John L. Campbell and Ove K. Pedersen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150314
- eISBN:
- 9781400850365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150314.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the political-economic problems that France faced in the aftermath of the Golden Age. These political-economic problems persisted and precipitated what some people described as ...
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This chapter examines the political-economic problems that France faced in the aftermath of the Golden Age. These political-economic problems persisted and precipitated what some people described as a crisis of ideas within the state—the realization that the statist knowledge regime was too insulated and therefore suffered a lack of fresh thinking. In turn, policymakers began to encourage the development of new semi-public policy research organizations outside the state as well as new ones inside it in an effort to cultivate new ideas. This externalization strategy was very much a part of France's move away from dirigisme—central state-led economic development—and involved the gradual if partial separation of the knowledge regime from the policymaking regime, which earlier had been virtually indistinguishable from each other.Less
This chapter examines the political-economic problems that France faced in the aftermath of the Golden Age. These political-economic problems persisted and precipitated what some people described as a crisis of ideas within the state—the realization that the statist knowledge regime was too insulated and therefore suffered a lack of fresh thinking. In turn, policymakers began to encourage the development of new semi-public policy research organizations outside the state as well as new ones inside it in an effort to cultivate new ideas. This externalization strategy was very much a part of France's move away from dirigisme—central state-led economic development—and involved the gradual if partial separation of the knowledge regime from the policymaking regime, which earlier had been virtually indistinguishable from each other.
Andrew F. March
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195330960
- eISBN:
- 9780199868278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195330960.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter states the aims of the book: its core question of the compatibility between formal Islamic doctrine and liberal citizenship It emphasizes how this book differs from historical, ...
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This chapter states the aims of the book: its core question of the compatibility between formal Islamic doctrine and liberal citizenship It emphasizes how this book differs from historical, anthropological, sociological, or genealogical approaches to Islam and how the book seeks to avoid the pitfalls of studies which inquire into the “compatibility” of Islam with democracy or human rights. It introduces the idea of an overlapping consensus within political liberalism as an answer to the theologico-political problem and the place of a normatively committed comparative ethics, or what John Rawls referred to as “conjecture.”Less
This chapter states the aims of the book: its core question of the compatibility between formal Islamic doctrine and liberal citizenship It emphasizes how this book differs from historical, anthropological, sociological, or genealogical approaches to Islam and how the book seeks to avoid the pitfalls of studies which inquire into the “compatibility” of Islam with democracy or human rights. It introduces the idea of an overlapping consensus within political liberalism as an answer to the theologico-political problem and the place of a normatively committed comparative ethics, or what John Rawls referred to as “conjecture.”
Anthony Quinton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199694556
- eISBN:
- 9780191731938
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199694556.003.0021
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
This chapter's main thesis is that it is a mistake to see political philosophy as a subordinate part of moral philosophy, and thus to suppose that the characteristic problems of the former are of the ...
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This chapter's main thesis is that it is a mistake to see political philosophy as a subordinate part of moral philosophy, and thus to suppose that the characteristic problems of the former are of the same kind as those of the latter. More concretely, the problems of politics itself are not generally or primarily, let alone exclusively, moral in nature. We all know that political problems are not, to any great extent, approached by those involved with them, from a moral point of view. It is argued that it is not reasonable that they should be. But the philosophical habit of running the two things together encourages a kind of moral absolutism in political thinking, and from time to time in political practice, which has bad results, not necessarily morally bad, just bad.Less
This chapter's main thesis is that it is a mistake to see political philosophy as a subordinate part of moral philosophy, and thus to suppose that the characteristic problems of the former are of the same kind as those of the latter. More concretely, the problems of politics itself are not generally or primarily, let alone exclusively, moral in nature. We all know that political problems are not, to any great extent, approached by those involved with them, from a moral point of view. It is argued that it is not reasonable that they should be. But the philosophical habit of running the two things together encourages a kind of moral absolutism in political thinking, and from time to time in political practice, which has bad results, not necessarily morally bad, just bad.
Elizabeth Wingrove
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195337396
- eISBN:
- 9780199868681
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195337396.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
This chapter argues that Okin's “method”—her focus on actual social problems—has been largely ignored in the literature. The author of this chapter contends that examining Okin's method can help us ...
