David Schlosberg
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256419
- eISBN:
- 9780191600203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256411.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
An examination is made of a genealogy of pluralist approaches to multiplicity and difference in the twentieth century, starting with William James (1976 [1912], 1977 [1909]), who began his study of ...
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An examination is made of a genealogy of pluralist approaches to multiplicity and difference in the twentieth century, starting with William James (1976 [1912], 1977 [1909]), who began his study of pluralism with a ‘radical empiricism’ that is opposed to a more singular, monist position. James argued that our experiences of empirical events diverge, and one explanation could never encompass all of those experiences; other political pluralists (Arthur Bentley, Ernest Barker, Harold Laski, Mary Parker Follett) took James’s critique of absolutism and applied it to the state. Post-Second World War pluralists used the concept of heterogeneity in a much more constricted sense to defend and promote self-interested interest groups. However, more recently, there has been a return to multiplicities, and Donna Haraway’s (1988) description of ‘situated knowledges’ and ‘embodied objectivity’, in which she argues for ‘epistemologies of location’ where claims of knowledge can only be considered partial, resurrects James. The argument here is that a return to such original notions of pluralism helps validate the diversity of experiences and knowledges that grow out of the variety of ways we are all situated in any number of experiences, including environmental degradation.Less
An examination is made of a genealogy of pluralist approaches to multiplicity and difference in the twentieth century, starting with William James (1976 [1912], 1977 [1909]), who began his study of pluralism with a ‘radical empiricism’ that is opposed to a more singular, monist position. James argued that our experiences of empirical events diverge, and one explanation could never encompass all of those experiences; other political pluralists (Arthur Bentley, Ernest Barker, Harold Laski, Mary Parker Follett) took James’s critique of absolutism and applied it to the state. Post-Second World War pluralists used the concept of heterogeneity in a much more constricted sense to defend and promote self-interested interest groups. However, more recently, there has been a return to multiplicities, and Donna Haraway’s (1988) description of ‘situated knowledges’ and ‘embodied objectivity’, in which she argues for ‘epistemologies of location’ where claims of knowledge can only be considered partial, resurrects James. The argument here is that a return to such original notions of pluralism helps validate the diversity of experiences and knowledges that grow out of the variety of ways we are all situated in any number of experiences, including environmental degradation.
Robert Song
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198269335
- eISBN:
- 9780191683619
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198269335.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology, Religion and Society
Liberalism forms the dominant political ideology of the modern world, but despite its pervasive influence, this is the first book-length treatment of liberal political thought from a Christian ...
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Liberalism forms the dominant political ideology of the modern world, but despite its pervasive influence, this is the first book-length treatment of liberal political thought from a Christian theological perspective. The book discusses the different aspects and interpretations of liberalism with reference to the critiques of three 20th-century theologians: the American Protestant Reinhold Niebuhr on the liberal progressivist philosophy of history; the lesser-known Canadian George Grant on the threat of technology to fundamental liberal values, as articulated in the recent work of John Rawls; and the French Thomist Jacques Maritain on the defence of political pluralism. Further to this, The book explores the implications of this political theology for the issues in fundamental constitutional theory raised by a bill of rights and judicial review of legislation, and concludes with an account of the critical but supportive stance of liberalism Christian theology should take.Less
Liberalism forms the dominant political ideology of the modern world, but despite its pervasive influence, this is the first book-length treatment of liberal political thought from a Christian theological perspective. The book discusses the different aspects and interpretations of liberalism with reference to the critiques of three 20th-century theologians: the American Protestant Reinhold Niebuhr on the liberal progressivist philosophy of history; the lesser-known Canadian George Grant on the threat of technology to fundamental liberal values, as articulated in the recent work of John Rawls; and the French Thomist Jacques Maritain on the defence of political pluralism. Further to this, The book explores the implications of this political theology for the issues in fundamental constitutional theory raised by a bill of rights and judicial review of legislation, and concludes with an account of the critical but supportive stance of liberalism Christian theology should take.
J. E. M. Thirkell, K. Petkov, and S. A. Vickerstaff
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198289791
- eISBN:
- 9780191684760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198289791.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR, International Business
The function of this chapter is to situate developments in labour relations in their broader national, political, and economic contexts. The scope for reform of the labour relations model is highly ...
