Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This second part of the book turns to an examination of the conditions under which it is morally justifiable to exercise political power to enforce international law in the pursuit of justice. Ch. 5 ...
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This second part of the book turns to an examination of the conditions under which it is morally justifiable to exercise political power to enforce international law in the pursuit of justice. Ch. 5 develops a justice‐based conception of political legitimacy, where “political legitimacy” is defined as follows: An entity has political legitimacy if and only if it is morally justified in exercising political power, where the exercise of political power may, in turn, be defined as the (credible) attempt to achieve supremacy in the making, application, and enforcement of laws within a jurisdiction. It is argued that an entity that exercises political power is morally justified in doing so only if it meets a minimal standard of justice, understood as the protection of basic human rights. The conception of political legitimacy offered is meant to be perfectly general, and applies to any entity that wields political power, whether at the state, regional, or international level; it is used again in Chs 6–8. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. Political Legitimacy and the Morality of Political Power; The Irrelevance of the Idea that We Owe Compliance to the Government; III. Explaining the Preoccupation with the Government's Right to be Obeyed; IV. Toward a Theory of Political Legitimacy; V. Why Should Some Persons Rather than Others Wield Political Power?; VI. Democracy and Mutual Obligations among Citizens; and VIII. Conclusions.Less
This second part of the book turns to an examination of the conditions under which it is morally justifiable to exercise political power to enforce international law in the pursuit of justice. Ch. 5 develops a justice‐based conception of political legitimacy, where “political legitimacy” is defined as follows: An entity has political legitimacy if and only if it is morally justified in exercising political power, where the exercise of political power may, in turn, be defined as the (credible) attempt to achieve supremacy in the making, application, and enforcement of laws within a jurisdiction. It is argued that an entity that exercises political power is morally justified in doing so only if it meets a minimal standard of justice, understood as the protection of basic human rights. The conception of political legitimacy offered is meant to be perfectly general, and applies to any entity that wields political power, whether at the state, regional, or international level; it is used again in Chs 6–8. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. Political Legitimacy and the Morality of Political Power; The Irrelevance of the Idea that We Owe Compliance to the Government; III. Explaining the Preoccupation with the Government's Right to be Obeyed; IV. Toward a Theory of Political Legitimacy; V. Why Should Some Persons Rather than Others Wield Political Power?; VI. Democracy and Mutual Obligations among Citizens; and VIII. Conclusions.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one ...
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Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.Less
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.
Susanne Karstedt
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266922
- eISBN:
- 9780191938184
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266922.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law
Prisons across the globe are manifestations of inequality. In any society, its most marginalised groups are overrepresented in prisons and all institutions of criminal justice. Notwithstanding this ...
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Prisons across the globe are manifestations of inequality. In any society, its most marginalised groups are overrepresented in prisons and all institutions of criminal justice. Notwithstanding this universal condition of contemporary criminal justice, the link between social inequality and inequality of punishment has been found to be tenuous and elusive. This contribution addresses the question how socio-economic inequality shapes the manifestations of punishment for a global sample of countries. As socio-economic inequality and criminal punishment are both multi-faceted concepts, several indicators are used for each. The findings confirm the highly contextual nature of the link between inequality and criminal punishment; they suggest a variegated impact of political economies, and a multiplicity of mechanisms that link inequality and criminal punishment across the globe.Less
Prisons across the globe are manifestations of inequality. In any society, its most marginalised groups are overrepresented in prisons and all institutions of criminal justice. Notwithstanding this universal condition of contemporary criminal justice, the link between social inequality and inequality of punishment has been found to be tenuous and elusive. This contribution addresses the question how socio-economic inequality shapes the manifestations of punishment for a global sample of countries. As socio-economic inequality and criminal punishment are both multi-faceted concepts, several indicators are used for each. The findings confirm the highly contextual nature of the link between inequality and criminal punishment; they suggest a variegated impact of political economies, and a multiplicity of mechanisms that link inequality and criminal punishment across the globe.
Yezid Sayigh
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The main strategic, economic, and political changes in the Middle East since the end of the cold war are outlined, and an attempt made to account for the linkages between them. It is argued, first, ...
