Joe Foweraker and Todd Landman
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199240463
- eISBN:
- 9780191696831
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199240463.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in ...
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Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in theory and history, and sets out to test them in the comparative context of modernising authoritarian regimes in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Spain. The study employs new evidence and innovative methods to illuminate the political relationship between social mobilisation and the language of rights, and shows that the fight for rights is fundamental to the achievement of democracy. In large measure it is this fight that will continue to decide the chances of democratic advance in the new millennium. This affirmation offers a direct challenge to the claims of Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, where democracy is seen to be the result of good behaviour in the form of the civic community. To the dismay of those peoples still aspiring to make democracy, Putnam's civicness may take centuries to accumulate. This book, in contrast, defend the political potency of the promise of rights, and argue that the bad behaviour of the fight for rights may achieve democracy in the space of one or two generations. The study demonstrates strong grounds for optimism, and constitutes a robust defence of democracy as the result of the collective struggle for individual rights. But the fight for rights is always conflictual and often dangerous, and the outcome is never certain. Successes are partial and reversible, and democratic advance tends to occur piecemeal, and against the odds.Less
Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in theory and history, and sets out to test them in the comparative context of modernising authoritarian regimes in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Spain. The study employs new evidence and innovative methods to illuminate the political relationship between social mobilisation and the language of rights, and shows that the fight for rights is fundamental to the achievement of democracy. In large measure it is this fight that will continue to decide the chances of democratic advance in the new millennium. This affirmation offers a direct challenge to the claims of Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, where democracy is seen to be the result of good behaviour in the form of the civic community. To the dismay of those peoples still aspiring to make democracy, Putnam's civicness may take centuries to accumulate. This book, in contrast, defend the political potency of the promise of rights, and argue that the bad behaviour of the fight for rights may achieve democracy in the space of one or two generations. The study demonstrates strong grounds for optimism, and constitutes a robust defence of democracy as the result of the collective struggle for individual rights. But the fight for rights is always conflictual and often dangerous, and the outcome is never certain. Successes are partial and reversible, and democratic advance tends to occur piecemeal, and against the odds.
Joseph Chan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158617
- eISBN:
- 9781400848690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158617.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This concluding chapter evaluates the Confucian political perfectionism and explains how perfectionism runs through the reconstruction of this philosophy. Taken as a whole, Confucian political ...
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This concluding chapter evaluates the Confucian political perfectionism and explains how perfectionism runs through the reconstruction of this philosophy. Taken as a whole, Confucian political perfectionism makes a radical departure from European and American liberal democratic theory, although it makes use of certain liberal democratic institutions to cope with nonideal problems. In Confucian political perfectionism, the concept of democracy still means rule by the people, but it is not justified by the idea that people are sovereign. Rather, it is justified by its service to the people and by a perfectionist view of a political relationship of mutual commitment and trust between the people and those they have elected to govern.Less
This concluding chapter evaluates the Confucian political perfectionism and explains how perfectionism runs through the reconstruction of this philosophy. Taken as a whole, Confucian political perfectionism makes a radical departure from European and American liberal democratic theory, although it makes use of certain liberal democratic institutions to cope with nonideal problems. In Confucian political perfectionism, the concept of democracy still means rule by the people, but it is not justified by the idea that people are sovereign. Rather, it is justified by its service to the people and by a perfectionist view of a political relationship of mutual commitment and trust between the people and those they have elected to govern.
Diana Woodhouse
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263198
- eISBN:
- 9780191734755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263198.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the changes in ministerial responsibility in Great Britain during the twentieth century. It suggests that the twentieth century saw the decay of imperfect but working ...