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The function of this chapter is to situate developments in labour relations in their broader national, political, and economic contexts. The scope for reform of the labour relations model is highly contingent upon the prevailing political and economic environment, although the influence is not all in one direction. A basic assumption behind neo-liberal models of ‘transition’ is that the change in regime to a liberal market model will result in the depoliticization of labour relations and the withdrawal of the state from enterprise administration and management. This chapter explores the validity of such assumptions. The first section aims to explain the nature of the Soviet model of labour relations and its dependence on the economic and political structures of the Soviet model of socialism. The second section aims to show how the development of political pluralism and the market economy has been influenced by the imposition of the neo-liberal model of economic transformation. The third section concludes by comparing the patterns of development in the different countries.Less
The function of this chapter is to situate developments in labour relations in their broader national, political, and economic contexts. The scope for reform of the labour relations model is highly contingent upon the prevailing political and economic environment, although the influence is not all in one direction. A basic assumption behind neo-liberal models of ‘transition’ is that the change in regime to a liberal market model will result in the depoliticization of labour relations and the withdrawal of the state from enterprise administration and management. This chapter explores the validity of such assumptions. The first section aims to explain the nature of the Soviet model of labour relations and its dependence on the economic and political structures of the Soviet model of socialism. The second section aims to show how the development of political pluralism and the market economy has been influenced by the imposition of the neo-liberal model of economic transformation. The third section concludes by comparing the patterns of development in the different countries.
Or Rosenboim
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691168722
- eISBN:
- 9781400885237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691168722.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the interplay of moral universalism and political pluralism as the foundation of a new global democracy by focusing on the arguments put forward by Jacques Maritain and Luigi ...
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This chapter examines the interplay of moral universalism and political pluralism as the foundation of a new global democracy by focusing on the arguments put forward by Jacques Maritain and Luigi Sturzo, who claimed that Christianity—and especially Catholicism—provided the theoretical toolkit for constructing a peaceful and prosperous post-war order for individuals and communities. Charting their interactions with other protagonists of the book, including Raymond Aron, Giuseppe Antonio Borgese, and Reinhold Niebuhr, the chapter considers Maritain and Sturzo’s support of federalism as a shape-giving principle for the new world order and shows that their visions differed on a crucial point: the place of democracy in the globalist agenda. It suggests that Sturzo’s attachment to social Catholicism led his vision of global order away from the conservative stance that characterized Maritain’s proposals, towards a dialectical interpretation of politics.Less
This chapter examines the interplay of moral universalism and political pluralism as the foundation of a new global democracy by focusing on the arguments put forward by Jacques Maritain and Luigi Sturzo, who claimed that Christianity—and especially Catholicism—provided the theoretical toolkit for constructing a peaceful and prosperous post-war order for individuals and communities. Charting their interactions with other protagonists of the book, including Raymond Aron, Giuseppe Antonio Borgese, and Reinhold Niebuhr, the chapter considers Maritain and Sturzo’s support of federalism as a shape-giving principle for the new world order and shows that their visions differed on a crucial point: the place of democracy in the globalist agenda. It suggests that Sturzo’s attachment to social Catholicism led his vision of global order away from the conservative stance that characterized Maritain’s proposals, towards a dialectical interpretation of politics.
James F. McMillan
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203193
- eISBN:
- 9780191675775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203193.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses political Catholicism in France. At the beginning of the 20th century, the great majority of French Catholics were conservatives of one hue or another. But between the end of ...
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This chapter discusses political Catholicism in France. At the beginning of the 20th century, the great majority of French Catholics were conservatives of one hue or another. But between the end of the First World War and the opening of the Second Vatican Council, the close link between Catholicism and traditional right-wing politics was broken. By 1960, not only had Catholics come to embrace the principle of political pluralism, but it was even possible to discern the advent of a new Catholic left as a significant element on the French political scene. Developments in political Catholicism were not solely responsible for this transformation, but they played a crucial role. The chapter focuses on the opening to the left, particularly in the inter-war period. Building on the solid foundations laid in the years before 1914, the years 1919–39 can be seen in retrospect as a watershed, more so than the period after 1940.Less
This chapter discusses political Catholicism in France. At the beginning of the 20th century, the great majority of French Catholics were conservatives of one hue or another. But between the end of the First World War and the opening of the Second Vatican Council, the close link between Catholicism and traditional right-wing politics was broken. By 1960, not only had Catholics come to embrace the principle of political pluralism, but it was even possible to discern the advent of a new Catholic left as a significant element on the French political scene. Developments in political Catholicism were not solely responsible for this transformation, but they played a crucial role. The chapter focuses on the opening to the left, particularly in the inter-war period. Building on the solid foundations laid in the years before 1914, the years 1919–39 can be seen in retrospect as a watershed, more so than the period after 1940.