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The main strategic, economic, and political changes in the Middle East since the end of the cold war are outlined, and an attempt made to account for the linkages between them. It is argued, first, that a combination of external and internal factors has reinforced the fragmentation of the Middle East state system, and further undermined prospects for regional cooperation or integration in the security, economic, and political spheres. The record of economic liberalization is examined, before analysing the process of political liberalization. In both cases the focus is on the state, since that is the level at which management of the domestic and external environments is conducted. This allows consideration in the conclusion of the extent to which changes in the region can be directly attributed to the end of the cold war, and of the assumptions about the relationship between the international system and its regional and national units, particularly with regard to the impact of globalization on the nation state and domestic structures of political power.Less
The main strategic, economic, and political changes in the Middle East since the end of the cold war are outlined, and an attempt made to account for the linkages between them. It is argued, first, that a combination of external and internal factors has reinforced the fragmentation of the Middle East state system, and further undermined prospects for regional cooperation or integration in the security, economic, and political spheres. The record of economic liberalization is examined, before analysing the process of political liberalization. In both cases the focus is on the state, since that is the level at which management of the domestic and external environments is conducted. This allows consideration in the conclusion of the extent to which changes in the region can be directly attributed to the end of the cold war, and of the assumptions about the relationship between the international system and its regional and national units, particularly with regard to the impact of globalization on the nation state and domestic structures of political power.
George A. Bermann
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Federal systems are about the distribution of legal and political power, but law is not only one of the currencies of federalism, it is also one of federalism's most important supports; this chapter ...
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Federal systems are about the distribution of legal and political power, but law is not only one of the currencies of federalism, it is also one of federalism's most important supports; this chapter considers the role that law plays in establishing and enforcing the system by which both legal and political power are distributed within the USA and the EU. Bermann explores the various ways in which the courts can, and choose to, enforce the principles of federalism beyond the classical ‘political’ and ‘procedural’ safeguards provided by the institutional structures themselves and the constraints on the deliberative process. He describes the reluctance on the part of courts on both sides to police the borders of enumerated competences, assess the ‘necessity’ of federal action, or carve out the ‘core’ of state sovereignty, all of which are ways of ‘second‐guessing’ the political process; he then points to the recent emphasis of the USA Supreme Court on what he calls the ‘relational’ aspects of federalism, whereby courts can identify ‘forbidden interfaces’ between State and federal governments, even without specific constitutional grounds. Bermann uses the examples of sovereign immunity and of anti‐commandeering to illustrate the manner in which court‐enforced constraints on the manner in which different levels of government interact can protect and promote democratic accountability in the USA. In contrast, European Union law offers no protection against risks to democracy from commandeering, but more broadly relies almost exclusively on the representation of member states and sub‐national units in the Council as structural political safeguards.Less
Federal systems are about the distribution of legal and political power, but law is not only one of the currencies of federalism, it is also one of federalism's most important supports; this chapter considers the role that law plays in establishing and enforcing the system by which both legal and political power are distributed within the USA and the EU. Bermann explores the various ways in which the courts can, and choose to, enforce the principles of federalism beyond the classical ‘political’ and ‘procedural’ safeguards provided by the institutional structures themselves and the constraints on the deliberative process. He describes the reluctance on the part of courts on both sides to police the borders of enumerated competences, assess the ‘necessity’ of federal action, or carve out the ‘core’ of state sovereignty, all of which are ways of ‘second‐guessing’ the political process; he then points to the recent emphasis of the USA Supreme Court on what he calls the ‘relational’ aspects of federalism, whereby courts can identify ‘forbidden interfaces’ between State and federal governments, even without specific constitutional grounds. Bermann uses the examples of sovereign immunity and of anti‐commandeering to illustrate the manner in which court‐enforced constraints on the manner in which different levels of government interact can protect and promote democratic accountability in the USA. In contrast, European Union law offers no protection against risks to democracy from commandeering, but more broadly relies almost exclusively on the representation of member states and sub‐national units in the Council as structural political safeguards.
Tariq Ramadan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195331714
- eISBN:
- 9780191720987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331714.003.0016
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter discusses the need to address issues such as education, civil societies, and the management of the different religious and political powers in the reform of Islamic thought. It argues ...
