Peter Gundelach
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294757
- eISBN:
- 9780191599040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294751.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The aim of this chapter is to examine the significance of social factors and value orientations for people's involvement in protest activity and social movements in Western Europe. It uses the ...
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The aim of this chapter is to examine the significance of social factors and value orientations for people's involvement in protest activity and social movements in Western Europe. It uses the standard social variables (gender, age, education, and occupation) alongside the ‘old’ value orientations (left‐right materialism and secular‐religious orientation), the ‘new’ (materialism/post‐materialism), and two additional value orientations – political and social libertarianism. The analysis concludes that, if protest is understood as a critique of government, grassroots activity (at least since the early 1980s) cannot be construed as protest, but more as a form of self‐differentiation of limited political impact.Less
The aim of this chapter is to examine the significance of social factors and value orientations for people's involvement in protest activity and social movements in Western Europe. It uses the standard social variables (gender, age, education, and occupation) alongside the ‘old’ value orientations (left‐right materialism and secular‐religious orientation), the ‘new’ (materialism/post‐materialism), and two additional value orientations – political and social libertarianism. The analysis concludes that, if protest is understood as a critique of government, grassroots activity (at least since the early 1980s) cannot be construed as protest, but more as a form of self‐differentiation of limited political impact.
Michelle M. Nickerson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691121840
- eISBN:
- 9781400842209
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691121840.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines how women developed forms of antistatist protest in the first half of the twentieth century that posed an oppositional relationship between the family and government. By the ...
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This chapter examines how women developed forms of antistatist protest in the first half of the twentieth century that posed an oppositional relationship between the family and government. By the 1950s, anticommunism and antistatism became widespread mechanisms of political protest for women on the right much as peace activism and welfare work came to seem natural for women on the left. But unlike the later generation of Cold Warrior women who exerted themselves most forcefully through local politics, conservative women of the early twentieth century made their strongest impact by attacking that national progressive state. They also demonized “internationalism” as the handmaiden to communism, discovering another foe that women's position in the family obliged them to oppose. Consequently, the earliest generation of conservative organizations adopted the habit of calling themselves “patriotic” groups to contrast their own nationalist sentiment with the internationalism of progressives, which they equated with communism. This pattern continued into the post-World War II era.Less
This chapter examines how women developed forms of antistatist protest in the first half of the twentieth century that posed an oppositional relationship between the family and government. By the 1950s, anticommunism and antistatism became widespread mechanisms of political protest for women on the right much as peace activism and welfare work came to seem natural for women on the left. But unlike the later generation of Cold Warrior women who exerted themselves most forcefully through local politics, conservative women of the early twentieth century made their strongest impact by attacking that national progressive state. They also demonized “internationalism” as the handmaiden to communism, discovering another foe that women's position in the family obliged them to oppose. Consequently, the earliest generation of conservative organizations adopted the habit of calling themselves “patriotic” groups to contrast their own nationalist sentiment with the internationalism of progressives, which they equated with communism. This pattern continued into the post-World War II era.
Albert O. Hirschman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159904
- eISBN:
- 9781400848409
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159904.003.0014
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
This chapter contains Hirschman's reflections on how citizens' exit and voice affect state power and expands his thinking to include a range of political possibilities, from stateless societies and ...
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This chapter contains Hirschman's reflections on how citizens' exit and voice affect state power and expands his thinking to include a range of political possibilities, from stateless societies and small states to the ones that behave like global hegemons. The arguments in this chapter build upon those set forth in a previously published work, which had argued that economists, with their emphasis on the virtues of competition (i.e., exit), had disregarded the possible contributions of voice just as political scientists, with their interest in political participation and protest, had neglected the possible role of exit in the analysis of political behavior. This chapter is a more extensive survey on these previous arguments. In particular, it explores the importance of exit in relation to the state.Less
This chapter contains Hirschman's reflections on how citizens' exit and voice affect state power and expands his thinking to include a range of political possibilities, from stateless societies and small states to the ones that behave like global hegemons. The arguments in this chapter build upon those set forth in a previously published work, which had argued that economists, with their emphasis on the virtues of competition (i.e., exit), had disregarded the possible contributions of voice just as political scientists, with their interest in political participation and protest, had neglected the possible role of exit in the analysis of political behavior. This chapter is a more extensive survey on these previous arguments. In particular, it explores the importance of exit in relation to the state.