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This chapter examines the changes in ministerial responsibility in Great Britain during the twentieth century. It suggests that the twentieth century saw the decay of imperfect but working conventions, the divisions between policy and operations and accountability and responsibility which may suggest a rationalisation of ministerial responsibility. The chapter explains that, for more than a century, ministerial responsibility has underpinned Britain's constitutional arrangements and the Westminster system of government, andhas provided the rationale for the institutional structure of government and the basis for political relationships.Less
This chapter examines the changes in ministerial responsibility in Great Britain during the twentieth century. It suggests that the twentieth century saw the decay of imperfect but working conventions, the divisions between policy and operations and accountability and responsibility which may suggest a rationalisation of ministerial responsibility. The chapter explains that, for more than a century, ministerial responsibility has underpinned Britain's constitutional arrangements and the Westminster system of government, andhas provided the rationale for the institutional structure of government and the basis for political relationships.
Anchrit Wille
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199665693
- eISBN:
- 9780191755989
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199665693.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The European Commission is evolving into a normal executive. In the 1950s, it started out as a technocratic international organization, but it has acquired many of the organizational features and ...
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The European Commission is evolving into a normal executive. In the 1950s, it started out as a technocratic international organization, but it has acquired many of the organizational features and behavioural patterns that are highly typical of the ‘normal’ executives in national settings. This ‘normalization’ of the EU executive is due to a series of treaty reforms and internal administrative transformations that were effectuated after the demise of the Santer Commission. Based on a large number of in-depth interviews with commissioners, heads of cabinet, and senior civil servants in the Commission, and on extensive documentary evidence, this study shows how a reinforced regime of political and administrative accountability has profoundly changed the executive relationships between politicians and bureaucrats in the Commission. The book presents a grounded empirical portrait of life at the top in the EU, exposing the Commission’s struggle to revive its legitimacy and to turn it into a more transparent, accountable, and efficient organization during the Prodi and Barroso’s tenures. Officials and officeholders describe in their own words the imperatives they face and the relationships they maintain, allowing readers to have a rare look at the day-to-day practices in one of the world’s most powerful executives.Less
The European Commission is evolving into a normal executive. In the 1950s, it started out as a technocratic international organization, but it has acquired many of the organizational features and behavioural patterns that are highly typical of the ‘normal’ executives in national settings. This ‘normalization’ of the EU executive is due to a series of treaty reforms and internal administrative transformations that were effectuated after the demise of the Santer Commission. Based on a large number of in-depth interviews with commissioners, heads of cabinet, and senior civil servants in the Commission, and on extensive documentary evidence, this study shows how a reinforced regime of political and administrative accountability has profoundly changed the executive relationships between politicians and bureaucrats in the Commission. The book presents a grounded empirical portrait of life at the top in the EU, exposing the Commission’s struggle to revive its legitimacy and to turn it into a more transparent, accountable, and efficient organization during the Prodi and Barroso’s tenures. Officials and officeholders describe in their own words the imperatives they face and the relationships they maintain, allowing readers to have a rare look at the day-to-day practices in one of the world’s most powerful executives.
Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099081
- eISBN:
- 9789882207547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099081.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter reviews the perspectives arising from the political relationships between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) and Beijing. These perspectives include Hong Kong's ...
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This chapter reviews the perspectives arising from the political relationships between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) and Beijing. These perspectives include Hong Kong's annexation of the mainland, the clash of civilizations, Beijing's control over Hong Kong, bureaucratic politics, planning and coordination, and fiscal relations. In addition to reviewing these perspectives, the chapter also advances a modified form of patron-clientelism which involves political patrons operating in a pluralistic environment where support from the clients and followers is not assured and where non-clients are determined to oppose the clientelistic regime. The chapter also explores how the central government of Beijing (the superior patron) deals with the non-clients of Hong Kong's political scene, specifically the democratic elites. It also examines how Beijing rewards the clients of HKSAR.Less
This chapter reviews the perspectives arising from the political relationships between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) and Beijing. These perspectives include Hong Kong's annexation of the mainland, the clash of civilizations, Beijing's control over Hong Kong, bureaucratic politics, planning and coordination, and fiscal relations. In addition to reviewing these perspectives, the chapter also advances a modified form of patron-clientelism which involves political patrons operating in a pluralistic environment where support from the clients and followers is not assured and where non-clients are determined to oppose the clientelistic regime. The chapter also explores how the central government of Beijing (the superior patron) deals with the non-clients of Hong Kong's political scene, specifically the democratic elites. It also examines how Beijing rewards the clients of HKSAR.