Filali-Ansary Abdou
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639694
- eISBN:
- 9780748653195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639694.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter discusses pluralism and liberalism in contemporary Islamic thought. The first section discusses the relationship between Islam and pluralism. The inception of cultural debates over ...
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This chapter discusses pluralism and liberalism in contemporary Islamic thought. The first section discusses the relationship between Islam and pluralism. The inception of cultural debates over liberalism and pluralism in the Arab world began in the 1960s. However, prior to that, debates over the issue of modernization and the relationship with the rest of the world were conducted in terms of secularism or secularism vis-à-vis Islam. This was unfortunate because this secularism associated with modernization was seen as the French version characterized by uncompromising separation between the state and religion. For Muslim thinkers, it is primarily due to this factor that debates on liberalism and Islam contain a great deal of negative residue from debates on secularism and Islam. The second section discusses the issue of political authority following the collapse of the Ottoman caliphate and the emergence of nation-states. The third section discusses citizenship and relationships with non-Muslims. The chapter concludes by discussing cultural and political pluralism.Less
This chapter discusses pluralism and liberalism in contemporary Islamic thought. The first section discusses the relationship between Islam and pluralism. The inception of cultural debates over liberalism and pluralism in the Arab world began in the 1960s. However, prior to that, debates over the issue of modernization and the relationship with the rest of the world were conducted in terms of secularism or secularism vis-à-vis Islam. This was unfortunate because this secularism associated with modernization was seen as the French version characterized by uncompromising separation between the state and religion. For Muslim thinkers, it is primarily due to this factor that debates on liberalism and Islam contain a great deal of negative residue from debates on secularism and Islam. The second section discusses the issue of political authority following the collapse of the Ottoman caliphate and the emergence of nation-states. The third section discusses citizenship and relationships with non-Muslims. The chapter concludes by discussing cultural and political pluralism.
Karen E. Rignall
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781501756122
- eISBN:
- 9781501756146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501756122.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, African Cultural Anthropology
This chapter expands the account of rural political life to detail how state involvement in the valley sustained political pluralism as a central feature of local politics and social mobilizations. ...
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This chapter expands the account of rural political life to detail how state involvement in the valley sustained political pluralism as a central feature of local politics and social mobilizations. The chapter tracks how the colonial history of indirect rule shaped contemporary state strategies for asserting authority in marginalized rural zones. These strategies buttressed land and communal identity as the basis for rural governance and collective action. Although implanting a territorializing modern state in Morocco certainly involved dismantling many aspects of communal governance, the chapter then argues that state actors often seemed as invested as many nonstate actors in preserving the political pluralism of the rural southeast, including nonstate forms of communal authority. Ultimately, the chapter details how after independence in 1956, the practice of cultivating heterogeneity continued to inform state strategies for control and shaped the quotidian political life.Less
This chapter expands the account of rural political life to detail how state involvement in the valley sustained political pluralism as a central feature of local politics and social mobilizations. The chapter tracks how the colonial history of indirect rule shaped contemporary state strategies for asserting authority in marginalized rural zones. These strategies buttressed land and communal identity as the basis for rural governance and collective action. Although implanting a territorializing modern state in Morocco certainly involved dismantling many aspects of communal governance, the chapter then argues that state actors often seemed as invested as many nonstate actors in preserving the political pluralism of the rural southeast, including nonstate forms of communal authority. Ultimately, the chapter details how after independence in 1956, the practice of cultivating heterogeneity continued to inform state strategies for control and shaped the quotidian political life.
Victor M. Muniz-Fraticelli
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199673889
- eISBN:
- 9780191752148
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199673889.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
The Structure of Pluralism argues that political pluralism is a cogent political tradition that makes distinctive and radical claims regarding the sources of political authority and the ...