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This chapter discusses the need to address issues such as education, civil societies, and the management of the different religious and political powers in the reform of Islamic thought. It argues that people in the Islamic world continue speaking about the dynamics of power distribution, political power, scholarly authority, and relations to people, as if nothing had truly changed. They would like to reform societies by relying on classical, visible powers, without noticing the extent to which this approach is not only outdated but also dangerous.Less
This chapter discusses the need to address issues such as education, civil societies, and the management of the different religious and political powers in the reform of Islamic thought. It argues that people in the Islamic world continue speaking about the dynamics of power distribution, political power, scholarly authority, and relations to people, as if nothing had truly changed. They would like to reform societies by relying on classical, visible powers, without noticing the extent to which this approach is not only outdated but also dangerous.
Ngugi wa Thiongʼo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183907
- eISBN:
- 9780191674136
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183907.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
This book explores the relationship between art and political power in society, taking as its starting point the experience of writers in contemporary Africa, where they are often seen as the enemy ...
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This book explores the relationship between art and political power in society, taking as its starting point the experience of writers in contemporary Africa, where they are often seen as the enemy of the postcolonial state. This study, in turn, raises the wider issues of the relationship between the state of art and the art of the state, particularly in their struggle for the control of performance space in territorial, temporal, social, and even psychic contexts. The book calls for the alliance of art and people power and freedom and dignity against the encroachments of modern states. Art, it argues, needs to be active, engaged, insistent on being what it has always been, and the embodiment of dreams for a truly human world.Less
This book explores the relationship between art and political power in society, taking as its starting point the experience of writers in contemporary Africa, where they are often seen as the enemy of the postcolonial state. This study, in turn, raises the wider issues of the relationship between the state of art and the art of the state, particularly in their struggle for the control of performance space in territorial, temporal, social, and even psychic contexts. The book calls for the alliance of art and people power and freedom and dignity against the encroachments of modern states. Art, it argues, needs to be active, engaged, insistent on being what it has always been, and the embodiment of dreams for a truly human world.
Gautam Sen
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first section of this chapter examines the political and economic context of change in developing countries: the two themes are the evolution of the international economy, especially since the ...
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The first section of this chapter examines the political and economic context of change in developing countries: the two themes are the evolution of the international economy, especially since the 1970s, and the political impact of the ending of the cold war. The next section addresses the key issues of liberalization and globalization, which preceded the end of the cold war but are now influenced by that event. The next section identifies the deepening of liberalization and globalization, and the phenomenon of regional integration and asymmetric competition between developed and developing countries. A more detailed discussion of two important expressions of liberalization and globalization follows, in the context of the political implications for developing countries: these are the importance of structural adjustment programmes for the advance of the new market forms and their associated ideology, and the GATT Uruguay Round of trade negotiations. The two final sections of the chapter evaluate the use of political power by developed countries to achieve economic ends, and a concluding section assesses the possible future pattern of interaction between developed and developing countries.Less
The first section of this chapter examines the political and economic context of change in developing countries: the two themes are the evolution of the international economy, especially since the 1970s, and the political impact of the ending of the cold war. The next section addresses the key issues of liberalization and globalization, which preceded the end of the cold war but are now influenced by that event. The next section identifies the deepening of liberalization and globalization, and the phenomenon of regional integration and asymmetric competition between developed and developing countries. A more detailed discussion of two important expressions of liberalization and globalization follows, in the context of the political implications for developing countries: these are the importance of structural adjustment programmes for the advance of the new market forms and their associated ideology, and the GATT Uruguay Round of trade negotiations. The two final sections of the chapter evaluate the use of political power by developed countries to achieve economic ends, and a concluding section assesses the possible future pattern of interaction between developed and developing countries.
Robert Eric Frykenberg
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198263777
- eISBN:
- 9780191714191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198263777.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
The reasons why, prior to modern times, no single system of political power ever succeeded in bringing all of the Indian continent and its peoples under the rule of a single imperium can be found ...
