Donald W. Katzner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765355
- eISBN:
- 9780199896806
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765355.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This book tells the story of an academic department that underwent rapid, wrenching changes at a time and in a place that one would not have expected them to have occurred. The time was the late ...
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This book tells the story of an academic department that underwent rapid, wrenching changes at a time and in a place that one would not have expected them to have occurred. The time was the late 1960s through the 1970s and the place was a US public university heavily dependent on state funding. The Cold War was raging, the US public was fearful of communism and the Soviet Union, and politicians were speaking to these fears for political ends. And the Economics Department at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst was in turmoil. In this environment a significant proportion of that department's visible faculty of traditional economists was rapidly created and, in spite of the anti-Marxist political climate and the dependence of the University on state politicians for funding, quickly replaced by a significant visible group of Marxian economists. The story told covers the particulars of the background for these events relating to the University of Massachusetts, the political activism of the period, and the state of the economics profession. It describes the events themselves in considerable detail, the multi-year turmoil within the Economics Department associated with them, the eventual resolution of that turmoil into an intellectually exciting and friendly atmosphere, the significance of the events in terms of academic endeavor, and their legacy for the economics profession.Less
This book tells the story of an academic department that underwent rapid, wrenching changes at a time and in a place that one would not have expected them to have occurred. The time was the late 1960s through the 1970s and the place was a US public university heavily dependent on state funding. The Cold War was raging, the US public was fearful of communism and the Soviet Union, and politicians were speaking to these fears for political ends. And the Economics Department at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst was in turmoil. In this environment a significant proportion of that department's visible faculty of traditional economists was rapidly created and, in spite of the anti-Marxist political climate and the dependence of the University on state politicians for funding, quickly replaced by a significant visible group of Marxian economists. The story told covers the particulars of the background for these events relating to the University of Massachusetts, the political activism of the period, and the state of the economics profession. It describes the events themselves in considerable detail, the multi-year turmoil within the Economics Department associated with them, the eventual resolution of that turmoil into an intellectually exciting and friendly atmosphere, the significance of the events in terms of academic endeavor, and their legacy for the economics profession.
Marc Stears
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199291632
- eISBN:
- 9780191700668
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199291632.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In the first three decades of the 20th century, two groups of radical political theorists — one British and one American — were bound together in a unique ideological relationship. This book provides ...
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In the first three decades of the 20th century, two groups of radical political theorists — one British and one American — were bound together in a unique ideological relationship. This book provides an examination of the intellectual dialogue that constituted that bond. Drawing on archival research, and employing methods of conceptual analysis, it examines the efforts of these two initially distinctive political movements to forge a single ideology capable of motivating far-reaching reform in both of their countries. In so doing, the book emphasizes the exceptional development of American progressivism and British socialism, arguing that the intellectual inspirations and political programmes of both movements were constantly shaped and reshaped by international ideological exchange. It analyses the complex political demands of these movements and enables the works of their leading protagonists, including G. D. H. Cole, Herbert Croly, Harold Laski, and Walter Lippmann, to emerge as significant contributions to modern political thought.Less
In the first three decades of the 20th century, two groups of radical political theorists — one British and one American — were bound together in a unique ideological relationship. This book provides an examination of the intellectual dialogue that constituted that bond. Drawing on archival research, and employing methods of conceptual analysis, it examines the efforts of these two initially distinctive political movements to forge a single ideology capable of motivating far-reaching reform in both of their countries. In so doing, the book emphasizes the exceptional development of American progressivism and British socialism, arguing that the intellectual inspirations and political programmes of both movements were constantly shaped and reshaped by international ideological exchange. It analyses the complex political demands of these movements and enables the works of their leading protagonists, including G. D. H. Cole, Herbert Croly, Harold Laski, and Walter Lippmann, to emerge as significant contributions to modern political thought.
Nigel Yates
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198270133
- eISBN:
- 9780191683916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198270133.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History, History of Christianity
The liturgical revolution of the second half of the 19th century was the most violent the Church of England had experienced since the Reformation. Not all of this was attributable to the Oxford ...