Anchrit Wille
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199665693
- eISBN:
- 9780191755989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199665693.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
What model is an adequate approximation of the executive relationship in today’s Commission? This chapter aims to arrive at a systematic assessment of the normalization of the political–bureaucratic ...
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What model is an adequate approximation of the executive relationship in today’s Commission? This chapter aims to arrive at a systematic assessment of the normalization of the political–bureaucratic relationship among the triads working at the Commission’s apex. Despite a clearer differentiation of the respective roles—linked to the normalization of the EU Commission— commissioners, their heads of cabinet, and their top officials stress the pre-eminence of interdependency, complementarity and teamwork. Their view of the political–bureaucratic relationship is one of a pragmatic-professional transaction. Both sides have the space to be strong, provided that there is mutual trust and respect, which are crucial in an environment where accountability pressures on both politicians and bureaucrats have increased.Less
What model is an adequate approximation of the executive relationship in today’s Commission? This chapter aims to arrive at a systematic assessment of the normalization of the political–bureaucratic relationship among the triads working at the Commission’s apex. Despite a clearer differentiation of the respective roles—linked to the normalization of the EU Commission— commissioners, their heads of cabinet, and their top officials stress the pre-eminence of interdependency, complementarity and teamwork. Their view of the political–bureaucratic relationship is one of a pragmatic-professional transaction. Both sides have the space to be strong, provided that there is mutual trust and respect, which are crucial in an environment where accountability pressures on both politicians and bureaucrats have increased.
Avi Shlaim
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294597
- eISBN:
- 9780191685057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294597.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines King Abdullah's political relationship with the Zionists. This relationship was the least well understood by his fellow Arabs and the most damaging to his reputation. His ...
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This chapter examines King Abdullah's political relationship with the Zionists. This relationship was the least well understood by his fellow Arabs and the most damaging to his reputation. His motives for seeking such a relationship was his fear of Zionism and his perception of the opportunity it offered him to realize his own goals in Palestine. In his personal dealings with the Zionists, Abdullah was never hampered by any racist prejudice. Hatred of the Jews did not burn in his heart and he stood above the fanatic anti-Jewish prejudices common among some members of his race.Less
This chapter examines King Abdullah's political relationship with the Zionists. This relationship was the least well understood by his fellow Arabs and the most damaging to his reputation. His motives for seeking such a relationship was his fear of Zionism and his perception of the opportunity it offered him to realize his own goals in Palestine. In his personal dealings with the Zionists, Abdullah was never hampered by any racist prejudice. Hatred of the Jews did not burn in his heart and he stood above the fanatic anti-Jewish prejudices common among some members of his race.
Wendy Davies
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201533
- eISBN:
- 9780191674921
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201533.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
This chapter investigates the practice of power within early medieval Wales. It begins with an overview of the political history until the late eleventh century. It then considers the pre-ninth ...
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This chapter investigates the practice of power within early medieval Wales. It begins with an overview of the political history until the late eleventh century. It then considers the pre-ninth century background, and goes on to examine the relationships between Welsh rulers in the ninth- to eleventh-century period. It focuses specifically on the Welshmen's relationships with, and reactions to, each other. It also describes three aspects of political relationships within Wales: the rulers and regions, the territorial range of rulers, and segmentation.Less
This chapter investigates the practice of power within early medieval Wales. It begins with an overview of the political history until the late eleventh century. It then considers the pre-ninth century background, and goes on to examine the relationships between Welsh rulers in the ninth- to eleventh-century period. It focuses specifically on the Welshmen's relationships with, and reactions to, each other. It also describes three aspects of political relationships within Wales: the rulers and regions, the territorial range of rulers, and segmentation.
Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099081
- eISBN:
- 9789882207547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099081.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter concludes that mainlandization of HKSAR is inevitable because of the rapid globalization of China and because of the political correctness of Beijing's clientelist rulers and supporters ...
