Joseph H. Carens
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297680
- eISBN:
- 9780191598937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297688.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Criticizes the conventional unitary understanding of the relationship between citizenship and the state by showing how poorly this model fits with contemporary political practices in Canada and ...
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Criticizes the conventional unitary understanding of the relationship between citizenship and the state by showing how poorly this model fits with contemporary political practices in Canada and elsewhere. Instead of unique, exclusive, compartmentalized forms of political membership, we find multiple memberships and overlapping identities along three dimensions of citizenship: the legal, the psychological and the political. The chapter argues that these ways of recognizing collective identity are generally morally permissible and sometimes even morally required under a conception of justice as evenhandedness.Less
Criticizes the conventional unitary understanding of the relationship between citizenship and the state by showing how poorly this model fits with contemporary political practices in Canada and elsewhere. Instead of unique, exclusive, compartmentalized forms of political membership, we find multiple memberships and overlapping identities along three dimensions of citizenship: the legal, the psychological and the political. The chapter argues that these ways of recognizing collective identity are generally morally permissible and sometimes even morally required under a conception of justice as evenhandedness.
David Schlosberg
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256419
- eISBN:
- 9780191600203
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256411.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
In this first ever theoretical treatment of the environmental justice movement, David Schlosberg demonstrates the development of a new form of ‘critical’ pluralism, in both theory and practice. ...
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In this first ever theoretical treatment of the environmental justice movement, David Schlosberg demonstrates the development of a new form of ‘critical’ pluralism, in both theory and practice. Taking into account the evolution of environmentalism and pluralism over the course of the century, Schlosberg argues that the environmental justice movement and new pluralist theories now represent a considerable challenge to both conventional pluralist thought and the practices of the major groups in the US environmental movement. Much of recent political theory has been aimed at how to acknowledge and recognize, rather than deny, the diversity inherent in contemporary life. In practice, the myriad ways people define and experience the ‘environment’ has given credence to a form of environmentalism that takes difference seriously. The environmental justice movement, with its base in diversity, its networked structure, and its communicative practices and demands, exemplifies the attempt to design political practices beyond those one would expect from a standard interest group in the conventional pluralist model. The book is arranged in four parts: I. Environmentalism and Difference: The Pluralist Challenge (two chapters); II. Critical Pluralism in Theory (two chapters); III. Environmental Justice: Critical Pluralism in Practice (two chapters); and IV. Conclusion (one chapter).Less
In this first ever theoretical treatment of the environmental justice movement, David Schlosberg demonstrates the development of a new form of ‘critical’ pluralism, in both theory and practice. Taking into account the evolution of environmentalism and pluralism over the course of the century, Schlosberg argues that the environmental justice movement and new pluralist theories now represent a considerable challenge to both conventional pluralist thought and the practices of the major groups in the US environmental movement. Much of recent political theory has been aimed at how to acknowledge and recognize, rather than deny, the diversity inherent in contemporary life. In practice, the myriad ways people define and experience the ‘environment’ has given credence to a form of environmentalism that takes difference seriously. The environmental justice movement, with its base in diversity, its networked structure, and its communicative practices and demands, exemplifies the attempt to design political practices beyond those one would expect from a standard interest group in the conventional pluralist model. The book is arranged in four parts: I. Environmentalism and Difference: The Pluralist Challenge (two chapters); II. Critical Pluralism in Theory (two chapters); III. Environmental Justice: Critical Pluralism in Practice (two chapters); and IV. Conclusion (one chapter).
Robert Elgie (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and ...
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Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.Less
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.
Robert E. Goodin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256174
- eISBN:
- 9780191599354
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256179.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This conclusion gives short restatements on two fronts. First, it comments briefly on how the author's model of ‘democratic deliberation within’ compares with, and improves upon, existing models. ...
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This conclusion gives short restatements on two fronts. First, it comments briefly on how the author's model of ‘democratic deliberation within’ compares with, and improves upon, existing models. Second, it provides some brief indications of the scope of required changes to existing political practice.Less
This conclusion gives short restatements on two fronts. First, it comments briefly on how the author's model of ‘democratic deliberation within’ compares with, and improves upon, existing models. Second, it provides some brief indications of the scope of required changes to existing political practice.
Martin Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199274727
- eISBN:
- 9780191708329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274727.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on the identification of the characteristic features of the practice of politics. It begins with the discussion of the concept of the political. It highlights the achievement ...