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The liturgical revolution of the second half of the 19th century was the most violent the Church of England had experienced since the Reformation. Not all of this was attributable to the Oxford Movement, in its origins a small and obscurantist pressure group whose theological outlook was profoundly conservative. However, the movement unleashed other forces within both Church and nation anxious to break away from what they regarded as the mundaneness of official religion in England over the previous century and a half. Some were theological radicals anxious to take the rationalism of the 18th-century Church one stage further. Some were political radicals who wanted to reform the Church. Some were romantics who wanted the Church to return to the perceived orthodoxy of the Caroline divines or the ceremonial splendour of the Middle Ages. All these pressure groups vied with each other for power over the Church of England after 1820, and all could count their successes.Less
The liturgical revolution of the second half of the 19th century was the most violent the Church of England had experienced since the Reformation. Not all of this was attributable to the Oxford Movement, in its origins a small and obscurantist pressure group whose theological outlook was profoundly conservative. However, the movement unleashed other forces within both Church and nation anxious to break away from what they regarded as the mundaneness of official religion in England over the previous century and a half. Some were theological radicals anxious to take the rationalism of the 18th-century Church one stage further. Some were political radicals who wanted to reform the Church. Some were romantics who wanted the Church to return to the perceived orthodoxy of the Caroline divines or the ceremonial splendour of the Middle Ages. All these pressure groups vied with each other for power over the Church of England after 1820, and all could count their successes.
Donald W. Katzner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765355
- eISBN:
- 9780199896806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765355.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
The arrival of the radical faculty and the radical graduate students that followed them exacerbated the tensions and turmoil in the Department. In this environment, a new Ph.D. program in radical ...
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The arrival of the radical faculty and the radical graduate students that followed them exacerbated the tensions and turmoil in the Department. In this environment, a new Ph.D. program in radical political economics was developed and the relations between the radical graduate students and the faculty as a whole were begun to be worked out. Later, the tensions in the Department erupted in a major and very bitter fight over the award of tenure to two nonradical faculty members.Less
The arrival of the radical faculty and the radical graduate students that followed them exacerbated the tensions and turmoil in the Department. In this environment, a new Ph.D. program in radical political economics was developed and the relations between the radical graduate students and the faculty as a whole were begun to be worked out. Later, the tensions in the Department erupted in a major and very bitter fight over the award of tenure to two nonradical faculty members.
Chris Atton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617692
- eISBN:
- 9780748670819
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617692.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the ...
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This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the world and our place in it. It is characterised by in-depth case studies. Topics include the media of new social movements and other radical political organisations (including the far right); websites produced by fans of popular culture; and media dedicated to developing a critical, ‘public’ journalism. The book locates these studies in appropriate theoretical and historical contexts, while remaining accessible to a student audience. Major themes include: the use of the Internet by political groups such as the anti-capitalist and environmental movements, as well as the far right; radical forms of creativity and distribution — the anti-copyright and sampling/file-sharing movements, and their role as cultural critics in a corporate world; the development and maintenance of a global, ‘digital public sphere’ of protest through such practices as ‘hacktivism’; the use of new media technologies to transform existing media forms and practices, such as news media and Internet radio.Less
This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the world and our place in it. It is characterised by in-depth case studies. Topics include the media of new social movements and other radical political organisations (including the far right); websites produced by fans of popular culture; and media dedicated to developing a critical, ‘public’ journalism. The book locates these studies in appropriate theoretical and historical contexts, while remaining accessible to a student audience. Major themes include: the use of the Internet by political groups such as the anti-capitalist and environmental movements, as well as the far right; radical forms of creativity and distribution — the anti-copyright and sampling/file-sharing movements, and their role as cultural critics in a corporate world; the development and maintenance of a global, ‘digital public sphere’ of protest through such practices as ‘hacktivism’; the use of new media technologies to transform existing media forms and practices, such as news media and Internet radio.