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This chapter concludes that mainlandization of HKSAR is inevitable because of the rapid globalization of China and because of the political correctness of Beijing's clientelist rulers and supporters in Hong Kong. And while Hong Kong's “one country, two systems” proved to be turbulent and marked by political mainlandization and convergence with the People's Republic of China, the spirit of HKSAR “one country, two systems” can be creatively applied to resolve and bring about change in the political relationship between Beijing and Taipei.Less
This chapter concludes that mainlandization of HKSAR is inevitable because of the rapid globalization of China and because of the political correctness of Beijing's clientelist rulers and supporters in Hong Kong. And while Hong Kong's “one country, two systems” proved to be turbulent and marked by political mainlandization and convergence with the People's Republic of China, the spirit of HKSAR “one country, two systems” can be creatively applied to resolve and bring about change in the political relationship between Beijing and Taipei.
Charles Stanish
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520232457
- eISBN:
- 9780520928190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520232457.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the evolution of political economies in the ancient Titicaca Basin region. It describes the development of complex political economies in the Titicaca Basin as a process of the ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of political economies in the ancient Titicaca Basin region. It describes the development of complex political economies in the Titicaca Basin as a process of the strategic decisions of individuals. It suggest that this evolution was the result of the successive renegotiating and reworking of the political and economic relationships between individuals and groups attempting to acquire power, wealth and prestige in a particular historical, cultural, and physical environment.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of political economies in the ancient Titicaca Basin region. It describes the development of complex political economies in the Titicaca Basin as a process of the strategic decisions of individuals. It suggest that this evolution was the result of the successive renegotiating and reworking of the political and economic relationships between individuals and groups attempting to acquire power, wealth and prestige in a particular historical, cultural, and physical environment.
Martin Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198260158
- eISBN:
- 9780191682049
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198260158.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses the doctrine of fiduciary duty which the local authority owes to its ratepayers. It considers the nature and development of this fiduciary concept and yields valuable insights ...
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This chapter discusses the doctrine of fiduciary duty which the local authority owes to its ratepayers. It considers the nature and development of this fiduciary concept and yields valuable insights into the role of the judiciary in supervising local authority action and in policing political relationships and amongst local interests.Less
This chapter discusses the doctrine of fiduciary duty which the local authority owes to its ratepayers. It considers the nature and development of this fiduciary concept and yields valuable insights into the role of the judiciary in supervising local authority action and in policing political relationships and amongst local interests.
James A. Bellacqua (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125633
- eISBN:
- 9780813135359
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125633.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Relations between China and Russia have evolved dramatically since their first diplomatic contact, particularly during the twentieth century. During the past decade China and Russia have made efforts ...
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Relations between China and Russia have evolved dramatically since their first diplomatic contact, particularly during the twentieth century. During the past decade China and Russia have made efforts to strengthen bilateral ties and improve cooperation on a number of diplomatic fronts. The People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation maintain exceptionally close and friendly relations, strong geopolitical and regional cooperation, and significant levels of trade. This book explores the current state of the relationship between the two powers and assesses the prospects for future cooperation and possible tensions in the new century. The chapters examine Russian and Chinese perspectives on a wide range of issues, including security, political relationships, economic interactions, and defense ties. This collection explores the energy courtship between the two nations and analyzes their interests and policies regarding Central Asia, the Korean Peninsula, and Taiwan.Less
Relations between China and Russia have evolved dramatically since their first diplomatic contact, particularly during the twentieth century. During the past decade China and Russia have made efforts to strengthen bilateral ties and improve cooperation on a number of diplomatic fronts. The People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation maintain exceptionally close and friendly relations, strong geopolitical and regional cooperation, and significant levels of trade. This book explores the current state of the relationship between the two powers and assesses the prospects for future cooperation and possible tensions in the new century. The chapters examine Russian and Chinese perspectives on a wide range of issues, including security, political relationships, economic interactions, and defense ties. This collection explores the energy courtship between the two nations and analyzes their interests and policies regarding Central Asia, the Korean Peninsula, and Taiwan.