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This chapter argues that Okin's “method”—her focus on actual social problems—has been largely ignored in the literature. The author of this chapter contends that examining Okin's method can help us understand some of the strengths of her work—its relevance, its ability to hone in on matters of importance—as well as throw light on its shortcomings. Because Okin eschewed engagement with method, this chapter claims that she was insufficiently aware of her own biases and assumptions. The chapter illustrates this claim by looking at Okin's writings on multiculturalism and on the family.Less
This chapter argues that Okin's “method”—her focus on actual social problems—has been largely ignored in the literature. The author of this chapter contends that examining Okin's method can help us understand some of the strengths of her work—its relevance, its ability to hone in on matters of importance—as well as throw light on its shortcomings. Because Okin eschewed engagement with method, this chapter claims that she was insufficiently aware of her own biases and assumptions. The chapter illustrates this claim by looking at Okin's writings on multiculturalism and on the family.
Claudena M. Skran
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273929
- eISBN:
- 9780191684081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273929.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines the refugee phenomenon, specifically refugees in inter-war Europe, and international responses to that phenomenon. It reveals that refugees constitute both humanitarian as well as ...
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This book examines the refugee phenomenon, specifically refugees in inter-war Europe, and international responses to that phenomenon. It reveals that refugees constitute both humanitarian as well as political problems on an immense scale. The causes and consequences behind the refugee movements throughout the century constitute the main concern of the book. The book argues that international efforts of the inter-war period composed an international regime which had and still does have impact on the refugee policies. As stated in the chapter, the book tries to contribute to refugee studies by adding to the understanding of contemporary refugee problems.Less
This book examines the refugee phenomenon, specifically refugees in inter-war Europe, and international responses to that phenomenon. It reveals that refugees constitute both humanitarian as well as political problems on an immense scale. The causes and consequences behind the refugee movements throughout the century constitute the main concern of the book. The book argues that international efforts of the inter-war period composed an international regime which had and still does have impact on the refugee policies. As stated in the chapter, the book tries to contribute to refugee studies by adding to the understanding of contemporary refugee problems.
Todd McGowan
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038143
- eISBN:
- 9780252095405
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038143.003.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter analyzes the films of Spike Lee. Lee's films employ types of excess such as unconventional shots, extreme characters, and improbable scenes to intervene in critical issues that trouble ...
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This chapter analyzes the films of Spike Lee. Lee's films employ types of excess such as unconventional shots, extreme characters, and improbable scenes to intervene in critical issues that trouble the contemporary world—the question of the subject's singularity, the role that fantasy plays in structuring our reality, the political impact of passion, the power of paranoia in shaping social relations, the damage that the insistence on community inflicts, the problem of transcendence, and the struggles of the spectator. Above all, Lee is known for being a political filmmaker and the concept of excess holds the key to understanding the politics of his films. Excess has enabled Lee to create a varied corpus of films that treat a broad spectrum of fundamental social and political problems. These films include She's Gotta Have It (1986), Do the Right Thing (1989), Jungle Fever (1991), and Malcolm X (1992).Less
This chapter analyzes the films of Spike Lee. Lee's films employ types of excess such as unconventional shots, extreme characters, and improbable scenes to intervene in critical issues that trouble the contemporary world—the question of the subject's singularity, the role that fantasy plays in structuring our reality, the political impact of passion, the power of paranoia in shaping social relations, the damage that the insistence on community inflicts, the problem of transcendence, and the struggles of the spectator. Above all, Lee is known for being a political filmmaker and the concept of excess holds the key to understanding the politics of his films. Excess has enabled Lee to create a varied corpus of films that treat a broad spectrum of fundamental social and political problems. These films include She's Gotta Have It (1986), Do the Right Thing (1989), Jungle Fever (1991), and Malcolm X (1992).
H. M. Scott
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201953
- eISBN:
- 9780191675096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201953.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Although Britain initially appeared to have attained supremacy during 1763, the situation took a huge turn about two decades later, and was perceived to have been brought about by the American War. ...