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804784085
- eISBN:
- 9780804784658
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804784085.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This introductory chapter discusses the radical political activity and print culture that arose in Britain in the late nineteenth century. It defines the term slow print as print that actively ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the radical political activity and print culture that arose in Britain in the late nineteenth century. It defines the term slow print as print that actively opposed literary and journalistic mass production; it was often explicitly political in objective, as socialist, anarchist, and other radical groups came to believe that large-scale mass-oriented print was no way to bring about revolutionary social changes. By focusing on the literary culture of the radical press, the book suggests that literature was a crucial means by which the turn-of-the-century radical counterpublic defined itself against capitalist mass print culture. An overview of the subsequent chapter is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the radical political activity and print culture that arose in Britain in the late nineteenth century. It defines the term slow print as print that actively opposed literary and journalistic mass production; it was often explicitly political in objective, as socialist, anarchist, and other radical groups came to believe that large-scale mass-oriented print was no way to bring about revolutionary social changes. By focusing on the literary culture of the radical press, the book suggests that literature was a crucial means by which the turn-of-the-century radical counterpublic defined itself against capitalist mass print culture. An overview of the subsequent chapter is also presented.
Donald W. Katzner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765355
- eISBN:
- 9780199896806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765355.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter summarizes the evolution of the American economics profession from 1885 to the present. It notes the efforts to suppress the free cultivation of ideas, in particular those associated ...
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This chapter summarizes the evolution of the American economics profession from 1885 to the present. It notes the efforts to suppress the free cultivation of ideas, in particular those associated with Marxism, and its failure as a profession to anticipate the Great Depression of the 1930s and the Great Recession that started in January 2008. A brief account of the denial of tenure to Samuel Bowles at Harvard University is provided, an explanation is given for the subsequent hiring of a large group of radical economists at the University of Massachusetts and not elsewhere, and the conversion of three economists from traditional economics to radical political economics is described.Less
This chapter summarizes the evolution of the American economics profession from 1885 to the present. It notes the efforts to suppress the free cultivation of ideas, in particular those associated with Marxism, and its failure as a profession to anticipate the Great Depression of the 1930s and the Great Recession that started in January 2008. A brief account of the denial of tenure to Samuel Bowles at Harvard University is provided, an explanation is given for the subsequent hiring of a large group of radical economists at the University of Massachusetts and not elsewhere, and the conversion of three economists from traditional economics to radical political economics is described.
Panikos Panayi
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300210972
- eISBN:
- 9780300252149
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300210972.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter reveals that London has played a role in the evolution of virtually every radical political ideology over the last two centuries, whether communism, pan-Africanism, or a host of ...
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This chapter reveals that London has played a role in the evolution of virtually every radical political ideology over the last two centuries, whether communism, pan-Africanism, or a host of nationalist ideologies which led to the overthrow of both the continental nineteenth-century empires and to British imperialism. It appears that every revolutionary leader of the period from the end of the eighteenth to the middle of twentieth century spent time in London. And beyond that, a series of governments in exile based themselves in London waiting for the defeat of the Nazis in Europe, perhaps most famously the Free French led by Charles de Gaulle. The presence of the conservative but nationalist French leader points to the fact that London has acted as home to political exiles from all parts of the political spectrum. However, as this chapter shows, these revolutionaries did not share the same views.Less
This chapter reveals that London has played a role in the evolution of virtually every radical political ideology over the last two centuries, whether communism, pan-Africanism, or a host of nationalist ideologies which led to the overthrow of both the continental nineteenth-century empires and to British imperialism. It appears that every revolutionary leader of the period from the end of the eighteenth to the middle of twentieth century spent time in London. And beyond that, a series of governments in exile based themselves in London waiting for the defeat of the Nazis in Europe, perhaps most famously the Free French led by Charles de Gaulle. The presence of the conservative but nationalist French leader points to the fact that London has acted as home to political exiles from all parts of the political spectrum. However, as this chapter shows, these revolutionaries did not share the same views.