Nicholas Roe
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198119692
- eISBN:
- 9780191671197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198119692.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This chapter treats both William Wordsworth's and Samuel Taylor Coleridge's opposition to war after February 1793, and argues that contemporary literature of protest liberated Wordsworth's ...
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This chapter treats both William Wordsworth's and Samuel Taylor Coleridge's opposition to war after February 1793, and argues that contemporary literature of protest liberated Wordsworth's imaginative encounters with social victims and outcasts in ‘Salisbury Plain’, ‘The Borderers’, ‘The Ruined Cottage’, and some of his poems in Lyrical Ballads. For Wordsworth at the time, it provided immediate evidence that reformists and French sympathizers were under attack from the government. This imaginative involution from external circumstances to inner life is a paradigm for Wordsworth's larger development from poet of protest to poet of human suffering. Looking back over Wordsworth's development after 1793, the most characteristic perceptions and strategies of his imaginative poetry can be seen to have evolved out of political and social protest, as much as from eighteenth-century literary precursors such as John Langhorne, Oliver Goldsmith, James Thomson.Less
This chapter treats both William Wordsworth's and Samuel Taylor Coleridge's opposition to war after February 1793, and argues that contemporary literature of protest liberated Wordsworth's imaginative encounters with social victims and outcasts in ‘Salisbury Plain’, ‘The Borderers’, ‘The Ruined Cottage’, and some of his poems in Lyrical Ballads. For Wordsworth at the time, it provided immediate evidence that reformists and French sympathizers were under attack from the government. This imaginative involution from external circumstances to inner life is a paradigm for Wordsworth's larger development from poet of protest to poet of human suffering. Looking back over Wordsworth's development after 1793, the most characteristic perceptions and strategies of his imaginative poetry can be seen to have evolved out of political and social protest, as much as from eighteenth-century literary precursors such as John Langhorne, Oliver Goldsmith, James Thomson.
Hanspeter Kriesi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199357505
- eISBN:
- 9780199357536
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199357505.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This exploratory chapter tries to link the electoral consequences of the Great Recession and the protest to which it has given rise. In the first part, the expectations of the economic voting ...
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This exploratory chapter tries to link the electoral consequences of the Great Recession and the protest to which it has given rise. In the first part, the expectations of the economic voting literature are confirmed in a comparative analysis of electoral outcomes, which shows that the fiscal consequences (large budgetary deficits) in particular are giving rise to severe punishment of governing parties by the electorate. The second part links this electoral punishment to the political protest which, in the countries most hit by the crisis, is shown to have been triggered (Western Europe)/reinforced (Central- and Eastern Europe) by fiscal problems of the state in the crisis.Less
This exploratory chapter tries to link the electoral consequences of the Great Recession and the protest to which it has given rise. In the first part, the expectations of the economic voting literature are confirmed in a comparative analysis of electoral outcomes, which shows that the fiscal consequences (large budgetary deficits) in particular are giving rise to severe punishment of governing parties by the electorate. The second part links this electoral punishment to the political protest which, in the countries most hit by the crisis, is shown to have been triggered (Western Europe)/reinforced (Central- and Eastern Europe) by fiscal problems of the state in the crisis.
T.K. Vinod Kumar
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198090335
- eISBN:
- 9780199082520
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198090335.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
While there are various forms of disorder in public space in India, one of the most frequently occurring forms of violence is violent political protests and demonstrations. There are various macro ...