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This chapter focuses on the identification of the characteristic features of the practice of politics. It begins with the discussion of the concept of the political. It highlights the achievement that is realized whenever an elaborate set of political practices of the type with which Weber was concerned is institutionalized. It demonstrates how public law forms a distinctive aspect of political practice. It shows that politics is rooted in human conflict arising from the struggle to realize the varying ideals of the good life.Less
This chapter focuses on the identification of the characteristic features of the practice of politics. It begins with the discussion of the concept of the political. It highlights the achievement that is realized whenever an elaborate set of political practices of the type with which Weber was concerned is institutionalized. It demonstrates how public law forms a distinctive aspect of political practice. It shows that politics is rooted in human conflict arising from the struggle to realize the varying ideals of the good life.
Paul Bowman
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617623
- eISBN:
- 9780748652785
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617623.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines some key ways in which post-Marxist and related intellectual work (such as that of Judith Butler and Richard Rorty) conceives of itself as intervention, pursuing the matter of ...
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This chapter examines some key ways in which post-Marxist and related intellectual work (such as that of Judith Butler and Richard Rorty) conceives of itself as intervention, pursuing the matter of how institutional intellectual work construes itself whenever it seeks to be or affect an intervention. It explores this by considering some exemplary encounters at the borders of post-Marxism that look at the heart of the problem. These encounters and accounts, the chapter argues, reveal the form, orientation, hopes, and often less-than-explicitly declared or avowed metaphysical rationales, fantasies and presuppositions of much theory about political practice. The chapter explores the way theory and practice are thought, examining the way that certain of Laclau’s key engagements with other approaches have been orientated, organised and executed.Less
This chapter examines some key ways in which post-Marxist and related intellectual work (such as that of Judith Butler and Richard Rorty) conceives of itself as intervention, pursuing the matter of how institutional intellectual work construes itself whenever it seeks to be or affect an intervention. It explores this by considering some exemplary encounters at the borders of post-Marxism that look at the heart of the problem. These encounters and accounts, the chapter argues, reveal the form, orientation, hopes, and often less-than-explicitly declared or avowed metaphysical rationales, fantasies and presuppositions of much theory about political practice. The chapter explores the way theory and practice are thought, examining the way that certain of Laclau’s key engagements with other approaches have been orientated, organised and executed.
G. A. Cohen
Michael Otsuka (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148700
- eISBN:
- 9781400838660
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148700.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
G. A. Cohen was one of the most gifted, influential, and progressive voices in contemporary political philosophy. At the time of his death in 2009, he had plans to bring together a number of his most ...
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G. A. Cohen was one of the most gifted, influential, and progressive voices in contemporary political philosophy. At the time of his death in 2009, he had plans to bring together a number of his most significant papers. This is the first of three volumes to realize those plans. Drawing on three decades of work, it contains previously uncollected articles that have shaped many of the central debates in political philosophy, as well as papers published here for the first time. In these pieces, Cohen asks what egalitarians have most reason to equalize, he considers the relationship between freedom and property, and he reflects upon ideal theory and political practice. Included here are classic essays such as “Equality of What?” and “Capitalism, Freedom, and the Proletariat,” along with more recent contributions such as “Fairness and Legitimacy in Justice,” “Freedom and Money,” and the previously unpublished “How to Do Political Philosophy.” On ample display throughout are the clarity, rigor, conviction, and wit for which Cohen was renowned. Together, these essays demonstrate how his work provides a powerful account of liberty and equality to the left of Ronald Dworkin, John Rawls, Amartya Sen, and Isaiah Berlin.Less
G. A. Cohen was one of the most gifted, influential, and progressive voices in contemporary political philosophy. At the time of his death in 2009, he had plans to bring together a number of his most significant papers. This is the first of three volumes to realize those plans. Drawing on three decades of work, it contains previously uncollected articles that have shaped many of the central debates in political philosophy, as well as papers published here for the first time. In these pieces, Cohen asks what egalitarians have most reason to equalize, he considers the relationship between freedom and property, and he reflects upon ideal theory and political practice. Included here are classic essays such as “Equality of What?” and “Capitalism, Freedom, and the Proletariat,” along with more recent contributions such as “Fairness and Legitimacy in Justice,” “Freedom and Money,” and the previously unpublished “How to Do Political Philosophy.” On ample display throughout are the clarity, rigor, conviction, and wit for which Cohen was renowned. Together, these essays demonstrate how his work provides a powerful account of liberty and equality to the left of Ronald Dworkin, John Rawls, Amartya Sen, and Isaiah Berlin.