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The Structure of Pluralism argues that political pluralism is a cogent political tradition that makes distinctive and radical claims regarding the sources of political authority and the relationship between associations and the state. It reconstructs the arguments of the fin de siècle British pluralists and demonstrates their continuity with recent philosophical accounts of group personality and legal authority. Pluralism proceeds from the observation that many associations in liberal democracies claim to possess, and attempt to exercise, a measure of legitimate authority over their members, and assert that this authority does not derive from the magnanimity of a liberal and tolerant state but is grounded, rather, on the common practices and aspirations of those individuals who choose to take part in a common endeavour. As an account of the authority of associations, pluralism is distinct from other attempts to accommodate groups like multiculturalism, subsidiarity, corporatism, and associational democracy. It is consistent with the explanation of legal authority proposed by contemporary legal positivists, and recommends that the formal normative systems of highly organized groups be accorded the status of fully legal norms when they encounter the laws of the state. It is also supported by the most recent developments in social ontology that defend the moral and political agency of corporate groups, and suggests that these groups be recognized as moral and juridical persons not by a grant of the state, but as a consequence of their internal structures of authority and decision-making.Less
The Structure of Pluralism argues that political pluralism is a cogent political tradition that makes distinctive and radical claims regarding the sources of political authority and the relationship between associations and the state. It reconstructs the arguments of the fin de siècle British pluralists and demonstrates their continuity with recent philosophical accounts of group personality and legal authority. Pluralism proceeds from the observation that many associations in liberal democracies claim to possess, and attempt to exercise, a measure of legitimate authority over their members, and assert that this authority does not derive from the magnanimity of a liberal and tolerant state but is grounded, rather, on the common practices and aspirations of those individuals who choose to take part in a common endeavour. As an account of the authority of associations, pluralism is distinct from other attempts to accommodate groups like multiculturalism, subsidiarity, corporatism, and associational democracy. It is consistent with the explanation of legal authority proposed by contemporary legal positivists, and recommends that the formal normative systems of highly organized groups be accorded the status of fully legal norms when they encounter the laws of the state. It is also supported by the most recent developments in social ontology that defend the moral and political agency of corporate groups, and suggests that these groups be recognized as moral and juridical persons not by a grant of the state, but as a consequence of their internal structures of authority and decision-making.
Jeremy Barris
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780823262144
- eISBN:
- 9780823266647
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823262144.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The chapter argues that the artificiality of Oscar Wilde’s wit and style exemplifies the logic and method of genuine, undogmatic political pluralism in a deeply consistent and illuminating way. The ...
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The chapter argues that the artificiality of Oscar Wilde’s wit and style exemplifies the logic and method of genuine, undogmatic political pluralism in a deeply consistent and illuminating way. The chapter argues that while the most widely known current approaches to political pluralism suffer from the unacknowledged and unmanaged contradiction of definitively rejecting all nonpluralistic positions, Wilde acknowledges and manages that contradiction. His work presents the serious and unartificial possibility of things’ being essentially otherwise than they can be conceived to be in any given standpoint. Now, raising the possibility of thoroughly new meanings, entirely unrelated to all the familiar meanings we have access to in considering that possibility, is nonsensical: it undermines its own meanings in raising that possibility as something it aims to mean. But, as the book argues, this kind of nonsense is so thoroughgoing that it cancels itself in turn and restores the original sense whose conflicts produced it. As a result, this process both opens the possibility of essentially new standpoints and also validates incompatible, familiar standpoints exactly as they are. This validation, then, involves the self-canceling recognition, without simple mutual elimination, of essentially different and therefore mutually exclusive “spaces.”Less
The chapter argues that the artificiality of Oscar Wilde’s wit and style exemplifies the logic and method of genuine, undogmatic political pluralism in a deeply consistent and illuminating way. The chapter argues that while the most widely known current approaches to political pluralism suffer from the unacknowledged and unmanaged contradiction of definitively rejecting all nonpluralistic positions, Wilde acknowledges and manages that contradiction. His work presents the serious and unartificial possibility of things’ being essentially otherwise than they can be conceived to be in any given standpoint. Now, raising the possibility of thoroughly new meanings, entirely unrelated to all the familiar meanings we have access to in considering that possibility, is nonsensical: it undermines its own meanings in raising that possibility as something it aims to mean. But, as the book argues, this kind of nonsense is so thoroughgoing that it cancels itself in turn and restores the original sense whose conflicts produced it. As a result, this process both opens the possibility of essentially new standpoints and also validates incompatible, familiar standpoints exactly as they are. This validation, then, involves the self-canceling recognition, without simple mutual elimination, of essentially different and therefore mutually exclusive “spaces.”