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While there are various forms of disorder in public space in India, one of the most frequently occurring forms of violence is violent political protests and demonstrations. There are various macro level explanations of political violence in democracies. The magnitude and nature of political violence, however, varies across societies. Focusing on violent political events in the public space, this chapter analyses the tactics used by participants, the sequence of events, and police response to elucidate the event response dynamics.Less
While there are various forms of disorder in public space in India, one of the most frequently occurring forms of violence is violent political protests and demonstrations. There are various macro level explanations of political violence in democracies. The magnitude and nature of political violence, however, varies across societies. Focusing on violent political events in the public space, this chapter analyses the tactics used by participants, the sequence of events, and police response to elucidate the event response dynamics.
Anthony F. Heath, Stephen D. Fisher, Gemma Rosenblatt, David Sanders, and Maria Sobolewska
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199656639
- eISBN:
- 9780191765247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656639.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter looks at non-electoral forms of political participation, including organizational activity, petitions, protests and demonstrations, donations to political causes, and participation in ...
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This chapter looks at non-electoral forms of political participation, including organizational activity, petitions, protests and demonstrations, donations to political causes, and participation in boycotts. A particular focus of this chapter is on the processes that might be expected to lead to discontent and protest, such as grievances over exclusion or the separate lives that some have speculated might lead to conflict. The profile of minority non-electoral participation looks very similar to that of other British citizens, with most not participating. Minority social exclusion and ethnic residential concentration does not seem to reduce participation or increase protest and conflict.Less
This chapter looks at non-electoral forms of political participation, including organizational activity, petitions, protests and demonstrations, donations to political causes, and participation in boycotts. A particular focus of this chapter is on the processes that might be expected to lead to discontent and protest, such as grievances over exclusion or the separate lives that some have speculated might lead to conflict. The profile of minority non-electoral participation looks very similar to that of other British citizens, with most not participating. Minority social exclusion and ethnic residential concentration does not seem to reduce participation or increase protest and conflict.
Helen McCarthy
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719086168
- eISBN:
- 9781781702659
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086168.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
In the decades following Europe's first total war, millions of British men and women looked to the League of Nations as the symbol and guardian of a new world order based on international ...
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In the decades following Europe's first total war, millions of British men and women looked to the League of Nations as the symbol and guardian of a new world order based on international co-operation. Founded in 1919 to preserve peace between its member-states, the League inspired a rich, participatory culture of political protest, popular education and civic ritual that found expression in the establishment of voluntary societies in dozens of countries across Europe and beyond. Through the hugely popular League of Nations Union (LNU), this pro-League movement touched Britain in profound ways. Foremost amongst the League societies, the LNU became a pioneering advocate of democratic accountability and popular engagement in the making of foreign policy. This book offers an account of this popular League consciousness, revealing the extraordinarily vibrant character of associational life between the wars. It explores the complex constituencies making up the popular League movement and shows how internationalism intersected with class, gender, religion and party politics during a period of profound social, cultural and political change.Less
In the decades following Europe's first total war, millions of British men and women looked to the League of Nations as the symbol and guardian of a new world order based on international co-operation. Founded in 1919 to preserve peace between its member-states, the League inspired a rich, participatory culture of political protest, popular education and civic ritual that found expression in the establishment of voluntary societies in dozens of countries across Europe and beyond. Through the hugely popular League of Nations Union (LNU), this pro-League movement touched Britain in profound ways. Foremost amongst the League societies, the LNU became a pioneering advocate of democratic accountability and popular engagement in the making of foreign policy. This book offers an account of this popular League consciousness, revealing the extraordinarily vibrant character of associational life between the wars. It explores the complex constituencies making up the popular League movement and shows how internationalism intersected with class, gender, religion and party politics during a period of profound social, cultural and political change.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804782364
- eISBN:
- 9780804783927
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804782364.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter, which examines the changes in traditional political parties and party systems in Peru, Venezuela, and Argentina, describes the interactions between voters and party elites, and the acts ...