J. Arch Getty
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300169294
- eISBN:
- 9780300198850
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300169294.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
The Introduction outlines the contents of the book. The book contains a number of chapters related to each other with respect to certain Russian elite informal and archaic political practices that ...
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The Introduction outlines the contents of the book. The book contains a number of chapters related to each other with respect to certain Russian elite informal and archaic political practices that include the personification of power as reflected in political “clan” and “family circle” networks, elite oligarchy combined with autocracy, and a host of lesser but strongly suggestive practices. Although the focus is on the formative Stalin period, the book looks both forward and backward in time from there.Less
The Introduction outlines the contents of the book. The book contains a number of chapters related to each other with respect to certain Russian elite informal and archaic political practices that include the personification of power as reflected in political “clan” and “family circle” networks, elite oligarchy combined with autocracy, and a host of lesser but strongly suggestive practices. Although the focus is on the formative Stalin period, the book looks both forward and backward in time from there.
Anthony King
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199576982
- eISBN:
- 9780191702235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576982.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter describes democracy as a novel feature in Britain that grafted on to pre-existing constitutional structure. Democracy in Britain was in the form of universal suffrage that was accepted ...
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This chapter describes democracy as a novel feature in Britain that grafted on to pre-existing constitutional structure. Democracy in Britain was in the form of universal suffrage that was accepted as an uninteresting matter of political practice long before any enthusiasm developed for democracy as a set of political ideals that was worthy to be promoted for its own sake. It was not until 1960 that the attitude of the citizens and the government began to change and they started to view democracy as a challenging and a good structure.Less
This chapter describes democracy as a novel feature in Britain that grafted on to pre-existing constitutional structure. Democracy in Britain was in the form of universal suffrage that was accepted as an uninteresting matter of political practice long before any enthusiasm developed for democracy as a set of political ideals that was worthy to be promoted for its own sake. It was not until 1960 that the attitude of the citizens and the government began to change and they started to view democracy as a challenging and a good structure.
Robert S. Jansen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226487304
- eISBN:
- 9780226487588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226487588.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This introductory chapter opens with a brief description of the novel populist mobilization practices that Peruvian political actors elaborated over the course of their 1931 presidential ...
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This introductory chapter opens with a brief description of the novel populist mobilization practices that Peruvian political actors elaborated over the course of their 1931 presidential campaigns—the book’s central outcome of interest. It then endeavors to accomplish four things. First, it establishes the significance of, and outlines what is puzzling about, this outcome from a historical perspective. Second, it translates the historical puzzle into more theoretical terms, framing the outcome as a case of change in repertoires of political practice. Third, it assesses existing ways of explaining repertoire change that can be found in the literatures on social movements and contentious politics, highlighting strengths and deficiencies. Finally, it develops a framework for explaining political innovation that is based in part on pragmatist theories of action and specifies how the book’s substantive argument will be developed in the remaining chapters.Less
This introductory chapter opens with a brief description of the novel populist mobilization practices that Peruvian political actors elaborated over the course of their 1931 presidential campaigns—the book’s central outcome of interest. It then endeavors to accomplish four things. First, it establishes the significance of, and outlines what is puzzling about, this outcome from a historical perspective. Second, it translates the historical puzzle into more theoretical terms, framing the outcome as a case of change in repertoires of political practice. Third, it assesses existing ways of explaining repertoire change that can be found in the literatures on social movements and contentious politics, highlighting strengths and deficiencies. Finally, it develops a framework for explaining political innovation that is based in part on pragmatist theories of action and specifies how the book’s substantive argument will be developed in the remaining chapters.
Robert S. Jansen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226487304
- eISBN:
- 9780226487588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226487588.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter circumscribes the book’s outcome theoretically by sketching a definition of “populist mobilization” and clarifying how this differs from other modes of political practice. It then goes ...