Hanna Lukkari
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474454971
- eISBN:
- 9781474490733
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474454971.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter presents a reading of Hannah Arendt’s constitutional thinking from the perspective of the paradox of constituent power. The paradox at issue here is that, on the one hand, in order to ...
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This chapter presents a reading of Hannah Arendt’s constitutional thinking from the perspective of the paradox of constituent power. The paradox at issue here is that, on the one hand, in order to exercise its constituent power, ‘the people’ needs some kind of representation, but on the other hand, all forms of representation are determinations of collective existence and held, in a constitutional democracy, to derive their power from ‘the people’. At stake in constitutional democracy is the contingency of representations of ‘the people’ and the possibility of their modification in response to claims that exclusion from or inclusion within ‘the people’ is violent and alienating. This chapter argues that the paradox ‘glimmers’ in Arendt’s work: it almost crystallizes into an account of the tensions present in ‘the act of founding’, but the ambiguities are again obscured by her republican ideal of constitutio libertatis. The chapter also traces an implication of this ‘glimmering’ in Arendt’s work that is problematic from the perspective of political pluralism: her ‘civilisationalism’. Less
This chapter presents a reading of Hannah Arendt’s constitutional thinking from the perspective of the paradox of constituent power. The paradox at issue here is that, on the one hand, in order to exercise its constituent power, ‘the people’ needs some kind of representation, but on the other hand, all forms of representation are determinations of collective existence and held, in a constitutional democracy, to derive their power from ‘the people’. At stake in constitutional democracy is the contingency of representations of ‘the people’ and the possibility of their modification in response to claims that exclusion from or inclusion within ‘the people’ is violent and alienating. This chapter argues that the paradox ‘glimmers’ in Arendt’s work: it almost crystallizes into an account of the tensions present in ‘the act of founding’, but the ambiguities are again obscured by her republican ideal of constitutio libertatis. The chapter also traces an implication of this ‘glimmering’ in Arendt’s work that is problematic from the perspective of political pluralism: her ‘civilisationalism’.
Jean L. Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198794394
- eISBN:
- 9780191835896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198794394.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state, and the coincidence of worldly powers of political rule, public authority, legitimacy, and jurisdiction with territorially delimited state ...
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We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state, and the coincidence of worldly powers of political rule, public authority, legitimacy, and jurisdiction with territorially delimited state authority. We are now also used to referencing liberal principles of justice, social-democratic ideals of fairness, republican conceptions of non-domination, and democratic ideas of popular sovereignty (democratic constitutionalism) for the standards that constitute, guide, limit, and legitimate the sovereign exercise of public power. This chapter addresses an important challenge to these principles: the re-emergence of theories and claims to jurisdictional/political pluralism on behalf of non-state ‘nomos groups’ within well-established liberal democratic polities. The purpose of this chapter is to preserve the key achievements of democratic constitutionalism and apply them to every level on which public power, rule, and/or domination is exercised.Less
We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state, and the coincidence of worldly powers of political rule, public authority, legitimacy, and jurisdiction with territorially delimited state authority. We are now also used to referencing liberal principles of justice, social-democratic ideals of fairness, republican conceptions of non-domination, and democratic ideas of popular sovereignty (democratic constitutionalism) for the standards that constitute, guide, limit, and legitimate the sovereign exercise of public power. This chapter addresses an important challenge to these principles: the re-emergence of theories and claims to jurisdictional/political pluralism on behalf of non-state ‘nomos groups’ within well-established liberal democratic polities. The purpose of this chapter is to preserve the key achievements of democratic constitutionalism and apply them to every level on which public power, rule, and/or domination is exercised.
Víctor M Muñiz-Fraticelli
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199673889
- eISBN:
- 9780191752148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199673889.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
Some pluralist critiques of state authority (as Harold Laski’s), while claiming to be pluralistic, leave little room for the exercise of authority by associations themselves. But the authority of an ...