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This chapter, which examines the changes in traditional political parties and party systems in Peru, Venezuela, and Argentina, describes the interactions between voters and party elites, and the acts of political protest and violence during the process of party-system collapse. It suggests that these episodes of protests and violence illustrate the high stakes that people in Peruvian and Venezuelan voters attached to political outcomes during the period of party-system collapse and offered an avenue for expression of political dissatisfaction.Less
This chapter, which examines the changes in traditional political parties and party systems in Peru, Venezuela, and Argentina, describes the interactions between voters and party elites, and the acts of political protest and violence during the process of party-system collapse. It suggests that these episodes of protests and violence illustrate the high stakes that people in Peruvian and Venezuelan voters attached to political outcomes during the period of party-system collapse and offered an avenue for expression of political dissatisfaction.
Suman Gupta
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452208
- eISBN:
- 9780801469206
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452208.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
This chapter argues that contemporary crowd formations, especially those that gather to express political protests, often fracture the unity of conventional ontological assumptions about what a ...
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This chapter argues that contemporary crowd formations, especially those that gather to express political protests, often fracture the unity of conventional ontological assumptions about what a “crowd” is or may be. Beginning with early sociological accounts of crowds by Gustave le Bon and Georg Simmel, this chapter reevaluates the definition and use of “crowd” by pressing into the ways that “transnational massings” in 2003 and the gatherings of crowds that characterized the Arab Spring of 2010 have made manifest the discontinuities between mainstream media representations of the crowd as an identifiable “mass” and the self-understanding of social media groupings as transnational presence.Less
This chapter argues that contemporary crowd formations, especially those that gather to express political protests, often fracture the unity of conventional ontological assumptions about what a “crowd” is or may be. Beginning with early sociological accounts of crowds by Gustave le Bon and Georg Simmel, this chapter reevaluates the definition and use of “crowd” by pressing into the ways that “transnational massings” in 2003 and the gatherings of crowds that characterized the Arab Spring of 2010 have made manifest the discontinuities between mainstream media representations of the crowd as an identifiable “mass” and the self-understanding of social media groupings as transnational presence.
Teishan A. Latner
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635460
- eISBN:
- 9781469635484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635460.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter Three explores Cuba’s image within the U.S. radical imaginary through the surge of airplane hijackings that occurred from the U.S. to Cuba between 1968 and 1973. Seeking political asylum, ...
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Chapter Three explores Cuba’s image within the U.S. radical imaginary through the surge of airplane hijackings that occurred from the U.S. to Cuba between 1968 and 1973. Seeking political asylum, sanctuary from criminal charges, contact with Third World revolutionary movements, and apolitical adventure, Americans who hijacked airplanes to Cuba often framed air piracy as an act of political protest. Cuban immigration officials were not always convinced, however, viewing many hijackers as criminals, not revolutionaries. Making ninety attempts to reach Cuba in commandeered aircraft, American air pirates ultimately forced the U.S. and Cuban governments into unprecedented high-level negotiations despite the nations’ lack of diplomatic relations. Viewing hijacking as a liability, the Cuban government moved to counter its outlaw mystique in the American popular imagination, with the two governments signing a bilateral agreement to curb hijacking in 1973.Less
Chapter Three explores Cuba’s image within the U.S. radical imaginary through the surge of airplane hijackings that occurred from the U.S. to Cuba between 1968 and 1973. Seeking political asylum, sanctuary from criminal charges, contact with Third World revolutionary movements, and apolitical adventure, Americans who hijacked airplanes to Cuba often framed air piracy as an act of political protest. Cuban immigration officials were not always convinced, however, viewing many hijackers as criminals, not revolutionaries. Making ninety attempts to reach Cuba in commandeered aircraft, American air pirates ultimately forced the U.S. and Cuban governments into unprecedented high-level negotiations despite the nations’ lack of diplomatic relations. Viewing hijacking as a liability, the Cuban government moved to counter its outlaw mystique in the American popular imagination, with the two governments signing a bilateral agreement to curb hijacking in 1973.
Andrei P. Tsygankov
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199336203
- eISBN:
- 9780190207328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199336203.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Putin’s system began to unravel in 2008 and entered a period of crisis. Among other indicators of the crisis, the country was rocked by rising social protests, which culminated after the flawed Duma ...