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Although Britain initially appeared to have attained supremacy during 1763, the situation took a huge turn about two decades later, and was perceived to have been brought about by the American War. While the king opted to put the blame on his domestic opponents rather than his foreign opponents, the instability experienced by the ministry again challenged the diplomacy of Britain after the Seven Years War. Although political problems such as the survival of William Pitt as Prime Minister were a growing issue, a greater problem was posed by the attempt of French forces at achieving revenge. This concluding chapter includes a summary of the fundamental and noteworthy events that caused the various developments in Britain's foreign policy.Less
Although Britain initially appeared to have attained supremacy during 1763, the situation took a huge turn about two decades later, and was perceived to have been brought about by the American War. While the king opted to put the blame on his domestic opponents rather than his foreign opponents, the instability experienced by the ministry again challenged the diplomacy of Britain after the Seven Years War. Although political problems such as the survival of William Pitt as Prime Minister were a growing issue, a greater problem was posed by the attempt of French forces at achieving revenge. This concluding chapter includes a summary of the fundamental and noteworthy events that caused the various developments in Britain's foreign policy.
Adrian Little
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748633654
- eISBN:
- 9780748652709
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748633654.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Religion has long been a target for the critical weaponry of modern political philosophy. This book recognises the validity of many secular critiques of religion and the way in which they identify ...
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Religion has long been a target for the critical weaponry of modern political philosophy. This book recognises the validity of many secular critiques of religion and the way in which they identify the potential perils of traditional modes of authority. It also suggests that religious faith can become a way of avoiding the realities and exigencies of contemporary political problems. Most discussions of the relationship between religion and democracy in contemporary Western political philosophy approach the subject from the perspective of acceptance of the prime objectives and methods of democratic processes.Less
Religion has long been a target for the critical weaponry of modern political philosophy. This book recognises the validity of many secular critiques of religion and the way in which they identify the potential perils of traditional modes of authority. It also suggests that religious faith can become a way of avoiding the realities and exigencies of contemporary political problems. Most discussions of the relationship between religion and democracy in contemporary Western political philosophy approach the subject from the perspective of acceptance of the prime objectives and methods of democratic processes.
Laurie M. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501747809
- eISBN:
- 9781501747823
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501747809.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
This chapter discusses Thucydides' and Hobbes's ideas of human nature, which are often said to be very similar. International relations theorists are just as much prone to this mistake as others, ...
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This chapter discusses Thucydides' and Hobbes's ideas of human nature, which are often said to be very similar. International relations theorists are just as much prone to this mistake as others, referring to Thucydides, as they do to Hobbes, as a “realist.” Hobbes's view is close to the view of the famous “Athenian thesis” repeated throughout Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War. That thesis is similar in many ways to the realist thesis, claiming that human beings are universally selfish and always motivated by fear, honor, and interest. Since they are compelled by their passions, they are not to be blamed for their actions, and, as Thucydides' character Diodotus points out, they can be controlled only through superior power and brute force. However, the chapter argues that, in contradiction to the Athenian thesis, Thucydides' overall treatment of human nature proves that it is not so uniform and that passions do not force people to act. Individuals are responsible for their actions, capable of reason, and therefore guilty when they allow their passions to overcome their good sense. In Thucydides' view, political problems cannot be permanently solved, because there are elements in human nature that cannot be manipulated. While Thucydides depicts the bloodthirsty violence of civil war as well as genocidal international warfare as products of the extreme pressures of war, Hobbes sees them as events that take place whenever there is no power strong enough to prevent them.Less
This chapter discusses Thucydides' and Hobbes's ideas of human nature, which are often said to be very similar. International relations theorists are just as much prone to this mistake as others, referring to Thucydides, as they do to Hobbes, as a “realist.” Hobbes's view is close to the view of the famous “Athenian thesis” repeated throughout Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War. That thesis is similar in many ways to the realist thesis, claiming that human beings are universally selfish and always motivated by fear, honor, and interest. Since they are compelled by their passions, they are not to be blamed for their actions, and, as Thucydides' character Diodotus points out, they can be controlled only through superior power and brute force. However, the chapter argues that, in contradiction to the Athenian thesis, Thucydides' overall treatment of human nature proves that it is not so uniform and that passions do not force people to act. Individuals are responsible for their actions, capable of reason, and therefore guilty when they allow their passions to overcome their good sense. In Thucydides' view, political problems cannot be permanently solved, because there are elements in human nature that cannot be manipulated. While Thucydides depicts the bloodthirsty violence of civil war as well as genocidal international warfare as products of the extreme pressures of war, Hobbes sees them as events that take place whenever there is no power strong enough to prevent them.