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This chapter circumscribes the book’s outcome theoretically by sketching a definition of “populist mobilization” and clarifying how this differs from other modes of political practice. It then goes on to substantiate the outcome empirically by demonstrating that 1931 did indeed mark a moment of profound transformation in the Peruvian political repertoire. It does this through a survey of how political practice changed in Peru between when the country achieved independence from Spain, in the early nineteenth century, and the second half of the twentieth century.Less
This chapter circumscribes the book’s outcome theoretically by sketching a definition of “populist mobilization” and clarifying how this differs from other modes of political practice. It then goes on to substantiate the outcome empirically by demonstrating that 1931 did indeed mark a moment of profound transformation in the Peruvian political repertoire. It does this through a survey of how political practice changed in Peru between when the country achieved independence from Spain, in the early nineteenth century, and the second half of the twentieth century.
Robert S. Jansen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226487304
- eISBN:
- 9780226487588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226487588.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter excavates the sources of political innovation in the first few months of electoral campaigning in Peru’s 1931 election. At this critical moment, collective actors from across the ...
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This chapter excavates the sources of political innovation in the first few months of electoral campaigning in Peru’s 1931 election. At this critical moment, collective actors from across the political spectrum faced new challenges and opportunities, but they responded to these differently. Some continued to act in routine ways, while others began to cobble together novel packages of political practices. Through comparison of the initial actions of all major contenders, this chapter explains this variation. The explanation centers around an understanding of how these actors’ perceptions of the situation and of their practical strategic options were shaped by their previous experiences, worldviews, and habits of thought. Only the leadership of Luis M. Sánchez Cerro’s and Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre’s embryonic parties (Unión Revolucionaria and APRA) experienced the moment as constituting a critical problem situation that required a break with previous routines and a creative turn toward new forms of action. As these leaders began to experiment with new practices, it was their previous experiences—filtered through deliberative environments that facilitated radical departures from the norm—that led their practices to take on the characteristics of what would become a distinctly Latin American style of populist mobilization.Less
This chapter excavates the sources of political innovation in the first few months of electoral campaigning in Peru’s 1931 election. At this critical moment, collective actors from across the political spectrum faced new challenges and opportunities, but they responded to these differently. Some continued to act in routine ways, while others began to cobble together novel packages of political practices. Through comparison of the initial actions of all major contenders, this chapter explains this variation. The explanation centers around an understanding of how these actors’ perceptions of the situation and of their practical strategic options were shaped by their previous experiences, worldviews, and habits of thought. Only the leadership of Luis M. Sánchez Cerro’s and Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre’s embryonic parties (Unión Revolucionaria and APRA) experienced the moment as constituting a critical problem situation that required a break with previous routines and a creative turn toward new forms of action. As these leaders began to experiment with new practices, it was their previous experiences—filtered through deliberative environments that facilitated radical departures from the norm—that led their practices to take on the characteristics of what would become a distinctly Latin American style of populist mobilization.
Martin Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199274727
- eISBN:
- 9780191708329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274727.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter begins by discussing the possibility to reconfigure the architecture of public law by tracing the intellectual source of the modern rights movement and chart its influence on ...
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This chapter begins by discussing the possibility to reconfigure the architecture of public law by tracing the intellectual source of the modern rights movement and chart its influence on contemporary legal and political practice. It investigates how a political discourse of natural rights has permeated legal discourse and then, through positivisation — that is, through the institutionalization of a conception of law as an expression of basic rights — has reconfigured the relationship between law and government. It assesses the impact of rights discourse on contemporary public law.Less
This chapter begins by discussing the possibility to reconfigure the architecture of public law by tracing the intellectual source of the modern rights movement and chart its influence on contemporary legal and political practice. It investigates how a political discourse of natural rights has permeated legal discourse and then, through positivisation — that is, through the institutionalization of a conception of law as an expression of basic rights — has reconfigured the relationship between law and government. It assesses the impact of rights discourse on contemporary public law.
Luin Goldring
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520225619
- eISBN:
- 9780520929869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520225619.003.0016
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter talks about the gendering of Mexican transmigrant political participation, and places it within the context of hometown associations. It first argues that Mexican politics in the United ...
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This chapter talks about the gendering of Mexican transmigrant political participation, and places it within the context of hometown associations. It first argues that Mexican politics in the United States are not gender neutral. One section summarizes the research methods that were utilized in gathering the information where the discussion is based. The next section takes a look at the background on Mexican migrant- and state-led transnationalism, before shifting to an analysis of the gendering of migrant political practice and organizations. The chapter ends with a study of the implications of the analysis, and provides some conclusions and suggestions for future research.Less
This chapter talks about the gendering of Mexican transmigrant political participation, and places it within the context of hometown associations. It first argues that Mexican politics in the United States are not gender neutral. One section summarizes the research methods that were utilized in gathering the information where the discussion is based. The next section takes a look at the background on Mexican migrant- and state-led transnationalism, before shifting to an analysis of the gendering of migrant political practice and organizations. The chapter ends with a study of the implications of the analysis, and provides some conclusions and suggestions for future research.
