Mathew Humphrey
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242672
- eISBN:
- 9780191599514
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242674.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Environmental political philosophy has generally been framed around the differing axiologies of ecocentrism (nature‐centred) and anthropocentric (human‐centred) forms of ethics. This book seeks to ...
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Environmental political philosophy has generally been framed around the differing axiologies of ecocentrism (nature‐centred) and anthropocentric (human‐centred) forms of ethics. This book seeks to challenge the political relevance of this philosophical dispute with respect to the problem of nature preservation as public policy. A detailed analysis of the philosophical underpinnings of both ecocentric and ‘ecological humanist’ positions shows that the ‘embedded humanism’ within ecocentric arguments offers an opportunity to move beyond the ecocentric‐anthropocentric divide. Furthermore, a principle of ‘strong irreplaceability’ with regard to natural goods can provide the basis for a political argument for nature preservation that is compatible with both human‐centred and nature‐centred concerns.Less
Environmental political philosophy has generally been framed around the differing axiologies of ecocentrism (nature‐centred) and anthropocentric (human‐centred) forms of ethics. This book seeks to challenge the political relevance of this philosophical dispute with respect to the problem of nature preservation as public policy. A detailed analysis of the philosophical underpinnings of both ecocentric and ‘ecological humanist’ positions shows that the ‘embedded humanism’ within ecocentric arguments offers an opportunity to move beyond the ecocentric‐anthropocentric divide. Furthermore, a principle of ‘strong irreplaceability’ with regard to natural goods can provide the basis for a political argument for nature preservation that is compatible with both human‐centred and nature‐centred concerns.
Samuel Scheffler
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257676
- eISBN:
- 9780191600197
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257671.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book is a collection of 11 essays written from a perspective that is at once sympathetic towards, and critical of, liberalism and liberal political philosophy. The essays explore the capacity of ...
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This book is a collection of 11 essays written from a perspective that is at once sympathetic towards, and critical of, liberalism and liberal political philosophy. The essays explore the capacity of liberal thought, and of the moral traditions on which it draws, to accommodate a variety of challenges posed by the changing circumstances of the modern world. Scheffler considers how, in an era of rapid globalization, we can best conceive of the responsibilities of individual agents and the normative significance of people's diverse commitments and allegiances. Some of the essays are primarily concerned with the role of individual desert in liberal theory. Others focus on the nature of people's special responsibilities to their families, communities, and societies, and assess the compatibility of such responsibilities with liberal ideas of justice and equality. Still others deal with the possibility of developing a liberal conception of justice that acknowledges the normative significance of social and global interdependencies, while reaffirming the values of personal life and the continuing importance of ideas of individual responsibility.Less
This book is a collection of 11 essays written from a perspective that is at once sympathetic towards, and critical of, liberalism and liberal political philosophy. The essays explore the capacity of liberal thought, and of the moral traditions on which it draws, to accommodate a variety of challenges posed by the changing circumstances of the modern world. Scheffler considers how, in an era of rapid globalization, we can best conceive of the responsibilities of individual agents and the normative significance of people's diverse commitments and allegiances. Some of the essays are primarily concerned with the role of individual desert in liberal theory. Others focus on the nature of people's special responsibilities to their families, communities, and societies, and assess the compatibility of such responsibilities with liberal ideas of justice and equality. Still others deal with the possibility of developing a liberal conception of justice that acknowledges the normative significance of social and global interdependencies, while reaffirming the values of personal life and the continuing importance of ideas of individual responsibility.
Avner de-Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of ...
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When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.Less
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.
Leif Lewin
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198277255
- eISBN:
- 9780191599774
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198277253.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Is it self‐interest or public interest that dominates in public life? Rational‐choice theory, political philosophy, and electoral research were all used to answer this question. Analysing existing ...