Laurence Lampert
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226039480
- eISBN:
- 9780226039510
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226039510.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter deals with Strauss’s 1955 lectures “What is Political Philosophy?” It sets out Strauss’s understanding of the fundamental opposition between Athens and Jerusalem or between philosophy ...
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This chapter deals with Strauss’s 1955 lectures “What is Political Philosophy?” It sets out Strauss’s understanding of the fundamental opposition between Athens and Jerusalem or between philosophy and Revelation and shows Strauss’s reason for holding Athens higher than Jerusalem. Athens is personified by Socrates who represents the ancient solution to the theological-political problem. The modern solutions, as Strauss presents them, culminate in Nietzsche and Heidegger, and Strauss ends his lectures denouncing them. The chapter argues that Strauss’s denunciation, particularly of Nietzsche, is primarily rhetorical; this is demonstrated partly through a later lecture, “The Three Waves of Modernity,” in which Nietzsche is viewed far more favorably. The chapter ends arguing against Strauss’s view of the modern Enlightenment and in favor of Nietzsche’s effort to advance the Enlightenment.Less
This chapter deals with Strauss’s 1955 lectures “What is Political Philosophy?” It sets out Strauss’s understanding of the fundamental opposition between Athens and Jerusalem or between philosophy and Revelation and shows Strauss’s reason for holding Athens higher than Jerusalem. Athens is personified by Socrates who represents the ancient solution to the theological-political problem. The modern solutions, as Strauss presents them, culminate in Nietzsche and Heidegger, and Strauss ends his lectures denouncing them. The chapter argues that Strauss’s denunciation, particularly of Nietzsche, is primarily rhetorical; this is demonstrated partly through a later lecture, “The Three Waves of Modernity,” in which Nietzsche is viewed far more favorably. The chapter ends arguing against Strauss’s view of the modern Enlightenment and in favor of Nietzsche’s effort to advance the Enlightenment.
Stephen Harrison
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199603848
- eISBN:
- 9780191731587
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199603848.003.0012
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval, Ancient Greek, Roman, and Early Christian Philosophy
This chapter argues that the key Ovidian triangle of dislocation, political problems, and lamenting tone is often encountered in later versions of and allusions to Ovid’s exile poetry. This pattern ...
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This chapter argues that the key Ovidian triangle of dislocation, political problems, and lamenting tone is often encountered in later versions of and allusions to Ovid’s exile poetry. This pattern is traced in poetry of the twentieth century, including Robert Lowell’s ‘Beyond the Alps’, Seamus Heaney’s ‘Exposure’ (which alludes specifically to Ovid’s Tristia), and Derek Walcott’s ‘The Hotel Normandie Pool’. The chapter ends with a detailed consideration of a very recent application of Ovidian poetics in Bob Dylan’s 2006 album Modern Times. Richard Thomas has persuasively shown that Dylan used Peter Green’s translation of the exile poems, but this chapter presents a more nuanced account which demonstrates that Dylan too engages with the Ovidian triangulation of dislocation, political issues, and lamentation.Less
This chapter argues that the key Ovidian triangle of dislocation, political problems, and lamenting tone is often encountered in later versions of and allusions to Ovid’s exile poetry. This pattern is traced in poetry of the twentieth century, including Robert Lowell’s ‘Beyond the Alps’, Seamus Heaney’s ‘Exposure’ (which alludes specifically to Ovid’s Tristia), and Derek Walcott’s ‘The Hotel Normandie Pool’. The chapter ends with a detailed consideration of a very recent application of Ovidian poetics in Bob Dylan’s 2006 album Modern Times. Richard Thomas has persuasively shown that Dylan used Peter Green’s translation of the exile poems, but this chapter presents a more nuanced account which demonstrates that Dylan too engages with the Ovidian triangulation of dislocation, political issues, and lamentation.