Alastair Bellany and Thomas Cogswell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300214963
- eISBN:
- 9780300217827
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300214963.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The 1626 dissolution of Parliament was the key turning point of Charles's reign. Frustrated in their desire for justice and convinced of Buckingham's role in James'murder, many of Charles' subjects ...
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The 1626 dissolution of Parliament was the key turning point of Charles's reign. Frustrated in their desire for justice and convinced of Buckingham's role in James'murder, many of Charles' subjects engaged in disillusioned and seditious talk. This chapter considers such talk in order to trace the capacity of elite and plebeian English men and women to engage in radical political thought. Most English discourse on the problem of justice denied was anxious rather than regicidal. Nonetheless, it played with dangerous ideas about armed resistance as it continued to demonize Buckingham as the root cause of the kingdom's suffering. At least one contemporary reader of Eglisham came to believe that the secret history of James I's murder had implicated Charles as well as Buckingham, but for the time being most contemporaries remained preoccupied with the duke, and the image of Buckingham the poisoner became a prominent part of the monstrous portraits fashioned by libellers and rumour-mongers during the turbulent final months of his life.Less
The 1626 dissolution of Parliament was the key turning point of Charles's reign. Frustrated in their desire for justice and convinced of Buckingham's role in James'murder, many of Charles' subjects engaged in disillusioned and seditious talk. This chapter considers such talk in order to trace the capacity of elite and plebeian English men and women to engage in radical political thought. Most English discourse on the problem of justice denied was anxious rather than regicidal. Nonetheless, it played with dangerous ideas about armed resistance as it continued to demonize Buckingham as the root cause of the kingdom's suffering. At least one contemporary reader of Eglisham came to believe that the secret history of James I's murder had implicated Charles as well as Buckingham, but for the time being most contemporaries remained preoccupied with the duke, and the image of Buckingham the poisoner became a prominent part of the monstrous portraits fashioned by libellers and rumour-mongers during the turbulent final months of his life.
James L. Marsh
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780823239825
- eISBN:
- 9780823239863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823239825.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter argues that self-appropriation, from below, can be fruitfully complimented by a prophetic Berriganian theology of liberation from above. Marsh’s formula to express this relationship is ...
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This chapter argues that self-appropriation, from below, can be fruitfully complimented by a prophetic Berriganian theology of liberation from above. Marsh’s formula to express this relationship is that intellectual, moral, and religious conversion should lead to radical political conversion. To further deepen and enrich the relationship between self-appropriation and liberation, Marxian social theory is used to understand and criticize capitalism, imperialism, and militarism. Marsh further stresses that the events of Catonsville can serve to bring into question an overly comfortable relationship of Catholic universities and Catholic academics to the secular city. In such accommodation, is the academic mission compromised? How freely and comprehensively can the desire to know operate when it is constrained by the goals and practices of empire?Less
This chapter argues that self-appropriation, from below, can be fruitfully complimented by a prophetic Berriganian theology of liberation from above. Marsh’s formula to express this relationship is that intellectual, moral, and religious conversion should lead to radical political conversion. To further deepen and enrich the relationship between self-appropriation and liberation, Marxian social theory is used to understand and criticize capitalism, imperialism, and militarism. Marsh further stresses that the events of Catonsville can serve to bring into question an overly comfortable relationship of Catholic universities and Catholic academics to the secular city. In such accommodation, is the academic mission compromised? How freely and comprehensively can the desire to know operate when it is constrained by the goals and practices of empire?
Lillian Guerra
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807835630
- eISBN:
- 9781469601519
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807837368_guerra
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
In the tumultuous first decade of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro and other leaders saturated the media with altruistic images of themselves in a campaign to win the hearts of Cuba's six million ...