R. J. W. Evans
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199541621
- eISBN:
- 9780191701252
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541621.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter presents an essay on the cultural and political relationships and linkages between Hungary and Germany during the 19th century. It chronicles relevant events starting with the last ...
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This chapter presents an essay on the cultural and political relationships and linkages between Hungary and Germany during the 19th century. It chronicles relevant events starting with the last decade of the Old Empire, when Josephinism created controversial notions of statehood and Aufklarung created a new intellectual climate. It explains that the two sides were brought together by liberal and national ideas, which culminated in the entente cordiale between the Frankfurt assembly and the Hungarian parliamentary government in 1848.Less
This chapter presents an essay on the cultural and political relationships and linkages between Hungary and Germany during the 19th century. It chronicles relevant events starting with the last decade of the Old Empire, when Josephinism created controversial notions of statehood and Aufklarung created a new intellectual climate. It explains that the two sides were brought together by liberal and national ideas, which culminated in the entente cordiale between the Frankfurt assembly and the Hungarian parliamentary government in 1848.
Jessica Berman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231149518
- eISBN:
- 9780231520393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231149518.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This introductory chapter outlines the role of the modernist narrative in linking ethics and politics using the novel Untouchable (1935) by Indian writer Mulk Raj Anand as an example. The novel tells ...
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This introductory chapter outlines the role of the modernist narrative in linking ethics and politics using the novel Untouchable (1935) by Indian writer Mulk Raj Anand as an example. The novel tells the story of Bakha, an “untouchable” working as a sweeper and cleaner of latrines. Untouchable was one of the first novels to feature a member of the outcaste as a hero, documenting the conflict between Bakha's obligations as a sweeper and his rising ethical awareness, which grows over the course of the novel. The story also revolves around the argument for eradicating the caste system in India. The chapter describes how modernist narrative connects ethical attitudes and responsibilities to the active creation of political relationships and just conduct. It argues that the act of narration, which goes between and among people, constitutes a “web of human relations” in which political action takes place.Less
This introductory chapter outlines the role of the modernist narrative in linking ethics and politics using the novel Untouchable (1935) by Indian writer Mulk Raj Anand as an example. The novel tells the story of Bakha, an “untouchable” working as a sweeper and cleaner of latrines. Untouchable was one of the first novels to feature a member of the outcaste as a hero, documenting the conflict between Bakha's obligations as a sweeper and his rising ethical awareness, which grows over the course of the novel. The story also revolves around the argument for eradicating the caste system in India. The chapter describes how modernist narrative connects ethical attitudes and responsibilities to the active creation of political relationships and just conduct. It argues that the act of narration, which goes between and among people, constitutes a “web of human relations” in which political action takes place.
R. A. Houston
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204381
- eISBN:
- 9780191676222
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204381.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Social History
This chapter discusses a different chronology of the riots in Edinburgh. It documents some of the most significant riots in Edinburgh from 1660 until 1760, and attempts to analyse the motives, ...
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This chapter discusses a different chronology of the riots in Edinburgh. It documents some of the most significant riots in Edinburgh from 1660 until 1760, and attempts to analyse the motives, personnel, and overall ‘tone’ of the riots. The chapter asks what changes can tell the readers about the overall nature of social and political relationships in Edinburgh.Less
This chapter discusses a different chronology of the riots in Edinburgh. It documents some of the most significant riots in Edinburgh from 1660 until 1760, and attempts to analyse the motives, personnel, and overall ‘tone’ of the riots. The chapter asks what changes can tell the readers about the overall nature of social and political relationships in Edinburgh.
Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099081
- eISBN:
- 9789882207547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099081.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
On July 1, 1997, Hong Kong's sovereignty was transferred from Britain to the People's Republic of China. This handover tested the concept of “one country, two systems”, designed and proposed by the ...