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Putin’s system began to unravel in 2008 and entered a period of crisis. Among other indicators of the crisis, the country was rocked by rising social protests, which culminated after the flawed Duma elections in November 2011. The state responded within the parameters of managed democracy by exercising a mixture of firmness and caution.Less
Putin’s system began to unravel in 2008 and entered a period of crisis. Among other indicators of the crisis, the country was rocked by rising social protests, which culminated after the flawed Duma elections in November 2011. The state responded within the parameters of managed democracy by exercising a mixture of firmness and caution.
Necati Polat
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781474416962
- eISBN:
- 9781474427098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474416962.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter is on the historic Gezi Park protests of 2013, which promised a novel democratic fusion of otherwise disparate political forces—comparable perhaps to the broad democratic alliance led by ...
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This chapter is on the historic Gezi Park protests of 2013, which promised a novel democratic fusion of otherwise disparate political forces—comparable perhaps to the broad democratic alliance led by ‘former’ Islamists from the late 1990s—enduringly bringing together a colourful variety of political forces, and arguably outside the settled republican reflexes, initially in opposition to an urban development plan in Istanbul, soon to engulf the whole nation. The harsh response by the government to the protests far beyond the limits in the applicable human rights law, which would do much to damage the hard-earned reputation of the administration before international public opinion within only a span of days, is illustrated in this chapter through the plight of three protesters: a young man battered within an inch of his life by the police, a young woman persecuted beyond the limits of credibility, and a child murdered during the protests.Less
This chapter is on the historic Gezi Park protests of 2013, which promised a novel democratic fusion of otherwise disparate political forces—comparable perhaps to the broad democratic alliance led by ‘former’ Islamists from the late 1990s—enduringly bringing together a colourful variety of political forces, and arguably outside the settled republican reflexes, initially in opposition to an urban development plan in Istanbul, soon to engulf the whole nation. The harsh response by the government to the protests far beyond the limits in the applicable human rights law, which would do much to damage the hard-earned reputation of the administration before international public opinion within only a span of days, is illustrated in this chapter through the plight of three protesters: a young man battered within an inch of his life by the police, a young woman persecuted beyond the limits of credibility, and a child murdered during the protests.
Christine L. Garlough
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617037320
- eISBN:
- 9781621039242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617037320.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
This chapter discusses the various hate crimes, and other forms of discrimination, that have emerged post-9/11. Among these hate crimes, a number of South Asian Americans have unfortunately also ...
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This chapter discusses the various hate crimes, and other forms of discrimination, that have emerged post-9/11. Among these hate crimes, a number of South Asian Americans have unfortunately also become targets for verbal insults and physical threats from both strangers and neighbors — sometimes even despite lifetimes spent participating in civic activities, building local relationships, or creating community connections. As a result, many South Asian Americans have taken to the streets, protesting through mass demonstrations that demand media attention. Others, however, have engaged in another form of political protest: performance art. This chapter thus considers this particular mode of protest, providing an ethnographic analysis of a semiautobiographical performance called Rise, performed by one Shyamala Moorty to address issues of racial profiling, xenophobic rhetoric, and hate crimes post-9/11.Less
This chapter discusses the various hate crimes, and other forms of discrimination, that have emerged post-9/11. Among these hate crimes, a number of South Asian Americans have unfortunately also become targets for verbal insults and physical threats from both strangers and neighbors — sometimes even despite lifetimes spent participating in civic activities, building local relationships, or creating community connections. As a result, many South Asian Americans have taken to the streets, protesting through mass demonstrations that demand media attention. Others, however, have engaged in another form of political protest: performance art. This chapter thus considers this particular mode of protest, providing an ethnographic analysis of a semiautobiographical performance called Rise, performed by one Shyamala Moorty to address issues of racial profiling, xenophobic rhetoric, and hate crimes post-9/11.
Piya Chatterjee and Sunaina Maira (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816680894
- eISBN:
- 9781452948799
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816680894.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
At colleges and universities throughout the United States, political protest and intellectual dissent are increasingly being met with repressive tactics by administrators, politicians, and the ...