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Is it self‐interest or public interest that dominates in public life? Rational‐choice theory, political philosophy, and electoral research were all used to answer this question. Analysing existing literature, Professor Leif Lewin shows that predominant consensus emerged on this issue by the 1980s. This consensus states that people in politics are driven mostly by their self‐interest and not by common good and society values. Although Professor Lewin is not testing existing views that ‘egoism rules’ on deep theoretical grounds, he strongly argues that empirical facts do not support such views and thus opens a new chapter in the debate on individuals’ rationality.Combining research results and achievements of different research fields, mentioned above, the author adopts methodology never used before. Extensive literature review on studies of Western democracy provides a basis for analysis for many countries. Separate chapters of the book are devoted to the attitudes and actions of the electoral voters, politicians, and bureaucrats in power.This allows the author to make broad conclusions, which challenges predominant views. He concludes that in most cases people in politics are driven by broader social interests rather than their own short‐term interests.Less
Is it self‐interest or public interest that dominates in public life? Rational‐choice theory, political philosophy, and electoral research were all used to answer this question. Analysing existing literature, Professor Leif Lewin shows that predominant consensus emerged on this issue by the 1980s. This consensus states that people in politics are driven mostly by their self‐interest and not by common good and society values. Although Professor Lewin is not testing existing views that ‘egoism rules’ on deep theoretical grounds, he strongly argues that empirical facts do not support such views and thus opens a new chapter in the debate on individuals’ rationality.
Combining research results and achievements of different research fields, mentioned above, the author adopts methodology never used before. Extensive literature review on studies of Western democracy provides a basis for analysis for many countries. Separate chapters of the book are devoted to the attitudes and actions of the electoral voters, politicians, and bureaucrats in power.
This allows the author to make broad conclusions, which challenges predominant views. He concludes that in most cases people in politics are driven by broader social interests rather than their own short‐term interests.
Elizabeth Frazer
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295648
- eISBN:
- 9780191599316
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295642.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last ...
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Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last century, exploring how these have been and continue to be articulated in recent political and public policy debates. ‘Community’ is invoked as a justification for reorganization of state institutions, as the source of care and support for individuals, and as an entity that is valuable in its own right and must therefore be sustained and defended. In community development, community action, community care and community politics, the tensions and contradictions within the concept are invariably felt. Community is both inclusive and exclusive, both organized and unstructured, both hierarchical and egalitarian. The book argues that analysis of the concept ‘community’ reveals the role of ideas and ideals in shaping political action, the barriers to the realization of community in practical contexts, and ultimately the untenability of the ideal itself.Less
Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last century, exploring how these have been and continue to be articulated in recent political and public policy debates. ‘Community’ is invoked as a justification for reorganization of state institutions, as the source of care and support for individuals, and as an entity that is valuable in its own right and must therefore be sustained and defended. In community development, community action, community care and community politics, the tensions and contradictions within the concept are invariably felt. Community is both inclusive and exclusive, both organized and unstructured, both hierarchical and egalitarian. The book argues that analysis of the concept ‘community’ reveals the role of ideas and ideals in shaping political action, the barriers to the realization of community in practical contexts, and ultimately the untenability of the ideal itself.
Cécile Fabre
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296751
- eISBN:
- 9780191599200
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296754.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The desirability, or lack thereof, of bills of rights has been the focus of some of the most enduring political debates over the last two centuries. Unlike civil and political rights, social rights ...
