBN:
- 9780191719448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199279579.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Social History, Economic History
The growth of output and the formation of centralised political structures in organic economies both involved the coordination of activities across growing distances, or ‘spatial integration’. ...
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The growth of output and the formation of centralised political structures in organic economies both involved the coordination of activities across growing distances, or ‘spatial integration’. Economic growth did this by promoting trade and regional specialisation, while centralised power is exercised over geographical space. The development of spatial integration in organic economies was hindered by the endemic inadequacy of their transport infrastructure. Although the dominant sector of organic economies was agriculture and the majority of the population lived in the countryside, towns and cities nonetheless fulfilled essential integrating functions as economic and political structures became more complex and differentiated. Output growth and political centralisation in organic economies had important spatial implications. Both processes involved spatial integration on a regional or supra-regional scale and the emergence of towns and cities as integrating centres, and as such their development, was constrained by the economy’s underlying spatial structure.Less
The growth of output and the formation of centralised political structures in organic economies both involved the coordination of activities across growing distances, or ‘spatial integration’. Economic growth did this by promoting trade and regional specialisation, while centralised power is exercised over geographical space. The development of spatial integration in organic economies was hindered by the endemic inadequacy of their transport infrastructure. Although the dominant sector of organic economies was agriculture and the majority of the population lived in the countryside, towns and cities nonetheless fulfilled essential integrating functions as economic and political structures became more complex and differentiated. Output growth and political centralisation in organic economies had important spatial implications. Both processes involved spatial integration on a regional or supra-regional scale and the emergence of towns and cities as integrating centres, and as such their development, was constrained by the economy’s underlying spatial structure.
Thomas Barfield
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691145686
- eISBN:
- 9781400834532
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691145686.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter provides a basic outline of Afghanistan's land and peoples. It describes how the various tribal and ethnic groups of Afghanistan work, because they have all played key roles in ...
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This chapter provides a basic outline of Afghanistan's land and peoples. It describes how the various tribal and ethnic groups of Afghanistan work, because they have all played key roles in Afghanistan's history and remain vital in understanding current events there. Furthermore, this chapter introduces what Afghans themselves take for granted: their geography, religion, subsistence economy, and architecture, along with the persistent aspects of social organization in which they ground their lives. Finally, the chapter applies ibn Khaldun's classic model of Middle Eastern political organization to Afghanistan, arguing that, far from participating in a single political sphere, Afghanistan has always been two worlds, interacting but unintegrated. Its contrasting patterns of subsistence, social organization, and regional political structures underlie long-standing ethnic and tribal divisions, constituting elements of material life and social organization that have persisted for centuries, even millennia, and setting the framework for daily life as it is ordinarily lived.Less
This chapter provides a basic outline of Afghanistan's land and peoples. It describes how the various tribal and ethnic groups of Afghanistan work, because they have all played key roles in Afghanistan's history and remain vital in understanding current events there. Furthermore, this chapter introduces what Afghans themselves take for granted: their geography, religion, subsistence economy, and architecture, along with the persistent aspects of social organization in which they ground their lives. Finally, the chapter applies ibn Khaldun's classic model of Middle Eastern political organization to Afghanistan, arguing that, far from participating in a single political sphere, Afghanistan has always been two worlds, interacting but unintegrated. Its contrasting patterns of subsistence, social organization, and regional political structures underlie long-standing ethnic and tribal divisions, constituting elements of material life and social organization that have persisted for centuries, even millennia, and setting the framework for daily life as it is ordinarily lived.
D. R. M. Irving
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195378269
- eISBN:
- 9780199864614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378269.003.0002
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
This chapter explores the twin roles of Manila as a colonial capital and an important node in early modern global networks. It gives a historical overview of the Spanish conquest, the foundation of ...