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The reasons why, prior to modern times, no single system of political power ever succeeded in bringing all of the Indian continent and its peoples under the rule of a single imperium can be found within cultural, social, religious, and political complexities and dynamics of the continent itself. Between hundreds, if not thousands, of ethnically distinct respectable castes, intermarriage or interdining had not been acceptable. Intricate mosaics and networks of segmented and tightly stratified social structure and political power made the task of bringing all of India under one umbrella so difficult to achieve that processes of disintegration and fragmentation tended to undermine processes of political integration and unification. This chapter focuses on how and why such obstacles to political integration were overcome. It explains how fissiparous forces, tendencies, and traditions were gradually reversed, and how this was done by means and methods, manpower and money, that were a hybrid of indigenous and foreign influences.Less
The reasons why, prior to modern times, no single system of political power ever succeeded in bringing all of the Indian continent and its peoples under the rule of a single imperium can be found within cultural, social, religious, and political complexities and dynamics of the continent itself. Between hundreds, if not thousands, of ethnically distinct respectable castes, intermarriage or interdining had not been acceptable. Intricate mosaics and networks of segmented and tightly stratified social structure and political power made the task of bringing all of India under one umbrella so difficult to achieve that processes of disintegration and fragmentation tended to undermine processes of political integration and unification. This chapter focuses on how and why such obstacles to political integration were overcome. It explains how fissiparous forces, tendencies, and traditions were gradually reversed, and how this was done by means and methods, manpower and money, that were a hybrid of indigenous and foreign influences.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The idea of trusteeship in international society originates in late 18th century British India. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the emergence of trusteeship as a justification of political ...
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The idea of trusteeship in international society originates in late 18th century British India. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the emergence of trusteeship as a justification of political power in territories administered by the East India Company. The chapter has five sections: From Merchant to Sovereign in British India; The Claim to Rule; The Relations of Ruler and Subject; The Purpose of the Office of Government; and Providing Protection, Directing Improvement.Less
The idea of trusteeship in international society originates in late 18th century British India. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the emergence of trusteeship as a justification of political power in territories administered by the East India Company. The chapter has five sections: From Merchant to Sovereign in British India; The Claim to Rule; The Relations of Ruler and Subject; The Purpose of the Office of Government; and Providing Protection, Directing Improvement.
Elizabeth Frazer
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295648
- eISBN:
- 9780191599316
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295642.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Communitarians have often embraced one form or another of ‘social constructionism’, but social construction of what and how is often unclear. ‘Social constructionism’ is treated to interpretive, ...
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Communitarians have often embraced one form or another of ‘social constructionism’, but social construction of what and how is often unclear. ‘Social constructionism’ is treated to interpretive, conceptual analysis, and the relationship between social constructionism and communitarianism further explored. In particular, the role of political power in any constructionist project is emphasized.Less
Communitarians have often embraced one form or another of ‘social constructionism’, but social construction of what and how is often unclear. ‘Social constructionism’ is treated to interpretive, conceptual analysis, and the relationship between social constructionism and communitarianism further explored. In particular, the role of political power in any constructionist project is emphasized.
Kimberley Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387421
- eISBN:
- 9780199776771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387421.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores how Jim Crow reformers, energized by the New Deal and with access to its resources, attempted to further centralize government power in a political order that was characterized ...
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This chapter explores how Jim Crow reformers, energized by the New Deal and with access to its resources, attempted to further centralize government power in a political order that was characterized by a pervasive localism and general hostility toward government power. Although southern New Dealers played an important role in pushing for state-level administrative reform, university-based reformers and northern foundations also played a critical and largely overlooked role in this attempt to reshape and modernize southern state government. Their awkward position as critics of the state as well as state functionaries reflected the contradictory position in which many reformers found themselves. In the end, reformers' attempts to reorient government power toward the needs of the South's have-nots faltered on the reformers' lack of political power and their inability as servants of the state to directly address issues of power and race.Less
This chapter explores how Jim Crow reformers, energized by the New Deal and with access to its resources, attempted to further centralize government power in a political order that was characterized by a pervasive localism and general hostility toward government power. Although southern New Dealers played an important role in pushing for state-level administrative reform, university-based reformers and northern foundations also played a critical and largely overlooked role in this attempt to reshape and modernize southern state government. Their awkward position as critics of the state as well as state functionaries reflected the contradictory position in which many reformers found themselves. In the end, reformers' attempts to reorient government power toward the needs of the South's have-nots faltered on the reformers' lack of political power and their inability as servants of the state to directly address issues of power and race.
Maria Nadia Covini
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202141
- eISBN:
- 9780191675188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202141.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter considers the Italian political system from the middle of the 13th to the beginning of the 16th centuries. It examines the political and military powers which operated on the peninsula ...