Julia Adeney Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520228542
- eISBN:
- 9780520926844
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520228542.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter examines the political conceptions of nature in Tokugawa, Japan. It analyzes the homologous characteristics that make these different natures comparable and which set them apart from ...
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This chapter examines the political conceptions of nature in Tokugawa, Japan. It analyzes the homologous characteristics that make these different natures comparable and which set them apart from later ideas in the Meiji and Taisho eras. The chapter outlines assumptions common to most Tokugawa views of nature and details the variety of politically meaningful senses of nature. It suggests that a belief shared by almost all these contending positions is that nature provided a sanctioned locale for correct political practice.Less
This chapter examines the political conceptions of nature in Tokugawa, Japan. It analyzes the homologous characteristics that make these different natures comparable and which set them apart from later ideas in the Meiji and Taisho eras. The chapter outlines assumptions common to most Tokugawa views of nature and details the variety of politically meaningful senses of nature. It suggests that a belief shared by almost all these contending positions is that nature provided a sanctioned locale for correct political practice.
Michael Jon Kessler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199769285
- eISBN:
- 9780199345144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199769285.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
This chapter explores how political theology is, in a plural age, a necessarily comparative enterprise. Reflection about political practices and norms and political engagement require encounters with ...
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This chapter explores how political theology is, in a plural age, a necessarily comparative enterprise. Reflection about political practices and norms and political engagement require encounters with those of different normative viewpoints and those who are citizens of other political orders, necessitating communicative clarity across divergent background assumptions, worldviews, and legitimating norms. Political theology as a discipline has not yet developed a robust justification for the comparative enterprise. The chapter examines the challenges in the related field of comparative religious ethics—a field from which lessons can be drawn about the need for systematic and methodological clarity about the goals for and possibilities of comparative political theology.Less
This chapter explores how political theology is, in a plural age, a necessarily comparative enterprise. Reflection about political practices and norms and political engagement require encounters with those of different normative viewpoints and those who are citizens of other political orders, necessitating communicative clarity across divergent background assumptions, worldviews, and legitimating norms. Political theology as a discipline has not yet developed a robust justification for the comparative enterprise. The chapter examines the challenges in the related field of comparative religious ethics—a field from which lessons can be drawn about the need for systematic and methodological clarity about the goals for and possibilities of comparative political theology.
Sherry L. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449178
- eISBN:
- 9780801460821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449178.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter analyzes individual responses to open-ended questions posed to a national sample of voters in 2000, to identify dominant trends in public opinion that remain as true now as then. ...
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This chapter analyzes individual responses to open-ended questions posed to a national sample of voters in 2000, to identify dominant trends in public opinion that remain as true now as then. Citizens across Japan use practices in their everyday lives to construct a definition of democracy that involves questioning the status quo and tradition, listening to diverse perspectives, encouraging participation and innovation, deliberating alternatives, and exposing the processes of decision-making. Japanese voters complain that elite political practices are far removed from their understanding of what democracy is and how it should be practiced. They criticize closed decision-making processes and the inability of politicians to offer concrete, detailed policy alternatives to the problems that concern voters most. Their changing attitudes about democracy and its practice provide a context for understanding observed patterns of participation in local politics and their implications for national political change.Less
This chapter analyzes individual responses to open-ended questions posed to a national sample of voters in 2000, to identify dominant trends in public opinion that remain as true now as then. Citizens across Japan use practices in their everyday lives to construct a definition of democracy that involves questioning the status quo and tradition, listening to diverse perspectives, encouraging participation and innovation, deliberating alternatives, and exposing the processes of decision-making. Japanese voters complain that elite political practices are far removed from their understanding of what democracy is and how it should be practiced. They criticize closed decision-making processes and the inability of politicians to offer concrete, detailed policy alternatives to the problems that concern voters most. Their changing attitudes about democracy and its practice provide a context for understanding observed patterns of participation in local politics and their implications for national political change.
Sherry L. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449178
- eISBN:
- 9780801460821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449178.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This concluding chapter offers concrete examples of political action by women and for women that is inextricable from the cognitive processes that are mobilized in political conversation, study and ...