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The desirability, or lack thereof, of bills of rights has been the focus of some of the most enduring political debates over the last two centuries. Unlike civil and political rights, social rights to the meeting of needs, standard rights to adequate minimum income, education, housing, and health care are usually not given constitutional protection. The book argues that individuals have social rights to adequate minimum income, housing, health care, and education, and that those rights must be entrenched in the constitution of a democratic state. That is, the democratic majority should not be able to repeal them, and certain institutions (for instance, the judiciary) should be given the power to strike down laws passed by the legislature that are in breach of those rights. Thus, the book is located at the crossroads of two major issues of contemporary political philosophy, to wit, the issue of democracy and the issue of distributive justice. It stems from the perception that there may be conflicts between the demands of democracy and the demands of distributive justice, both of which are crucially important, and from the resulting recognition that the question of the relationship between these two values cannot be ignored.Less
The desirability, or lack thereof, of bills of rights has been the focus of some of the most enduring political debates over the last two centuries. Unlike civil and political rights, social rights to the meeting of needs, standard rights to adequate minimum income, education, housing, and health care are usually not given constitutional protection. The book argues that individuals have social rights to adequate minimum income, housing, health care, and education, and that those rights must be entrenched in the constitution of a democratic state. That is, the democratic majority should not be able to repeal them, and certain institutions (for instance, the judiciary) should be given the power to strike down laws passed by the legislature that are in breach of those rights. Thus, the book is located at the crossroads of two major issues of contemporary political philosophy, to wit, the issue of democracy and the issue of distributive justice. It stems from the perception that there may be conflicts between the demands of democracy and the demands of distributive justice, both of which are crucially important, and from the resulting recognition that the question of the relationship between these two values cannot be ignored.
Jacob T. Levy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297123
- eISBN:
- 9780191599767
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297122.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally ...
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This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally concerned either with preserving or with transcending cultural communities, practices, and identities. Rather, it should focus on mitigating evils such as interethnic civil wars, cruel practices internal to cultural communities, and state violence against ethnic minorities. This ‘multiculturalism of fear’ must be grounded in the realities of ethnic politics and ethnic conflict. It must therefore take seriously the importance, which persons feel their ethnic identities and cultural practices to have, without falling into a celebration of cultural belonging. Levy argues against nationalist and multicultural theories that accord significant moral weight to cultural communities as such. Yet he also insists that the challenges of life in a multicultural world cannot be met with appeals to cosmopolitanism, with attempts to deny the importance that particularist identities and practices have to individual persons and to social life. The book applies the multiculturalism of fear to a variety of policy problems confronting multi‐ethnic states. These include the regulation of sexist practices internal to cultural communities, secession and national self‐determination, land rights, customary law, and the symbols and words used by the state, including official apologies. It draws on cases from diverse states such as Australia, Canada, Israel, India, South Africa, and the US.Less
This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally concerned either with preserving or with transcending cultural communities, practices, and identities. Rather, it should focus on mitigating evils such as interethnic civil wars, cruel practices internal to cultural communities, and state violence against ethnic minorities. This ‘multiculturalism of fear’ must be grounded in the realities of ethnic politics and ethnic conflict. It must therefore take seriously the importance, which persons feel their ethnic identities and cultural practices to have, without falling into a celebration of cultural belonging. Levy argues against nationalist and multicultural theories that accord significant moral weight to cultural communities as such. Yet he also insists that the challenges of life in a multicultural world cannot be met with appeals to cosmopolitanism, with attempts to deny the importance that particularist identities and practices have to individual persons and to social life. The book applies the multiculturalism of fear to a variety of policy problems confronting multi‐ethnic states. These include the regulation of sexist practices internal to cultural communities, secession and national self‐determination, land rights, customary law, and the symbols and words used by the state, including official apologies. It draws on cases from diverse states such as Australia, Canada, Israel, India, South Africa, and the US.
Bhikhu Parekh
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Analyses the development of political philosophy from the 1950s to the present. Challenges the idea that political philosophy declined during the 1950s and 60s, and was revived only by the ...
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Analyses the development of political philosophy from the 1950s to the present. Challenges the idea that political philosophy declined during the 1950s and 60s, and was revived only by the publication of John Rawls's Theory of Justice. On the contrary, the political philosophy of the 1950s and 60s was rich, and responded to challenges levelled against it by other disciplines. We now see a change in, rather than a revival of, political philosophy. Most recent challenges include the cultural diversity of modern society and a reconsideration of the reflective and normative dimensions of political philosophy.Less
Analyses the development of political philosophy from the 1950s to the present. Challenges the idea that political philosophy declined during the 1950s and 60s, and was revived only by the publication of John Rawls's Theory of Justice. On the contrary, the political philosophy of the 1950s and 60s was rich, and responded to challenges levelled against it by other disciplines. We now see a change in, rather than a revival of, political philosophy. Most recent challenges include the cultural diversity of modern society and a reconsideration of the reflective and normative dimensions of political philosophy.