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At colleges and universities throughout the United States, political protest and intellectual dissent are increasingly being met with repressive tactics by administrators, politicians, and the police—from the use of SWAT teams to disperse student protestors and the profiling of Muslim and Arab American students to the denial of tenure and dismissal of politically engaged faculty. This book explores the policing of knowledge by explicitly linking the academy to the broader politics of militarism, racism, nationalism, and neoliberalism that define the contemporary imperial state. This book argues that “academic freedom” is not a sufficient response to the crisis of intellectual repression. Instead, it contends that battles fought over academic containment must be understood in light of the academy’s relationship to U.S. expansionism and global capital. Based on multidisciplinary research, autobiographical accounts, and even performance scripts, this analysis offers insights into such varied manifestations of “the imperial university” as CIA recruitment at black and Latino colleges, the connections between universities and civilian and military prisons, and the gender and sexual politics of academic repression.Less
At colleges and universities throughout the United States, political protest and intellectual dissent are increasingly being met with repressive tactics by administrators, politicians, and the police—from the use of SWAT teams to disperse student protestors and the profiling of Muslim and Arab American students to the denial of tenure and dismissal of politically engaged faculty. This book explores the policing of knowledge by explicitly linking the academy to the broader politics of militarism, racism, nationalism, and neoliberalism that define the contemporary imperial state. This book argues that “academic freedom” is not a sufficient response to the crisis of intellectual repression. Instead, it contends that battles fought over academic containment must be understood in light of the academy’s relationship to U.S. expansionism and global capital. Based on multidisciplinary research, autobiographical accounts, and even performance scripts, this analysis offers insights into such varied manifestations of “the imperial university” as CIA recruitment at black and Latino colleges, the connections between universities and civilian and military prisons, and the gender and sexual politics of academic repression.
I. M. W. Harvey
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201601
- eISBN:
- 9780191674952
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201601.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Jack Cade's rebellion of 1450 was one of the most important popular uprisings to take place in England during the Middle Ages. It began as an orchestrated demonstration of political protest by the ...
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Jack Cade's rebellion of 1450 was one of the most important popular uprisings to take place in England during the Middle Ages. It began as an orchestrated demonstration of political protest by the inhabitants of south-eastern England against the corruption, mismanagement, and oppression of Henry VI's government. When no assurance of any remedy came from the king, the rising soon collapsed into violence. This is the first full-length study of Cade's revolt to be published this century. The book charts the course of the rebellion and its associated troubles during the early 1450s, and explores the nature of the society which gave rise to these upheavals. It makes use of the available contemporary evidence, as well as the work of subsequent historians, in order to uncover the identities of the rebels, explain their actions, assess their relations with the magnates, and to examine their achievements. The book's analysis of Jack Cade's rebellion helps make intelligible the eventual collapse of Henry VI's reign into the Wars of the Roses.Less
Jack Cade's rebellion of 1450 was one of the most important popular uprisings to take place in England during the Middle Ages. It began as an orchestrated demonstration of political protest by the inhabitants of south-eastern England against the corruption, mismanagement, and oppression of Henry VI's government. When no assurance of any remedy came from the king, the rising soon collapsed into violence. This is the first full-length study of Cade's revolt to be published this century. The book charts the course of the rebellion and its associated troubles during the early 1450s, and explores the nature of the society which gave rise to these upheavals. It makes use of the available contemporary evidence, as well as the work of subsequent historians, in order to uncover the identities of the rebels, explain their actions, assess their relations with the magnates, and to examine their achievements. The book's analysis of Jack Cade's rebellion helps make intelligible the eventual collapse of Henry VI's reign into the Wars of the Roses.
Michael Loadenthal
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526114457
- eISBN:
- 9781526128454
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526114457.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
The politics of attack is an exploration of insurrectionary anarchist praxis, with a particular focus on the rhetoric, discourse, and theory found in communiqués. This book challenges the reader to ...