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On July 1, 1997, Hong Kong's sovereignty was transferred from Britain to the People's Republic of China. This handover tested the concept of “one country, two systems”, designed and proposed by the late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. With Taiwan as the final target of the reunification with China, Deng hoped that the retrocession of Hong Kong would be smooth and would woo Taiwan to return to the PRC orbit. This book discusses the implementation of “one country, two systems” in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It assesses the issues surrounding the mainlandization of HKSAR. The issues of the economic dependence of HKSAR in PRC, the vulnerability of HKSAR in the NPC's interpretation of the Basic Law, media-censorship, and the differences of HKSAR and PRC in terms of democratic reforms are discussed. This book aims to successfully relate the progress of Hong Kong politics to the future political relationship of China and Taiwan. By offering a broad focus on “one country, two systems” in the process of Sino-British negotiations and their trust building efforts, this book provides a paradigm from which political leaders of China and Taiwan can derive lessons to improve their political relationship.Less
On July 1, 1997, Hong Kong's sovereignty was transferred from Britain to the People's Republic of China. This handover tested the concept of “one country, two systems”, designed and proposed by the late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. With Taiwan as the final target of the reunification with China, Deng hoped that the retrocession of Hong Kong would be smooth and would woo Taiwan to return to the PRC orbit. This book discusses the implementation of “one country, two systems” in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It assesses the issues surrounding the mainlandization of HKSAR. The issues of the economic dependence of HKSAR in PRC, the vulnerability of HKSAR in the NPC's interpretation of the Basic Law, media-censorship, and the differences of HKSAR and PRC in terms of democratic reforms are discussed. This book aims to successfully relate the progress of Hong Kong politics to the future political relationship of China and Taiwan. By offering a broad focus on “one country, two systems” in the process of Sino-British negotiations and their trust building efforts, this book provides a paradigm from which political leaders of China and Taiwan can derive lessons to improve their political relationship.
Anchrit Wille
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199665693
- eISBN:
- 9780191755989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199665693.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Over recent years, the Commission has undergone its most significant internal changes since its inception. The principal argument presented in this study is that political and administrative reforms ...
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Over recent years, the Commission has undergone its most significant internal changes since its inception. The principal argument presented in this study is that political and administrative reforms have ‘normalized’ the European Commission and that this has had a profound impact on roles and working relationships of those operating at its helm: commissioners, heads of cabinets, and senior civil servants. The study will focus on the shifts in four basic features of political–administrative relationships: the rules regulating political and administrative responsibilities; the recruitment patterns into political and administrative positions; the key roles of two types of top executive officials; and finally their interrelationships.Less
Over recent years, the Commission has undergone its most significant internal changes since its inception. The principal argument presented in this study is that political and administrative reforms have ‘normalized’ the European Commission and that this has had a profound impact on roles and working relationships of those operating at its helm: commissioners, heads of cabinets, and senior civil servants. The study will focus on the shifts in four basic features of political–administrative relationships: the rules regulating political and administrative responsibilities; the recruitment patterns into political and administrative positions; the key roles of two types of top executive officials; and finally their interrelationships.
Keith M. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748612987
- eISBN:
- 9780748653546
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748612987.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This chapter explores seventeeth-century England and provides evidence to suggest that a lineage culture thrived, that local political relationships were largely shaped by kinship, and that these ...
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This chapter explores seventeeth-century England and provides evidence to suggest that a lineage culture thrived, that local political relationships were largely shaped by kinship, and that these bonds and obligations were carried through into the civil war. It notes that court and electoral politics continued to be organized around noble clienteles that had kinship at their core. It further notes that emphasis was placed on kinship through the encouragement of family histories and genealogies as a primarily defensive psychological reaction to unwelcome societal change. It also argues that the greater part of Scotland's localities saw nobles mobilizing their kindreds. It was the covenanting revolution, with its increasingly fractured ideological divisions alongside engagement in a massive military enterprise throughout all three British kingdoms that ripped apart any vestiges of the Lowland kindred as the basis of a private army.Less
This chapter explores seventeeth-century England and provides evidence to suggest that a lineage culture thrived, that local political relationships were largely shaped by kinship, and that these bonds and obligations were carried through into the civil war. It notes that court and electoral politics continued to be organized around noble clienteles that had kinship at their core. It further notes that emphasis was placed on kinship through the encouragement of family histories and genealogies as a primarily defensive psychological reaction to unwelcome societal change. It also argues that the greater part of Scotland's localities saw nobles mobilizing their kindreds. It was the covenanting revolution, with its increasingly fractured ideological divisions alongside engagement in a massive military enterprise throughout all three British kingdoms that ripped apart any vestiges of the Lowland kindred as the basis of a private army.