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In the tumultuous first decade of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro and other leaders saturated the media with altruistic images of themselves in a campaign to win the hearts of Cuba's six million citizens. This book argues that these visual representations explained rapidly occurring events and encouraged radical change and mutual self-sacrifice. Mass rallies and labor mobilizations of unprecedented scale produced tangible evidence of what Fidel Castro called “unanimous support” for a revolution whose “moral power” defied U.S. control. Yet participation in state-orchestrated spectacles quickly became a requirement for political inclusion in a new Cuba that policed most forms of dissent. Devoted revolutionaries who resisted disastrous economic policies, exposed post-1959 racism, and challenged gender norms set by Cuba's one-party state increasingly found themselves marginalized, silenced, or jailed. Using previously unexplored sources, the author focuses on the lived experiences of citizens, including peasants, intellectuals, former prostitutes, black activists, and filmmakers, as they struggled to author their own scripts of revolution by resisting repression, defying state-imposed boundaries, and working for anti-imperial redemption in a truly free Cuba.Less
In the tumultuous first decade of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro and other leaders saturated the media with altruistic images of themselves in a campaign to win the hearts of Cuba's six million citizens. This book argues that these visual representations explained rapidly occurring events and encouraged radical change and mutual self-sacrifice. Mass rallies and labor mobilizations of unprecedented scale produced tangible evidence of what Fidel Castro called “unanimous support” for a revolution whose “moral power” defied U.S. control. Yet participation in state-orchestrated spectacles quickly became a requirement for political inclusion in a new Cuba that policed most forms of dissent. Devoted revolutionaries who resisted disastrous economic policies, exposed post-1959 racism, and challenged gender norms set by Cuba's one-party state increasingly found themselves marginalized, silenced, or jailed. Using previously unexplored sources, the author focuses on the lived experiences of citizens, including peasants, intellectuals, former prostitutes, black activists, and filmmakers, as they struggled to author their own scripts of revolution by resisting repression, defying state-imposed boundaries, and working for anti-imperial redemption in a truly free Cuba.
Robert W.T. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814738245
- eISBN:
- 9780814738863
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814738245.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Democracy is the rule of the people. But what exactly does it mean for a people to rule? Which practices and behaviors are legitimate, and which are democratically suspect? We generally think of ...
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Democracy is the rule of the people. But what exactly does it mean for a people to rule? Which practices and behaviors are legitimate, and which are democratically suspect? We generally think of democracy as government by consent; a government of, by, and for the people. This has been true from John Locke through Abraham Lincoln to the present day. Yet in understandably stressing the importance of popular consent, we commonly downplay or even denigrate the role of dissent in democratic governments. This book explores the idea that the people most important in a flourishing democracy are those who challenge the status quo. The American political radicals of the 1790s understood, articulated, and defended the crucial necessity of dissent to democracy. By returning to their struggles, successes, and setbacks, and analyzing their imaginative arguments, the book recovers a more robust approach to popular politics, one centered on the ever-present need to challenge the status quo and the powerful institutions that both support it and profit from it. Dissent has rarely been the mainstream of democratic politics. But the figures explored here—forgotten farmers as well as revered framers—understood that dissent is always the essential undercurrent of democracy and is often the critical crosscurrent. Only by returning to their political insights can we hope to reinvigorate our own popular politics.Less
Democracy is the rule of the people. But what exactly does it mean for a people to rule? Which practices and behaviors are legitimate, and which are democratically suspect? We generally think of democracy as government by consent; a government of, by, and for the people. This has been true from John Locke through Abraham Lincoln to the present day. Yet in understandably stressing the importance of popular consent, we commonly downplay or even denigrate the role of dissent in democratic governments. This book explores the idea that the people most important in a flourishing democracy are those who challenge the status quo. The American political radicals of the 1790s understood, articulated, and defended the crucial necessity of dissent to democracy. By returning to their struggles, successes, and setbacks, and analyzing their imaginative arguments, the book recovers a more robust approach to popular politics, one centered on the ever-present need to challenge the status quo and the powerful institutions that both support it and profit from it. Dissent has rarely been the mainstream of democratic politics. But the figures explored here—forgotten farmers as well as revered framers—understood that dissent is always the essential undercurrent of democracy and is often the critical crosscurrent. Only by returning to their political insights can we hope to reinvigorate our own popular politics.