Michael P. Zuckert and Catherine H. Zuckert
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226135731
- eISBN:
- 9780226135878
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226135878.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Leo Strauss was one of the preeminent political philosophers of the twentieth century. Although most of his work took the form of investigations in the history of political philosophy, his intentions ...
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Leo Strauss was one of the preeminent political philosophers of the twentieth century. Although most of his work took the form of investigations in the history of political philosophy, his intentions were not simply those of a historian of ideas. His chief goal was the restoration of political philosophy as a meaningful, even urgent enterprise. To that end, he delivered stinging critiques of two modern intellectual movements, positivism and historicism, that seemed to make political philosophy no longer possible. His was an effort to reestablish rationalism by showing that the death spiral of philosophy in modern times was a failure not of philosophic rationalism as such, but rather of modern philosophy. That rationalism had at its center what Straus called the “problem of political philosophy,” the solutions to which constituted the history of political philosophy. His inquiries led to the recovery of the classical philosophy of the Socratic tradition, which Strauss saw as a rejoinder to proclamations of the end of philosophy by Nietzsche and Heidegger. The exploration of the several dimensions of “the problem of political philosophy” as Strauss understood it,is the core of this book. That leads to the consideration of such matters as his debts to Husserl, Nietzsche, and Heidegger, his notion of political philosophy as “first philosophy,” the difference between the ancients and moderns, the theological-political problem that he pronounced central to his work, and his contention that liberal democracy is the best regime for our time.Less
Leo Strauss was one of the preeminent political philosophers of the twentieth century. Although most of his work took the form of investigations in the history of political philosophy, his intentions were not simply those of a historian of ideas. His chief goal was the restoration of political philosophy as a meaningful, even urgent enterprise. To that end, he delivered stinging critiques of two modern intellectual movements, positivism and historicism, that seemed to make political philosophy no longer possible. His was an effort to reestablish rationalism by showing that the death spiral of philosophy in modern times was a failure not of philosophic rationalism as such, but rather of modern philosophy. That rationalism had at its center what Straus called the “problem of political philosophy,” the solutions to which constituted the history of political philosophy. His inquiries led to the recovery of the classical philosophy of the Socratic tradition, which Strauss saw as a rejoinder to proclamations of the end of philosophy by Nietzsche and Heidegger. The exploration of the several dimensions of “the problem of political philosophy” as Strauss understood it,is the core of this book. That leads to the consideration of such matters as his debts to Husserl, Nietzsche, and Heidegger, his notion of political philosophy as “first philosophy,” the difference between the ancients and moderns, the theological-political problem that he pronounced central to his work, and his contention that liberal democracy is the best regime for our time.
Steven B. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226764023
- eISBN:
- 9780226763903
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226763903.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, American Philosophy
Interest in Leo Strauss is greater now than at any time since his death, because of the link between his thought and the political movement called “neoconservatism.” This book depicts Strauss not as ...
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Interest in Leo Strauss is greater now than at any time since his death, because of the link between his thought and the political movement called “neoconservatism.” This book depicts Strauss not as a high priest of neoconservatism but as a friend of liberal democracy, showing that his defense of liberal democracy was closely connected with his skepticism of both the extreme Left and the extreme Right. The author asserts that philosophical skepticism defined Strauss's thought. It was as a skeptic that Strauss considered the seemingly irreconcilable conflict between reason and revelation—a conflict he dubbed the “theologico-political problem.” Throughout his life, Strauss pondered over the relation of the political order to revelation in general and Judaism in particular. The author addresses Strauss's views on religion and examines his thought on philosophical and political issues. The author assesses Strauss's attempt to direct the teaching of political science away from the examination of mass behavior and interest-group politics toward the study of the philosophical principles on which politics is based.Less
Interest in Leo Strauss is greater now than at any time since his death, because of the link between his thought and the political movement called “neoconservatism.” This book depicts Strauss not as a high priest of neoconservatism but as a friend of liberal democracy, showing that his defense of liberal democracy was closely connected with his skepticism of both the extreme Left and the extreme Right. The author asserts that philosophical skepticism defined Strauss's thought. It was as a skeptic that Strauss considered the seemingly irreconcilable conflict between reason and revelation—a conflict he dubbed the “theologico-political problem.” Throughout his life, Strauss pondered over the relation of the political order to revelation in general and Judaism in particular. The author addresses Strauss's views on religion and examines his thought on philosophical and political issues. The author assesses Strauss's attempt to direct the teaching of political science away from the examination of mass behavior and interest-group politics toward the study of the philosophical principles on which politics is based.