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Some pluralist critiques of state authority (as Harold Laski’s), while claiming to be pluralistic, leave little room for the exercise of authority by associations themselves. But the authority of an association may be explained along the lines of Joseph Raz’s account of the authority of law, namely if a member who accepts the authority of the association is more likely to comply with reasons that apply to them in any case. This allows two orders of authority for the state: first-order authority, which the state has by virtue of being an association of citizens; and second-order authority, which it has by virtue of providing the institutional context in which other associations can exercise their authority more effectively. The resulting image of the state better acknowledges the variety of authoritative claims made by the various associations that effectively hold the allegiance of individuals.Less
Some pluralist critiques of state authority (as Harold Laski’s), while claiming to be pluralistic, leave little room for the exercise of authority by associations themselves. But the authority of an association may be explained along the lines of Joseph Raz’s account of the authority of law, namely if a member who accepts the authority of the association is more likely to comply with reasons that apply to them in any case. This allows two orders of authority for the state: first-order authority, which the state has by virtue of being an association of citizens; and second-order authority, which it has by virtue of providing the institutional context in which other associations can exercise their authority more effectively. The resulting image of the state better acknowledges the variety of authoritative claims made by the various associations that effectively hold the allegiance of individuals.
Susanna Mancini
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199660384
- eISBN:
- 9780191748264
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660384.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
This chapter examines legal and political responses to the growing presence of Islam in Europe through the lens of Carl Schmitt’s thought. It points out how such responses draw on an essentialist and ...
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This chapter examines legal and political responses to the growing presence of Islam in Europe through the lens of Carl Schmitt’s thought. It points out how such responses draw on an essentialist and idealized notion of the people, and aim at artificially reinforcing the cultural and religious homogeneous character of the European public sphere, thus pursuing an ‘identitarian’ model of democracy. It concludes that the role attributed to the ‘Christian roots’ of Europe in contemporary discourses is analogous to the role that Schmitt ascribed to the Catholic Church in representing the values which were the essence of European civilization and separated it from ‘uncivilized’ others.Less
This chapter examines legal and political responses to the growing presence of Islam in Europe through the lens of Carl Schmitt’s thought. It points out how such responses draw on an essentialist and idealized notion of the people, and aim at artificially reinforcing the cultural and religious homogeneous character of the European public sphere, thus pursuing an ‘identitarian’ model of democracy. It concludes that the role attributed to the ‘Christian roots’ of Europe in contemporary discourses is analogous to the role that Schmitt ascribed to the Catholic Church in representing the values which were the essence of European civilization and separated it from ‘uncivilized’ others.
Ozan O. Varol
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190626013
- eISBN:
- 9780190626051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
One-partyism refers to the capture of government institutions by a single political party. This chapter explores the institutions that may be available to promote the virtues of multipartyism in a ...
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One-partyism refers to the capture of government institutions by a single political party. This chapter explores the institutions that may be available to promote the virtues of multipartyism in a budding democracy while combating the vices of one-partyism. Specifically it argues that the military may have an incentive to combat one-partyism and, in doing so, promote political pluralism. A dominant party can spell trouble for the military. If a political party becomes too strong, it can threaten the military, cut back the military’s powers, or slash the military’s economic and social privileges. In contrast, by curbing one-partyism, the military may achieve more autonomy. Like the judiciary, the military may find more comfort in the division of political powers that comes with political pluralism. The desire to bring down the dominant party a peg or two may serve as an incentive for the military to promote competition among political parties.Less
One-partyism refers to the capture of government institutions by a single political party. This chapter explores the institutions that may be available to promote the virtues of multipartyism in a budding democracy while combating the vices of one-partyism. Specifically it argues that the military may have an incentive to combat one-partyism and, in doing so, promote political pluralism. A dominant party can spell trouble for the military. If a political party becomes too strong, it can threaten the military, cut back the military’s powers, or slash the military’s economic and social privileges. In contrast, by curbing one-partyism, the military may achieve more autonomy. Like the judiciary, the military may find more comfort in the division of political powers that comes with political pluralism. The desire to bring down the dominant party a peg or two may serve as an incentive for the military to promote competition among political parties.
Ignacio Borrajo Iniesta
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199264629
- eISBN:
- 9780191698965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264629.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Legal Profession and Ethics
This chapter shares some thoughts and experiences on devolution of powers or, as referred to in Spain, decentralization and political pluralism. It begins by examining the Spanish constitution and ...