Peter Gough and Peggy Seeger
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039041
- eISBN:
- 9780252097010
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039041.003.0007
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter argues that overtly political themes never dominated Federal One productions. Yet, some of the beliefs espoused by the 1930s Left took root and found appeal among subsequent generations ...
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This chapter argues that overtly political themes never dominated Federal One productions. Yet, some of the beliefs espoused by the 1930s Left took root and found appeal among subsequent generations of Americans. Much as pre-World War I bohemians saw many of their ideas absorbed into the mass culture of the 1920s, so did the goals and convictions of the 1930s Left enter mainstream social movements of the post-World War II period. These causes found inspiration to varying degrees in musical expression, as well as particular elements of the radical political activism of the 1930s. Though notably less contentious than other WPA cultural productions, the Federal Music programs in the regional West should also be viewed as harbingers of these later social developments.Less
This chapter argues that overtly political themes never dominated Federal One productions. Yet, some of the beliefs espoused by the 1930s Left took root and found appeal among subsequent generations of Americans. Much as pre-World War I bohemians saw many of their ideas absorbed into the mass culture of the 1920s, so did the goals and convictions of the 1930s Left enter mainstream social movements of the post-World War II period. These causes found inspiration to varying degrees in musical expression, as well as particular elements of the radical political activism of the 1930s. Though notably less contentious than other WPA cultural productions, the Federal Music programs in the regional West should also be viewed as harbingers of these later social developments.
Lee Bernstein
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833872
- eISBN:
- 9781469604046
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807898321_bernstein.7
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter describes how the Attica Brothers reacted to and amplified the goals spearheaded on the West Coast as the culmination of their immersion in radical political theory and prison activism. ...
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This chapter describes how the Attica Brothers reacted to and amplified the goals spearheaded on the West Coast as the culmination of their immersion in radical political theory and prison activism. In the immediate aftermath of the uprising, correctional authorities made Attica a living hell for its inmates. The uprising left eleven employees of the facility and twenty-nine inmates dead. Despite the creation of an official state commission, the only short-term change at Attica was the erection of new gun towers. Over time, the uprising left another legacy: the correctional facility met several of the inmates' demands, particularly those that affected cultural and educational programs. The Attica prisoners proposed to “modernize the inmate education system.” In the spring of 1972, one winter removed from the murders of the previous September, the New York State Council on the Arts provided funds to start a writing workshop at the facility.Less
This chapter describes how the Attica Brothers reacted to and amplified the goals spearheaded on the West Coast as the culmination of their immersion in radical political theory and prison activism. In the immediate aftermath of the uprising, correctional authorities made Attica a living hell for its inmates. The uprising left eleven employees of the facility and twenty-nine inmates dead. Despite the creation of an official state commission, the only short-term change at Attica was the erection of new gun towers. Over time, the uprising left another legacy: the correctional facility met several of the inmates' demands, particularly those that affected cultural and educational programs. The Attica prisoners proposed to “modernize the inmate education system.” In the spring of 1972, one winter removed from the murders of the previous September, the New York State Council on the Arts provided funds to start a writing workshop at the facility.
Edmund Heery
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199569465
- eISBN:
- 9780191829611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199569465.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR, Organization Studies
This chapter considers how unitarists, pluralists, and CLS have responded to the global financial crisis and subsequent policies of austerity. The review considers how each frame has explained the ...