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This chapter considers the Italian political system from the middle of the 13th to the beginning of the 16th centuries. It examines the political and military powers which operated on the peninsula during this period and identifies the factors of change, elements of conflict, and the multiplicity of factors involved. It addresses questions concerning the relationships of interdependence created within the system between the major states and other autonomous holders of political power, and the competitive dynamics and consequent selection of the competitors.Less
This chapter considers the Italian political system from the middle of the 13th to the beginning of the 16th centuries. It examines the political and military powers which operated on the peninsula during this period and identifies the factors of change, elements of conflict, and the multiplicity of factors involved. It addresses questions concerning the relationships of interdependence created within the system between the major states and other autonomous holders of political power, and the competitive dynamics and consequent selection of the competitors.
Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Ch. 5 outlined an argument for a justice‐based general conception of what might be called internal political legitimacy: the conditions under which the exercise of political power within a political ...
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Ch. 5 outlined an argument for a justice‐based general conception of what might be called internal political legitimacy: the conditions under which the exercise of political power within a political entity's own borders is morally justified. This conception of internal political legitimacy is used in Ch. 6 as a component of an account of recognitional legitimacy (also called international legitimacy). The concept of recognitional legitimacy plays a central role in international legal institutions and international affairs, where states, governments, and insurgency movements may all be recognized or not recognized as legitimate by individual states, groups of states, or regional or international organizations. The primary focus of this chapter is recognitional legitimacy as applied to states—i.e. on the judgement that a particular entity should or should not be recognized as a member in good standing of the system of states, with all the rights, powers, liberties, and immunities that go with that status; the guiding idea of the approach is that recognition is an act with serious moral implications and, as such, ought to be governed by rules that are themselves morally justifiable. The three sections of the chapter are: The Concept of Recognitional Legitimacy; II. Justifying the Justice‐Based Theory of Recognitional Legitimacy; and III. Legitimacy of States Versus Legitimacy of Governments.Less
Ch. 5 outlined an argument for a justice‐based general conception of what might be called internal political legitimacy: the conditions under which the exercise of political power within a political entity's own borders is morally justified. This conception of internal political legitimacy is used in Ch. 6 as a component of an account of recognitional legitimacy (also called international legitimacy). The concept of recognitional legitimacy plays a central role in international legal institutions and international affairs, where states, governments, and insurgency movements may all be recognized or not recognized as legitimate by individual states, groups of states, or regional or international organizations. The primary focus of this chapter is recognitional legitimacy as applied to states—i.e. on the judgement that a particular entity should or should not be recognized as a member in good standing of the system of states, with all the rights, powers, liberties, and immunities that go with that status; the guiding idea of the approach is that recognition is an act with serious moral implications and, as such, ought to be governed by rules that are themselves morally justifiable. The three sections of the chapter are: The Concept of Recognitional Legitimacy; II. Justifying the Justice‐Based Theory of Recognitional Legitimacy; and III. Legitimacy of States Versus Legitimacy of Governments.
André Béteille
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198077435
- eISBN:
- 9780199081080
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077435.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This chapter describes how political power is distributed in Sripuram. It focuses on its relation to social stratification. Their relations to group structures such as panchayats, parties, and local ...
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This chapter describes how political power is distributed in Sripuram. It focuses on its relation to social stratification. Their relations to group structures such as panchayats, parties, and local elites are dealt with. The analysis of the role of parties in village politics assumes particular importance in the context of Panchayati Raj. The study of political parties leads to the examination of ideologies. Political power is usually viewed as being based on economic dominance, social status, numerical support, or “personal” qualities of leadership. The agraharam does not possess a very strong or unified leadership. The Brahmins shifted their support to the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagham (D.M.K.) from Congress party. The creation of new political opportunities and new bases of power has provided congenial conditions for the development of elaborate networks of patronage.Less
This chapter describes how political power is distributed in Sripuram. It focuses on its relation to social stratification. Their relations to group structures such as panchayats, parties, and local elites are dealt with. The analysis of the role of parties in village politics assumes particular importance in the context of Panchayati Raj. The study of political parties leads to the examination of ideologies. Political power is usually viewed as being based on economic dominance, social status, numerical support, or “personal” qualities of leadership. The agraharam does not possess a very strong or unified leadership. The Brahmins shifted their support to the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagham (D.M.K.) from Congress party. The creation of new political opportunities and new bases of power has provided congenial conditions for the development of elaborate networks of patronage.
Elizabeth Frazer
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295648
- eISBN:
- 9780191599316
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295642.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Communitarianism in political theory has been connected with interpretivism and the hermeneutic tradition: the nature of this relationship, epistemological, metaphysical, methodological, and ethical, ...