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This chapter explores the twin roles of Manila as a colonial capital and an important node in early modern global networks. It gives a historical overview of the Spanish conquest, the foundation of Manila, and the economic development of the colony (together with a consideration of the trans‐Pacific galleon trade), besides offering analyses of artistic representations of the Spanish Empire and Manila. In investigating the “contrapuntal” nature of the city's ethnically diverse society, it examines the social and political structures of the three principal ethnolinguistic groups: Filipinos, Chinese, and Spaniards. The presence of other diasporas in the metropolis is also discussed. Manila is described as a point of global convergence for travelers and migrants from Asia, Africa, the Americas, and Europe, acting as an attractive destination for merchants, missionaries, exiles, and explorers.Less
This chapter explores the twin roles of Manila as a colonial capital and an important node in early modern global networks. It gives a historical overview of the Spanish conquest, the foundation of Manila, and the economic development of the colony (together with a consideration of the trans‐Pacific galleon trade), besides offering analyses of artistic representations of the Spanish Empire and Manila. In investigating the “contrapuntal” nature of the city's ethnically diverse society, it examines the social and political structures of the three principal ethnolinguistic groups: Filipinos, Chinese, and Spaniards. The presence of other diasporas in the metropolis is also discussed. Manila is described as a point of global convergence for travelers and migrants from Asia, Africa, the Americas, and Europe, acting as an attractive destination for merchants, missionaries, exiles, and explorers.
Yuri Pines
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134956
- eISBN:
- 9781400842278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134956.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter focuses on the intellectuals' voluntary attachment to the ruler's service as their single most significant choice. It elucidates both the advantages of this choice and its price. Having ...
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This chapter focuses on the intellectuals' voluntary attachment to the ruler's service as their single most significant choice. It elucidates both the advantages of this choice and its price. Having opted for a political career, leading intellectuals had to accept their position as the emperor's servitors, which was at odds with their self-proclaimed moral superiority over the throne; and the resultant tension between their roles as the leaders and the led generated persistent frustration and manifold tragedies. Yet bitterness aside, the voluntary attachment of the intellectuals to the throne had also greatly empowered the educated elite as a whole. For two-odd millennia, members of this stratum navigated the empire through many storms and challenges, contributing decisively toward the preservation of the imperial political structure, and of its cultural foundations, against all odds.Less
This chapter focuses on the intellectuals' voluntary attachment to the ruler's service as their single most significant choice. It elucidates both the advantages of this choice and its price. Having opted for a political career, leading intellectuals had to accept their position as the emperor's servitors, which was at odds with their self-proclaimed moral superiority over the throne; and the resultant tension between their roles as the leaders and the led generated persistent frustration and manifold tragedies. Yet bitterness aside, the voluntary attachment of the intellectuals to the throne had also greatly empowered the educated elite as a whole. For two-odd millennia, members of this stratum navigated the empire through many storms and challenges, contributing decisively toward the preservation of the imperial political structure, and of its cultural foundations, against all odds.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the place of intellectuals in the organizational structure of the French Communist Party (PCF). Publicity of involvement in the collective life of the party was an important ...
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This chapter examines the place of intellectuals in the organizational structure of the French Communist Party (PCF). Publicity of involvement in the collective life of the party was an important initial criterion for Communist intellectuals. The chapter characterizes the intellectuals in the inner and outer circles of the PCF. The inner circle intellectuals were those who held top-level positions while those in the outer circle belonged to the lower levels of the party structure. In addition to intellectuals who were full-time officials in the organization, there were some who only occupied consultative roles and offered their services to specific committees and organizations run by the party.Less
This chapter examines the place of intellectuals in the organizational structure of the French Communist Party (PCF). Publicity of involvement in the collective life of the party was an important initial criterion for Communist intellectuals. The chapter characterizes the intellectuals in the inner and outer circles of the PCF. The inner circle intellectuals were those who held top-level positions while those in the outer circle belonged to the lower levels of the party structure. In addition to intellectuals who were full-time officials in the organization, there were some who only occupied consultative roles and offered their services to specific committees and organizations run by the party.
Neil Harding
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278665
- eISBN:
- 9780191684227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278665.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Bukharin's sociology of the state. As an orthodox Marxist, Bukharin regarded political structures and methods of management as neutral. They could be evaluated only in the ...
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This chapter examines Bukharin's sociology of the state. As an orthodox Marxist, Bukharin regarded political structures and methods of management as neutral. They could be evaluated only in the context of class purposes they served. In his reflection on the centrality of ideology as the cement of the state, ideas, institutions, conventions, and practices were not permitted to breathe a life of their own; they had no real being and no autonomy. His theory of the state is flawed by the impossibility of his being able to acknowledge autonomy for politics.Less
This chapter examines Bukharin's sociology of the state. As an orthodox Marxist, Bukharin regarded political structures and methods of management as neutral. They could be evaluated only in the context of class purposes they served. In his reflection on the centrality of ideology as the cement of the state, ideas, institutions, conventions, and practices were not permitted to breathe a life of their own; they had no real being and no autonomy. His theory of the state is flawed by the impossibility of his being able to acknowledge autonomy for politics.