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This chapter considers how unitarists, pluralists, and CLS have responded to the global financial crisis and subsequent policies of austerity. The review considers how each frame has explained the outbreak of the crisis, researched its effects and offered proposals for its resolution. The main thesis of the chapter is that the global financial crisis has provided a fresh opportunity for the three traditions to reaffirm their core assumptions and arguments: the crisis has not led to an epistemological break in the study of industrial relations. It is argued that unitarists have tended to view the crisis in Schumpeterian terms, as an opportunity to introduce new forms of management; pluralists have expressed grave concern at the dismantling of systems of collective bargaining in the wake of the crisis and called for re-regulation; and CLS has viewed the crisis as providing the context for a radical counter-movement embracing new forms of protest.Less
This chapter considers how unitarists, pluralists, and CLS have responded to the global financial crisis and subsequent policies of austerity. The review considers how each frame has explained the outbreak of the crisis, researched its effects and offered proposals for its resolution. The main thesis of the chapter is that the global financial crisis has provided a fresh opportunity for the three traditions to reaffirm their core assumptions and arguments: the crisis has not led to an epistemological break in the study of industrial relations. It is argued that unitarists have tended to view the crisis in Schumpeterian terms, as an opportunity to introduce new forms of management; pluralists have expressed grave concern at the dismantling of systems of collective bargaining in the wake of the crisis and called for re-regulation; and CLS has viewed the crisis as providing the context for a radical counter-movement embracing new forms of protest.
Catharine Savage Brosman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617039102
- eISBN:
- 9781621039938
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617039102.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
This chapter examines three minor authors and two important novelists, all of whom immigrated to Louisiana and wrote in French. Charles Testut, a journalist, poet, and novelist, is examined ...
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This chapter examines three minor authors and two important novelists, all of whom immigrated to Louisiana and wrote in French. Charles Testut, a journalist, poet, and novelist, is examined especially for his long epic novel Le Vieux Salomon, which has points in common with Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Testut’s quasi-Christian socialism and Masonic leanings are identified. Louis-Armand Garreau’s historical novel Louisiana and his short stories, including “Bras-coupé,” receive detailed commentary. The radical political views of these two writers are noted, and their repeated denunciations of slavery and other sorts of oppression are stressed. The neo-Marxist social theory of the Frankfort School is cited as a grid by which to read Garreau.Less
This chapter examines three minor authors and two important novelists, all of whom immigrated to Louisiana and wrote in French. Charles Testut, a journalist, poet, and novelist, is examined especially for his long epic novel Le Vieux Salomon, which has points in common with Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Testut’s quasi-Christian socialism and Masonic leanings are identified. Louis-Armand Garreau’s historical novel Louisiana and his short stories, including “Bras-coupé,” receive detailed commentary. The radical political views of these two writers are noted, and their repeated denunciations of slavery and other sorts of oppression are stressed. The neo-Marxist social theory of the Frankfort School is cited as a grid by which to read Garreau.
David Goodway
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846310256
- eISBN:
- 9781846312557
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846312557
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
From William Morris to Oscar Wilde to George Orwell, left-libertarian thought has long been an important but neglected part of British cultural and political history. This book seeks to recover and ...
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From William Morris to Oscar Wilde to George Orwell, left-libertarian thought has long been an important but neglected part of British cultural and political history. This book seeks to recover and revitalize that indigenous anarchist tradition. It succeeds as simultaneously a cultural history of left-libertarian thought in Britain and a demonstration of the applicability of that history to current politics. The author argues that a recovered anarchist tradition could — and should — be a touchstone for contemporary political radicals. Moving from Aldous Huxley and John Cowper Powys to the war in Iraq, this volume will energize leftist movements throughout Britain and the rest of the world.Less
From William Morris to Oscar Wilde to George Orwell, left-libertarian thought has long been an important but neglected part of British cultural and political history. This book seeks to recover and revitalize that indigenous anarchist tradition. It succeeds as simultaneously a cultural history of left-libertarian thought in Britain and a demonstration of the applicability of that history to current politics. The author argues that a recovered anarchist tradition could — and should — be a touchstone for contemporary political radicals. Moving from Aldous Huxley and John Cowper Powys to the war in Iraq, this volume will energize leftist movements throughout Britain and the rest of the world.