Melanie M. Ziegler
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813030876
- eISBN:
- 9780813039701
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813030876.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter discusses the complex and intricate political relationship between the U.S. and the Cuban exile community. It demonstrates how the Cuban exile leaders and their organizations became ...
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This chapter discusses the complex and intricate political relationship between the U.S. and the Cuban exile community. It demonstrates how the Cuban exile leaders and their organizations became increasingly influential over the decades, first exhibiting a supportive role and then as an important force in the formulation of an inflexible U.S. foreign policy toward the island. After the Cold War, the political activism of Cuban exile leaders heightened, hence impeding the reduction of the existing conflict between the U.S. and Cuba and the creation and implementation of confidence-building measures (CBMs). To better understand how exiled political leaders gained influence, the chapter focuses on exile politics and discuss its evolution. These five phases of exile evolution are: 1) the exile militancy of the 1960s; 2) the dialogue and backlash of the 1970s; 3) the creation of the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF); 4) the rise of Cuban American legislative power of the 1990s; and 5) reevaluation and retrenchment in the new millennium.Less
This chapter discusses the complex and intricate political relationship between the U.S. and the Cuban exile community. It demonstrates how the Cuban exile leaders and their organizations became increasingly influential over the decades, first exhibiting a supportive role and then as an important force in the formulation of an inflexible U.S. foreign policy toward the island. After the Cold War, the political activism of Cuban exile leaders heightened, hence impeding the reduction of the existing conflict between the U.S. and Cuba and the creation and implementation of confidence-building measures (CBMs). To better understand how exiled political leaders gained influence, the chapter focuses on exile politics and discuss its evolution. These five phases of exile evolution are: 1) the exile militancy of the 1960s; 2) the dialogue and backlash of the 1970s; 3) the creation of the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF); 4) the rise of Cuban American legislative power of the 1990s; and 5) reevaluation and retrenchment in the new millennium.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226644615
- eISBN:
- 9780226644592
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226644592.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter considers political relationships with other countries: diplomatic and other nonmilitary approaches to terrorism, diplomatic relations with other countries, international treaties and ...
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This chapter considers political relationships with other countries: diplomatic and other nonmilitary approaches to terrorism, diplomatic relations with other countries, international treaties and agreements, and cooperation through international organizations. It shows that the U.S. public seeks international cooperation when it comes to political relationships. Large majorities of Americans favor having diplomatic relations with countries that are potential foes. They favor a variety of diplomatic and multilateral measures to combat terrorism; express a high level of support for the United Nations (UN); favor various concrete measures to increase the UN's capability and effectiveness; and back international treaties—several of which have been rejected by U.S. government officials—concerning the control of nuclear weapons, the prohibition of land mines, measures against global warming, and the International Criminal Court. Most Americans also favor using diplomatic means to promote human rights and democracy abroad.Less
This chapter considers political relationships with other countries: diplomatic and other nonmilitary approaches to terrorism, diplomatic relations with other countries, international treaties and agreements, and cooperation through international organizations. It shows that the U.S. public seeks international cooperation when it comes to political relationships. Large majorities of Americans favor having diplomatic relations with countries that are potential foes. They favor a variety of diplomatic and multilateral measures to combat terrorism; express a high level of support for the United Nations (UN); favor various concrete measures to increase the UN's capability and effectiveness; and back international treaties—several of which have been rejected by U.S. government officials—concerning the control of nuclear weapons, the prohibition of land mines, measures against global warming, and the International Criminal Court. Most Americans also favor using diplomatic means to promote human rights and democracy abroad.