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Communitarianism in political theory has been connected with interpretivism and the hermeneutic tradition: the nature of this relationship, epistemological, metaphysical, methodological, and ethical, is explored. Disputes about the method of interpretation, and about issues of validity, are discussed. Communitarians have tended to emphasize the theme of ‘agreement’ and co‐membership of community as the ground for interpretation. An alternative analysis of interpretation emphasizes disagreement and indeterminacy, and the role of political power. Thus it is suggested that there is a pronounced tension between communitarianism and interpretation.Less
Communitarianism in political theory has been connected with interpretivism and the hermeneutic tradition: the nature of this relationship, epistemological, metaphysical, methodological, and ethical, is explored. Disputes about the method of interpretation, and about issues of validity, are discussed. Communitarians have tended to emphasize the theme of ‘agreement’ and co‐membership of community as the ground for interpretation. An alternative analysis of interpretation emphasizes disagreement and indeterminacy, and the role of political power. Thus it is suggested that there is a pronounced tension between communitarianism and interpretation.
R. R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208785
- eISBN:
- 9780191678141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208785.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
The period from 1172 to 1277 witnessed momentous changes in Wales. Some of those changes within society, economic life, and the church have already been outlined. They were equally momentous in the ...
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The period from 1172 to 1277 witnessed momentous changes in Wales. Some of those changes within society, economic life, and the church have already been outlined. They were equally momentous in the political life of the country. By the late twelfth century, the map of political power in Wales had largely assumed the shape it was to retain until the Edwardian Conquest. The age of rapid advance by the Anglo-Normans had come to an end; it was followed by an age of consolidation. During the same period, the structure of political authority within Wales was being transformed, particularly within native Wales. There were continuities with the past, of course, in the principles and practice of power, both within and between the ruling dynasties.Less
The period from 1172 to 1277 witnessed momentous changes in Wales. Some of those changes within society, economic life, and the church have already been outlined. They were equally momentous in the political life of the country. By the late twelfth century, the map of political power in Wales had largely assumed the shape it was to retain until the Edwardian Conquest. The age of rapid advance by the Anglo-Normans had come to an end; it was followed by an age of consolidation. During the same period, the structure of political authority within Wales was being transformed, particularly within native Wales. There were continuities with the past, of course, in the principles and practice of power, both within and between the ruling dynasties.
Wolfgang C. Müller
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296645
- eISBN:
- 9780191599613
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296649.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Austria starts by discussing the challenge of co-ordination, and outlining the policy changes and reforms in the lead-up to ...
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This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Austria starts by discussing the challenge of co-ordination, and outlining the policy changes and reforms in the lead-up to membership of the EU. The strategy employed has resulted in high ambitions concerning EU co-ordination, and this co-ordination ambition is supported by a policy-making culture that values co-ordination and integration, and is based on the country’s long tradition of wide consultation, grand coalition government, parliamentary consensus seeking, and corporatism. The remainder of the chapter looks at the various actors involved individually, briefly pointing out in which way membership of the EU constitutes a challenge, mapping out the respective actor’s formal role in the co-ordination process, and evaluating the actor’s impact on Austria’s position- taking in the EU. The five sets of actors examined are: the central players ( the cabinet and the central administration); Parliament; the President; the Länder; and interest groups (corporatism). The conclusion aims at an overall evaluation of the EU co-ordination process from a political power perspective.Less
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Austria starts by discussing the challenge of co-ordination, and outlining the policy changes and reforms in the lead-up to membership of the EU. The strategy employed has resulted in high ambitions concerning EU co-ordination, and this co-ordination ambition is supported by a policy-making culture that values co-ordination and integration, and is based on the country’s long tradition of wide consultation, grand coalition government, parliamentary consensus seeking, and corporatism. The remainder of the chapter looks at the various actors involved individually, briefly pointing out in which way membership of the EU constitutes a challenge, mapping out the respective actor’s formal role in the co-ordination process, and evaluating the actor’s impact on Austria’s position- taking in the EU. The five sets of actors examined are: the central players ( the cabinet and the central administration); Parliament; the President; the Länder; and interest groups (corporatism). The conclusion aims at an overall evaluation of the EU co-ordination process from a political power perspective.