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This chapter shares some thoughts and experiences on devolution of powers or, as referred to in Spain, decentralization and political pluralism. It begins by examining the Spanish constitution and the manner in which the ‘state of autonomies’ has been created since 1979. Significant political and law-making powers have devolved in the 17 ‘autonomous communities’ (comunidades autónomas) that now exist in the whole of Spain. It then considers the role of the constitutional court (Tribunal constitucional) in adjudicating disputes over the division of powers between general institutions and the autonomous communities.Less
This chapter shares some thoughts and experiences on devolution of powers or, as referred to in Spain, decentralization and political pluralism. It begins by examining the Spanish constitution and the manner in which the ‘state of autonomies’ has been created since 1979. Significant political and law-making powers have devolved in the 17 ‘autonomous communities’ (comunidades autónomas) that now exist in the whole of Spain. It then considers the role of the constitutional court (Tribunal constitucional) in adjudicating disputes over the division of powers between general institutions and the autonomous communities.
Mark Olssen
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781526156600
- eISBN:
- 9781526166647
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526156617
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
To understand how subjects are constructed socially and historically in terms of power, and how they act through power on others and on themselves, but not to see this as a purely random process or ...
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To understand how subjects are constructed socially and historically in terms of power, and how they act through power on others and on themselves, but not to see this as a purely random process or activity where ‘anything goes’, or conversely, portray ethical actions in terms of fixed universal rules or specified teleological ends, constitutes the objective of this book. What a normative Foucault can offer us, I claim, is a critical ethics of the present that is well and truly beyond Kant, Hegel. and Marx, and which can guide action and conduct for the twenty-first century.Less
To understand how subjects are constructed socially and historically in terms of power, and how they act through power on others and on themselves, but not to see this as a purely random process or activity where ‘anything goes’, or conversely, portray ethical actions in terms of fixed universal rules or specified teleological ends, constitutes the objective of this book. What a normative Foucault can offer us, I claim, is a critical ethics of the present that is well and truly beyond Kant, Hegel. and Marx, and which can guide action and conduct for the twenty-first century.
Charles A. Kupchan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199739394
- eISBN:
- 9780190252472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199739394.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter takes a look at the West's ascent to global preeminence between 1500 and 1800. The discussion begins by focusing on how the weakness of Europe's political institutions combined with the ...
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This chapter takes a look at the West's ascent to global preeminence between 1500 and 1800. The discussion begins by focusing on how the weakness of Europe's political institutions combined with the middle class contributed to its economic development. It then considers how the Reformation altered the politics of Europe and gave rise to new alignments within and among strengthening states, while also fostering both religious tolerance and political pluralism. It then describes the West's trajectory toward its dramatic rise as the world's leading center of power, eclipsing Asia and the Middle East. Finally, it examines the role of the emerging bourgeoisie and the towns they founded in Europe's gradual ascent as the globe's center of gravity.Less
This chapter takes a look at the West's ascent to global preeminence between 1500 and 1800. The discussion begins by focusing on how the weakness of Europe's political institutions combined with the middle class contributed to its economic development. It then considers how the Reformation altered the politics of Europe and gave rise to new alignments within and among strengthening states, while also fostering both religious tolerance and political pluralism. It then describes the West's trajectory toward its dramatic rise as the world's leading center of power, eclipsing Asia and the Middle East. Finally, it examines the role of the emerging bourgeoisie and the towns they founded in Europe's gradual ascent as the globe's center of gravity.
Katherine Verdery
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520072169
- eISBN:
- 9780520917286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520072169.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, European Cultural Anthropology
This chapter illustrates the suppression and reassertion of national values in socialist Romania. The Romania of the late 1970s and 1980s provides a classic example of a breed that was becoming rare ...