Sandra Leonie Field
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197528242
- eISBN:
- 9780197528273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197528242.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Political Theory
This chapter sketches Hobbes’s solution to the political problem, and interprets its meaning and significance for the question of popular power. Hobbes’s preferred model of politics, ‘repressive ...
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This chapter sketches Hobbes’s solution to the political problem, and interprets its meaning and significance for the question of popular power. Hobbes’s preferred model of politics, ‘repressive egalitarianism’, overcomes the political problem by breaking down the power blocs of the multitude into disempowered equality. The result is practically workable, but highly ambivalent to contemporary sensibilities. On the one hand, its elimination of informal oligarchy grounds its claim to meaningfully express popular power; the chapter offers a novel interpretation of Hobbes’s famous hostility to democratic assembly in light of this problem of informal oligarchy. But on the other hand, the resultant fragmented polity is unable to resist sovereign overreach.Less
This chapter sketches Hobbes’s solution to the political problem, and interprets its meaning and significance for the question of popular power. Hobbes’s preferred model of politics, ‘repressive egalitarianism’, overcomes the political problem by breaking down the power blocs of the multitude into disempowered equality. The result is practically workable, but highly ambivalent to contemporary sensibilities. On the one hand, its elimination of informal oligarchy grounds its claim to meaningfully express popular power; the chapter offers a novel interpretation of Hobbes’s famous hostility to democratic assembly in light of this problem of informal oligarchy. But on the other hand, the resultant fragmented polity is unable to resist sovereign overreach.
Duncan McCargo
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780801449994
- eISBN:
- 9781501709586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449994.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter looks at the struggles of the judiciary to come to terms with its critics after 2006. Given judges' intense loyalty to the monarchy, they were unable publicly to question the burdens ...
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This chapter looks at the struggles of the judiciary to come to terms with its critics after 2006. Given judges' intense loyalty to the monarchy, they were unable publicly to question the burdens that had been placed on them by the King: yet they struggled to formulate convincing answers to those who disputed their evenhandedness. The death of lèse-majesté prisoner Amphon Tangnoppakhun (colloquially known as Akong, or Uncle Kong) in 2012 illustrated many of the latent contradictions in Thai judicial thinking. Deference to the monarchy and an excessive enthusiasm to protect the status quo could encourage a punitive attitude towards defendants, especially after the royal speeches of 2006 that asked the judiciary to help solve the nation's most severe political problems. The resulting perception of double standards further alienated the courts from much of the populace; at the same time, the judiciary often seemed overly defensive in the face of unfamiliar levels of public criticism. Generalizing about the worldviews of Thai judges is difficult; the Thai judiciary is a diverse group, not all judges think alike, and those with less mainstream opinions often prefer to keep those views to themselves. However, a number of recurrent themes emerge from conversations with Thai judges and from the work of those who study them.Less
This chapter looks at the struggles of the judiciary to come to terms with its critics after 2006. Given judges' intense loyalty to the monarchy, they were unable publicly to question the burdens that had been placed on them by the King: yet they struggled to formulate convincing answers to those who disputed their evenhandedness. The death of lèse-majesté prisoner Amphon Tangnoppakhun (colloquially known as Akong, or Uncle Kong) in 2012 illustrated many of the latent contradictions in Thai judicial thinking. Deference to the monarchy and an excessive enthusiasm to protect the status quo could encourage a punitive attitude towards defendants, especially after the royal speeches of 2006 that asked the judiciary to help solve the nation's most severe political problems. The resulting perception of double standards further alienated the courts from much of the populace; at the same time, the judiciary often seemed overly defensive in the face of unfamiliar levels of public criticism. Generalizing about the worldviews of Thai judges is difficult; the Thai judiciary is a diverse group, not all judges think alike, and those with less mainstream opinions often prefer to keep those views to themselves. However, a number of recurrent themes emerge from conversations with Thai judges and from the work of those who study them.