John Landers
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199279579
- eISBN:
- 9780191719448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199279579.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Social History, Economic History
Organic economies with their restrictions on production, transportation, and the deployment of military force necessarily constrained the relationship between power and space, but the outcome of this ...
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Organic economies with their restrictions on production, transportation, and the deployment of military force necessarily constrained the relationship between power and space, but the outcome of this constraint was historically viable. The history and geography of political power is very largely the history and geography of states, thus, it is necessary to consider the state as a spatial phenomenon. The states of early modern Europe were mostly bordered by structural homologues: other states similarly organised and comparably armed. Most of the peoples with whom western rulers had to deal can be categorised as the ‘northern barbarians’ of antiquity, the early medieval Slavs and cognate peoples in eastern Europe and the Balkans, and the nomadic peoples who intruded periodically from the steppe and the desert fringes. Tributary dependence was often enforced by raiding strategies, but the expansion of control usually required occupation.Less
Organic economies with their restrictions on production, transportation, and the deployment of military force necessarily constrained the relationship between power and space, but the outcome of this constraint was historically viable. The history and geography of political power is very largely the history and geography of states, thus, it is necessary to consider the state as a spatial phenomenon. The states of early modern Europe were mostly bordered by structural homologues: other states similarly organised and comparably armed. Most of the peoples with whom western rulers had to deal can be categorised as the ‘northern barbarians’ of antiquity, the early medieval Slavs and cognate peoples in eastern Europe and the Balkans, and the nomadic peoples who intruded periodically from the steppe and the desert fringes. Tributary dependence was often enforced by raiding strategies, but the expansion of control usually required occupation.
John Landers
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199279579
- eISBN:
- 9780191719448
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199279579.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History, Economic History
This book offers a new approach to the pre-industrial past in Europe and the Mediterranean basin from the Roman Republic to the fall of Napoleon. It takes as its starting point E. A. Wrigley’s ...
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This book offers a new approach to the pre-industrial past in Europe and the Mediterranean basin from the Roman Republic to the fall of Napoleon. It takes as its starting point E. A. Wrigley’s concept of ‘organic economies’ and their reliance on the land for energy and raw materials. It first considers the constraints on productivity, transportation, and the spatial organization of the economy. The second section analyses the constraints imposed by military technology and by the organic economy on the tactical, operational, and strategic use of armed force, and the consequences of the spread of firearms in recorded history’s first energy revolution. This is followed by an analysis of the military and economic constraints on the political integration of space through the formation of geographically extensive political units. The volume concludes with the demographic and economic consequences of the investment of manpower and resources in war. This volume also considers why so much potential or organic economies to support economic and political development remained unrealized. Endemic mass poverty curtailed demand, limiting incentives for investment and innovation, and keeping output growth below what was technologically possible. Resource shortages prevented rulers from establishing a fiscal apparatus capable of appropriating such resources as were physically available. But economic inefficiency also created under-utilized resources that could potentially be mobilized in pursuit of political power. The volume gives an innovative account of this potential — and why it was realized in the ancient world rather than the medieval west — together with a new analysis of the gunpowder revolution and the inability of rulers to meet the consequential costs within the confines of an organic economy.Less
This book offers a new approach to the pre-industrial past in Europe and the Mediterranean basin from the Roman Republic to the fall of Napoleon. It takes as its starting point E. A. Wrigley’s concept of ‘organic economies’ and their reliance on the land for energy and raw materials. It first considers the constraints on productivity, transportation, and the spatial organization of the economy. The second section analyses the constraints imposed by military technology and by the organic economy on the tactical, operational, and strategic use of armed force, and the consequences of the spread of firearms in recorded history’s first energy revolution. This is followed by an analysis of the military and economic constraints on the political integration of space through the formation of geographically extensive political units. The volume concludes with the demographic and economic consequences of the investment of manpower and resources in war. This volume also considers why so much potential or organic economies to support economic and political development remained unrealized. Endemic mass poverty curtailed demand, limiting incentives for investment and innovation, and keeping output growth below what was technologically possible. Resource shortages prevented rulers from establishing a fiscal apparatus capable of appropriating such resources as were physically available. But economic inefficiency also created under-utilized resources that could potentially be mobilized in pursuit of political power. The volume gives an innovative account of this potential — and why it was realized in the ancient world rather than the medieval west — together with a new analysis of the gunpowder revolution and the inability of rulers to meet the consequential costs within the confines of an organic economy.