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This chapter illustrates the suppression and reassertion of national values in socialist Romania. The Romania of the late 1970s and 1980s provides a classic example of a breed that was becoming rare during those years: a neo-Stalinist, highly centralized command economy conforming well to the bureaucratic allocative model. Almost none of the expanded market forces, decentralized economic decision making, or political pluralism emerging in Hungary, Poland, or the Soviet Union graced the Romanian landscape. The state persecuted independent entrepreneurship, increasingly raided peasants' “private” plots, militarized many enterprises so as to check sliding output, placed economic contracts under supervision by the General Prosecutor's Office, and chipped away at all enterprises' funds for paying workers. In addition to its unusually high centralization, Romania was unusual within the bloc for its mode of control. In its early days the Romanian regime controlled its population chiefly by force, which was later relaxed and briefly supplemented in the 1960s with a few economic incentives.Less
This chapter illustrates the suppression and reassertion of national values in socialist Romania. The Romania of the late 1970s and 1980s provides a classic example of a breed that was becoming rare during those years: a neo-Stalinist, highly centralized command economy conforming well to the bureaucratic allocative model. Almost none of the expanded market forces, decentralized economic decision making, or political pluralism emerging in Hungary, Poland, or the Soviet Union graced the Romanian landscape. The state persecuted independent entrepreneurship, increasingly raided peasants' “private” plots, militarized many enterprises so as to check sliding output, placed economic contracts under supervision by the General Prosecutor's Office, and chipped away at all enterprises' funds for paying workers. In addition to its unusually high centralization, Romania was unusual within the bloc for its mode of control. In its early days the Romanian regime controlled its population chiefly by force, which was later relaxed and briefly supplemented in the 1960s with a few economic incentives.
Clement M. Henry and Rodney Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748618361
- eISBN:
- 9780748653089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748618361.003.0111
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book has examined the conditions that may facilitate the growth of what appears to be a distinctively Islamic variety of capitalist development, identifying self-consciously Islamist financiers ...
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This book has examined the conditions that may facilitate the growth of what appears to be a distinctively Islamic variety of capitalist development, identifying self-consciously Islamist financiers and trying to discover the conditions under which they best thrive. It has found that distinctive financial practices seemed to mobilise the capital which would have otherwise stayed hidden in the mattresses of the MENA region. The processes of economic globalisation, coupled with the steady accumulation of Islamic capital, were deemed to eventually overcome the present barriers to the integration and promotion of a more political pluralism in the region. The studies in this book have identified Islamic capitalism as a natural evolution of gentle commerce. This chapter argues that if big international business can polish the manners of the Bush Administration sufficiently to avert a clash of globalisations, this will aid Islamic finance to promote the steady structural transformation of the region that the essays of this book have envisioned.Less
This book has examined the conditions that may facilitate the growth of what appears to be a distinctively Islamic variety of capitalist development, identifying self-consciously Islamist financiers and trying to discover the conditions under which they best thrive. It has found that distinctive financial practices seemed to mobilise the capital which would have otherwise stayed hidden in the mattresses of the MENA region. The processes of economic globalisation, coupled with the steady accumulation of Islamic capital, were deemed to eventually overcome the present barriers to the integration and promotion of a more political pluralism in the region. The studies in this book have identified Islamic capitalism as a natural evolution of gentle commerce. This chapter argues that if big international business can polish the manners of the Bush Administration sufficiently to avert a clash of globalisations, this will aid Islamic finance to promote the steady structural transformation of the region that the essays of this book have envisioned.
Bahgat Korany and Ali E. Hillal Dessouki
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774163609
- eISBN:
- 9781617970375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774163609.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Morocco faces difficult foreign policy challenges. Saddled with serious security and territorial integrity concerns, it faces an uphill task to ensure that its existence is not threatened. However, ...
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Morocco faces difficult foreign policy challenges. Saddled with serious security and territorial integrity concerns, it faces an uphill task to ensure that its existence is not threatened. However, Morocco's strong historical tradition as a monarchy is helpful in, and inextricably linked to, facing such policy challenges. Morocco can afford political pluralism and free competition because it has a monarchy that holds the political system together; the national integrity issue is the base on which the monarchy stands. Morocco can decree economic reform because the monarchy is the ultimate and unaccountable authority, but a failure in the returns on economic liberalization would suddenly make the monarchy dramatically accountable. More than in many countries, foreign policy and domestic stability are mutually dependent in Morocco.Less
Morocco faces difficult foreign policy challenges. Saddled with serious security and territorial integrity concerns, it faces an uphill task to ensure that its existence is not threatened. However, Morocco's strong historical tradition as a monarchy is helpful in, and inextricably linked to, facing such policy challenges. Morocco can afford political pluralism and free competition because it has a monarchy that holds the political system together; the national integrity issue is the base on which the monarchy stands. Morocco can decree economic reform because the monarchy is the ultimate and unaccountable authority, but a failure in the returns on economic liberalization would suddenly make the monarchy dramatically accountable. More than in many countries, foreign policy and domestic stability are mutually dependent in Morocco.