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The politics of attack is an exploration of insurrectionary anarchist praxis, with a particular focus on the rhetoric, discourse, and theory found in communiqués. This book challenges the reader to consider the marginalized ideas put forth by those political actors that communicate through bombs, arson, and broken windows, and who are rejected through the state’s construction of terrorism. When a police station is firebombed, the subsequent discussions focus more on the illegality of the act rather than the socio-political critique the actor put forth. What if we were to embrace the means through which the militant, ‘organic intellectual’ acts, and consider the communiqué’s content, the way one would consider any political text? This inter-textual analysis is presented within a political and historical context, with the hopes of elevating the discussion of insurrectionary praxis beyond notions of terrorism and securitization and towards its application for intersectional challenges to structural violence and domination.
In the social war being waged by insurrectionary anarchists, small acts of violence are announced and contextualized through written communiqués, which are posted online, translated, and circulated globally. This book offers the first contemporary history of these post-millennial, digitally-mediated, insurrectionary anarchist networks, and seeks to locate this tendency within anti-state struggles from the past. Through an examination of thousands of movement documents, this book presents the discourse offered by clandestine, urban guerrillas fighting capitalism, the state, and the omnipresent forces of violence and coercion.Less
The politics of attack is an exploration of insurrectionary anarchist praxis, with a particular focus on the rhetoric, discourse, and theory found in communiqués. This book challenges the reader to consider the marginalized ideas put forth by those political actors that communicate through bombs, arson, and broken windows, and who are rejected through the state’s construction of terrorism. When a police station is firebombed, the subsequent discussions focus more on the illegality of the act rather than the socio-political critique the actor put forth. What if we were to embrace the means through which the militant, ‘organic intellectual’ acts, and consider the communiqué’s content, the way one would consider any political text? This inter-textual analysis is presented within a political and historical context, with the hopes of elevating the discussion of insurrectionary praxis beyond notions of terrorism and securitization and towards its application for intersectional challenges to structural violence and domination.
In the social war being waged by insurrectionary anarchists, small acts of violence are announced and contextualized through written communiqués, which are posted online, translated, and circulated globally. This book offers the first contemporary history of these post-millennial, digitally-mediated, insurrectionary anarchist networks, and seeks to locate this tendency within anti-state struggles from the past. Through an examination of thousands of movement documents, this book presents the discourse offered by clandestine, urban guerrillas fighting capitalism, the state, and the omnipresent forces of violence and coercion.
Ian Loader and Aogán Mulcahy
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198299066
- eISBN:
- 9780191685583
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198299066.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
The central contention of the desacralization thesis is that the economic, political, and socio-cultural transformations experienced by English society since 1945 have fatally undermined the kinds of ...
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The central contention of the desacralization thesis is that the economic, political, and socio-cultural transformations experienced by English society since 1945 have fatally undermined the kinds of steadfastly supportive sensibilities towards police authority. This demise is in large measure caused by the cavernous social divisions and individualized and pluralistic social relations that characterize late modern England. But it is also viewed as the legitimacy-eroding consequence of the police's controversial involvement since the late 1960s in what has become a regular diet of political protests, industrial disputes, and urban disorders. This chapter aims to extend and develop this thesis as well as qualify and revise it in certain key respects by seeking to distil the contours and substance of what is considered to be a range of contemporary public dispositions towards English policing. Drawing on group discussions and biographical interviews with different strata of the English populace, it identifies five perspectives on policing and the social which have been termed: defenders of the faith, the disenchanted, atheists, agnostics, and the hopeful.Less
The central contention of the desacralization thesis is that the economic, political, and socio-cultural transformations experienced by English society since 1945 have fatally undermined the kinds of steadfastly supportive sensibilities towards police authority. This demise is in large measure caused by the cavernous social divisions and individualized and pluralistic social relations that characterize late modern England. But it is also viewed as the legitimacy-eroding consequence of the police's controversial involvement since the late 1960s in what has become a regular diet of political protests, industrial disputes, and urban disorders. This chapter aims to extend and develop this thesis as well as qualify and revise it in certain key respects by seeking to distil the contours and substance of what is considered to be a range of contemporary public dispositions towards English policing. Drawing on group discussions and biographical interviews with different strata of the English populace, it identifies five perspectives on policing and the social which have been termed: defenders of the faith, the disenchanted, atheists, agnostics, and the hopeful.