Tongdong Bai
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691195995
- eISBN:
- 9780691197463
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691195995.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book argues that domestic governance influenced by Confucianism can embrace the liberal aspects of democracy along with the democratic ideas of equal opportunities and governmental ...
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This book argues that domestic governance influenced by Confucianism can embrace the liberal aspects of democracy along with the democratic ideas of equal opportunities and governmental accountability to the people. But Confucianism would give more political decision-making power to those with the moral, practical, and intellectual capabilities of caring for the people. While most democratic thinkers still focus on strengthening equality to cure the ills of democracy, the proposed hybrid regime—made up of Confucian-inspired meritocratic characteristics combined with democratic elements and a quasi-liberal system of laws and rights—recognizes that egalitarian qualities sometimes conflict with good governance and the protection of liberties, and defends liberal aspects by restricting democratic ones. The author applies his view to the international realm by supporting a hierarchical order based on how humane each state is toward its own and other peoples, and on the principle of international interventions whereby humane responsibilities override sovereignty. The book presents a novel Confucian-engendered alternative for solving today’s political problems.Less
This book argues that domestic governance influenced by Confucianism can embrace the liberal aspects of democracy along with the democratic ideas of equal opportunities and governmental accountability to the people. But Confucianism would give more political decision-making power to those with the moral, practical, and intellectual capabilities of caring for the people. While most democratic thinkers still focus on strengthening equality to cure the ills of democracy, the proposed hybrid regime—made up of Confucian-inspired meritocratic characteristics combined with democratic elements and a quasi-liberal system of laws and rights—recognizes that egalitarian qualities sometimes conflict with good governance and the protection of liberties, and defends liberal aspects by restricting democratic ones. The author applies his view to the international realm by supporting a hierarchical order based on how humane each state is toward its own and other peoples, and on the principle of international interventions whereby humane responsibilities override sovereignty. The book presents a novel Confucian-engendered alternative for solving today’s political problems.
Steven B. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300198393
- eISBN:
- 9780300220988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300198393.003.0014
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
More than anyone else, Leo Strauss inaugurated the revival of political philosophy from the dominance of positivism and behavioralism. Strauss insisted that recovering Plato and ancient philosophy ...
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More than anyone else, Leo Strauss inaugurated the revival of political philosophy from the dominance of positivism and behavioralism. Strauss insisted that recovering Plato and ancient philosophy could help prevent modernity’s slide into relativism and historicism. He saw the American Constitution as the closest modern approximation to the classical ideal of the mixed regime and the rule of an educated elite. In particular Strauss saw liberal education as an antidote to the rise of mass culture and mass democracy that he associated with the most dangerous tendencies of modernity. Yet Strauss was no reactionary. He thought of himself as a skeptic or a “zetetic” philosopher concerned more with raising questions than giving answers.Less
More than anyone else, Leo Strauss inaugurated the revival of political philosophy from the dominance of positivism and behavioralism. Strauss insisted that recovering Plato and ancient philosophy could help prevent modernity’s slide into relativism and historicism. He saw the American Constitution as the closest modern approximation to the classical ideal of the mixed regime and the rule of an educated elite. In particular Strauss saw liberal education as an antidote to the rise of mass culture and mass democracy that he associated with the most dangerous tendencies of modernity. Yet Strauss was no reactionary. He thought of himself as a skeptic or a “zetetic” philosopher concerned more with raising questions than giving answers.
Michael J. McVicar
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622743
- eISBN:
- 9781469622767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622743.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter introduces the central themes of the uses and abuses of state power that appear throughout the narrative of the Christian Reconstruction. As a young missionary on the Duck Valley Indian ...