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This concluding chapter offers concrete examples of political action by women and for women that is inextricable from the cognitive processes that are mobilized in political conversation, study and lifelong learning, and local political action. It examines how the state's interest in bringing citizens into collaborative relationships to solve problems coalesces with citizens' demands for direct participation. Japanese women are thus placed at the center of a struggle to harness human capital to achieve state developmental goals. The process by which everyday citizens convert basic education into knowledge for empowerment raises important questions for further research on the potential for lifelong learning to empower underrepresented and socially disadvantaged groups in the political process. The chapter concludes with reflections on the potential and limits of lifelong learning in promoting political deliberation, a more inclusive democracy, and more representative outcomes.Less
This concluding chapter offers concrete examples of political action by women and for women that is inextricable from the cognitive processes that are mobilized in political conversation, study and lifelong learning, and local political action. It examines how the state's interest in bringing citizens into collaborative relationships to solve problems coalesces with citizens' demands for direct participation. Japanese women are thus placed at the center of a struggle to harness human capital to achieve state developmental goals. The process by which everyday citizens convert basic education into knowledge for empowerment raises important questions for further research on the potential for lifelong learning to empower underrepresented and socially disadvantaged groups in the political process. The chapter concludes with reflections on the potential and limits of lifelong learning in promoting political deliberation, a more inclusive democracy, and more representative outcomes.
Robert S. Jansen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226487304
- eISBN:
- 9780226487588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226487588.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter explains how the new populist practices developed in 1931 became routinized in Peru. Just because a political actor does something does not mean that this action will succeed or that it ...
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This chapter explains how the new populist practices developed in 1931 became routinized in Peru. Just because a political actor does something does not mean that this action will succeed or that it will become a go-to political practice for others. For this new practice to enter into the repertoire in a stable way, it has to be repeated by others; and for this to happen, it has to resonate with popular audiences and be recognized as useful by other political actors. Populist mobilization, although new for the context, shared enough similarities with previous ideas and practices to avoid appearing entirely foreign to popular audiences; it produced recognizable successes for its practitioners; and it was subsequently picked up by other Peruvian actors. Furthermore, the fact that politicians in other Latin American countries were aware of these events played an important—though by no means simplistically determinative—role in the development of populist strategies elsewhere in the region. This chapter demonstrates that this was the case and shows how it happened.Less
This chapter explains how the new populist practices developed in 1931 became routinized in Peru. Just because a political actor does something does not mean that this action will succeed or that it will become a go-to political practice for others. For this new practice to enter into the repertoire in a stable way, it has to be repeated by others; and for this to happen, it has to resonate with popular audiences and be recognized as useful by other political actors. Populist mobilization, although new for the context, shared enough similarities with previous ideas and practices to avoid appearing entirely foreign to popular audiences; it produced recognizable successes for its practitioners; and it was subsequently picked up by other Peruvian actors. Furthermore, the fact that politicians in other Latin American countries were aware of these events played an important—though by no means simplistically determinative—role in the development of populist strategies elsewhere in the region. This chapter demonstrates that this was the case and shows how it happened.
Sherry L. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449178
- eISBN:
- 9780801460821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449178.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter introduces two sets of focus group participants—all women of voting age living in the Tokyo metropolitan area. These women use emphatic narratives about education, self-improvement, ...
More
This chapter introduces two sets of focus group participants—all women of voting age living in the Tokyo metropolitan area. These women use emphatic narratives about education, self-improvement, community, and national development when talking about electoral participation. They assume responsibility for teaching themselves and analyze their own interactions with the state in everyday life as their primary data source for evaluating national politics. Participants transform the focus group into a “community of practice” and through this process provide insight into how any study group, regardless of topic, upends traditional modes of knowledge production. Women's study groups yield alternative definitions of democracy and political practices that clash with “elite” national politics in Japan.Less
This chapter introduces two sets of focus group participants—all women of voting age living in the Tokyo metropolitan area. These women use emphatic narratives about education, self-improvement, community, and national development when talking about electoral participation. They assume responsibility for teaching themselves and analyze their own interactions with the state in everyday life as their primary data source for evaluating national politics. Participants transform the focus group into a “community of practice” and through this process provide insight into how any study group, regardless of topic, upends traditional modes of knowledge production. Women's study groups yield alternative definitions of democracy and political practices that clash with “elite” national politics in Japan.