Corwin E. Smidt
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190455491
- eISBN:
- 9780190455521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190455491.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter examines the political activism of clergy outside the context of congregational life. It first analyzes the political topics that clergy report they address publicly with regularity, the ...
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This chapter examines the political activism of clergy outside the context of congregational life. It first analyzes the political topics that clergy report they address publicly with regularity, the resulting particular political agendas advanced by clergy, and the changing relative emphasis given to such agendas over time. The second portion of the chapter examines the reported activities of clergy related to political campaigns, political contacting, and political protesting, along with changes in the reported levels of such activities. The final portion of the chapter examines the changing partisan nature of clergy engagement in politics. Clergy have shifted to placing an increased emphasis on a social justice as opposed to moral reform agenda, are no more political active today than two decades ago, have exhibited considerable change in the partisan identifications they hold, and have become more polarized politically over time.Less
This chapter examines the political activism of clergy outside the context of congregational life. It first analyzes the political topics that clergy report they address publicly with regularity, the resulting particular political agendas advanced by clergy, and the changing relative emphasis given to such agendas over time. The second portion of the chapter examines the reported activities of clergy related to political campaigns, political contacting, and political protesting, along with changes in the reported levels of such activities. The final portion of the chapter examines the changing partisan nature of clergy engagement in politics. Clergy have shifted to placing an increased emphasis on a social justice as opposed to moral reform agenda, are no more political active today than two decades ago, have exhibited considerable change in the partisan identifications they hold, and have become more polarized politically over time.
Christopher Grobe
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479829170
- eISBN:
- 9781479839599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479829170.003.0010
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Television
Social media platforms have made confessional speech both ubiquitous and mundane. What, you might ask, is the value of a solo voice amid all this aggregated clamor? This coda begins by comparing ...
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Social media platforms have made confessional speech both ubiquitous and mundane. What, you might ask, is the value of a solo voice amid all this aggregated clamor? This coda begins by comparing several examples of new media art, all of which take others’ social media output as the raw material for art: Jonathan Harris and Sep Kamvar’s data-visualization site We Feel Fine (2005), Penelope Umbrico’s Suns from Sunsets from Flickr (2006–present), and Natalie Bookchin’s Testament (2009–present). All of these projects use social media to think through contemporary relations between the individual and the social or political. And so I end by considering what they might have to tell us about confessional politics as they’re practiced in the age of social media: e.g., Occupy Wall Street’s “We are the 99%” meme, the “mattress protests” against campus sexual assault started by Emma Sulkowicz of Columbia University, and a public forum held at Amherst College during the antiracist Uprising of 2015. All of these protests began as local acts, but then reached the world via the Internet. What happens when confessions like these travel through channels that have made confession so mundane?Less
Social media platforms have made confessional speech both ubiquitous and mundane. What, you might ask, is the value of a solo voice amid all this aggregated clamor? This coda begins by comparing several examples of new media art, all of which take others’ social media output as the raw material for art: Jonathan Harris and Sep Kamvar’s data-visualization site We Feel Fine (2005), Penelope Umbrico’s Suns from Sunsets from Flickr (2006–present), and Natalie Bookchin’s Testament (2009–present). All of these projects use social media to think through contemporary relations between the individual and the social or political. And so I end by considering what they might have to tell us about confessional politics as they’re practiced in the age of social media: e.g., Occupy Wall Street’s “We are the 99%” meme, the “mattress protests” against campus sexual assault started by Emma Sulkowicz of Columbia University, and a public forum held at Amherst College during the antiracist Uprising of 2015. All of these protests began as local acts, but then reached the world via the Internet. What happens when confessions like these travel through channels that have made confession so mundane?