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This chapter introduces the central themes of the uses and abuses of state power that appear throughout the narrative of the Christian Reconstruction. As a young missionary on the Duck Valley Indian Reservation in Nevada in the 1940s, Rushdoony had built remote connections with a surprisingly diverse body of intellectual figures that fundamentally shaped the project of Christian Reconstruction. As he engaged with these thinkers, Rushdoony refused to constrain his intellectual development to a narrow disciplinary horizon and instead aspired to use the entire arch of Western Christian tradition to illuminate contemporary religio-political problems, including the threats of fascism and communism and the closing of the American frontier as embodied in the reservation system.Less
This chapter introduces the central themes of the uses and abuses of state power that appear throughout the narrative of the Christian Reconstruction. As a young missionary on the Duck Valley Indian Reservation in Nevada in the 1940s, Rushdoony had built remote connections with a surprisingly diverse body of intellectual figures that fundamentally shaped the project of Christian Reconstruction. As he engaged with these thinkers, Rushdoony refused to constrain his intellectual development to a narrow disciplinary horizon and instead aspired to use the entire arch of Western Christian tradition to illuminate contemporary religio-political problems, including the threats of fascism and communism and the closing of the American frontier as embodied in the reservation system.
Sandra Leonie Field
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197528242
- eISBN:
- 9780197528273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197528242.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Political Theory
This chapter argues that Hobbes’s late view of human collective power, unlike the early view, is able to grasp informal and emergent collective power. Hobbes’s later works, with their new relational ...
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This chapter argues that Hobbes’s late view of human collective power, unlike the early view, is able to grasp informal and emergent collective power. Hobbes’s later works, with their new relational conception of potentia, offer both theoretical resources to conceive informal collective power distinct from the state, and also analytical reasons to expect such power to be politically troubling. The ‘political problem’ emerges: in order to achieve the concrete power sufficient to uphold its absolute authority (potestas), the state needs to harness or tame the informal collective powers within the populace. The chapter argues that the political problem explains the absence of the ‘sleeping sovereign’, so central to the radical democratic interpretation of Hobbes, from Hobbes’s later writings. But informal collective power cannot necessarily be celebrated as a welcome popular insurgency against excessive state power: for its characteristic inner structure is complex oligarchic allegiance rather than equal horizontal affiliation.Less
This chapter argues that Hobbes’s late view of human collective power, unlike the early view, is able to grasp informal and emergent collective power. Hobbes’s later works, with their new relational conception of potentia, offer both theoretical resources to conceive informal collective power distinct from the state, and also analytical reasons to expect such power to be politically troubling. The ‘political problem’ emerges: in order to achieve the concrete power sufficient to uphold its absolute authority (potestas), the state needs to harness or tame the informal collective powers within the populace. The chapter argues that the political problem explains the absence of the ‘sleeping sovereign’, so central to the radical democratic interpretation of Hobbes, from Hobbes’s later writings. But informal collective power cannot necessarily be celebrated as a welcome popular insurgency against excessive state power: for its characteristic inner structure is complex oligarchic allegiance rather than equal horizontal affiliation.
Michael P. Zuckert and Catherine H. Zuckert
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226135731
- eISBN:
- 9780226135878
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226135878.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Leo Strauss was born into a world in crisis. While that crisis became apparent to him first in politics, he came to see that the crisis extended to human life and knowledge as a whole. Although the ...
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Leo Strauss was born into a world in crisis. While that crisis became apparent to him first in politics, he came to see that the crisis extended to human life and knowledge as a whole. Although the danger was great, Strauss also came to believe, the crisis of the West constituted a great opportunity. Following out this opportunity led Strauss to his life-long project—the restoration of Socratic philosophy, i.e., political philosophy in the original and still valid sense. One response to the problem of political philosophy is the public-spirited philosopher, for the “problem of political philosophy” means that it must make a case for its value to the city. But the problem of political philosophy has another face: the philosopher has a potentially antipathetic relation to ordinary citizens. Negotiating that divide constitutes the various solutions to the problem of political philosophy and the theme of Strauss’s corpus.Less
Leo Strauss was born into a world in crisis. While that crisis became apparent to him first in politics, he came to see that the crisis extended to human life and knowledge as a whole. Although the danger was great, Strauss also came to believe, the crisis of the West constituted a great opportunity. Following out this opportunity led Strauss to his life-long project—the restoration of Socratic philosophy, i.e., political philosophy in the original and still valid sense. One response to the problem of political philosophy is the public-spirited philosopher, for the “problem of political philosophy” means that it must make a case for its value to the city. But the problem of political philosophy has another face: the philosopher has a potentially antipathetic relation to ordinary citizens. Negotiating that divide constitutes the various solutions to the problem of political philosophy and the theme of Strauss’s corpus.