Katja Maria Vogt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195320091
- eISBN:
- 9780199869657
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320091.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
The book is a comprehensive study of early Stoic political philosophy. It considers the conceptions of the cosmic city and the common law as central to the Stoics' theory, and discusses how these ...
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The book is a comprehensive study of early Stoic political philosophy. It considers the conceptions of the cosmic city and the common law as central to the Stoics' theory, and discusses how these conceptions are integral to Stoic thought on reason, wisdom, and life in agreement with nature. Accordingly, the book devotes detailed attention to central areas of Stoic philosophy, such as the theory of affiliation (oikeiôsis), appropriate and perfect action, epistemology, and theology. The book discusses competing interpretations of Stoic cosmopolitanism, arguing that the ideal city of the early Stoics is the cosmos and thus is already in existence. All human beings live in the cosmic city, but only the wise and the gods are its citizens. The book devotes equal attention to the interpretation of the Stoics' conception of law. To live by the law, it is argued, is to live by nature, in a way which relies on understanding what is of value to human beings, rather than on following a set of rules. Against the view that early Stoic thought about these issues is best described as exploring an ideal for individual agents, the book argues that the Stoics are offering a theory which, while deeply connected with the core concerns of Stoic ethics, can be considered a genuine contribution to political philosophy.Less
The book is a comprehensive study of early Stoic political philosophy. It considers the conceptions of the cosmic city and the common law as central to the Stoics' theory, and discusses how these conceptions are integral to Stoic thought on reason, wisdom, and life in agreement with nature. Accordingly, the book devotes detailed attention to central areas of Stoic philosophy, such as the theory of affiliation (oikeiôsis), appropriate and perfect action, epistemology, and theology. The book discusses competing interpretations of Stoic cosmopolitanism, arguing that the ideal city of the early Stoics is the cosmos and thus is already in existence. All human beings live in the cosmic city, but only the wise and the gods are its citizens. The book devotes equal attention to the interpretation of the Stoics' conception of law. To live by the law, it is argued, is to live by nature, in a way which relies on understanding what is of value to human beings, rather than on following a set of rules. Against the view that early Stoic thought about these issues is best described as exploring an ideal for individual agents, the book argues that the Stoics are offering a theory which, while deeply connected with the core concerns of Stoic ethics, can be considered a genuine contribution to political philosophy.
Jonathan Quong
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594870
- eISBN:
- 9780191723513
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594870.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
The Conclusion briefly returns to the main questions posed at the outset of the book, and offers two broad considerations in favour of a liberalism that is political and neither perfectionist nor ...
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The Conclusion briefly returns to the main questions posed at the outset of the book, and offers two broad considerations in favour of a liberalism that is political and neither perfectionist nor comprehensive.Less
The Conclusion briefly returns to the main questions posed at the outset of the book, and offers two broad considerations in favour of a liberalism that is political and neither perfectionist nor comprehensive.
Sean Mcconnell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199644384
- eISBN:
- 9780191743344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199644384.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
Cicero's general interest in Dicaearchus' ethical and political thought can be detected in his letters to Atticus and De legibus. At present, however, we do not possess a clear and detailed picture ...
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Cicero's general interest in Dicaearchus' ethical and political thought can be detected in his letters to Atticus and De legibus. At present, however, we do not possess a clear and detailed picture of Dicaearchus' influence on Cicero's own ethical and political thought. This chapter argues that, despite these obstacles, we can construct a positive account of the nature and extent of Dicaearchus' influence that offers new insights into key aspects of Cicero's philosophical thought and practice. First it offers a novel reconstruction of Dicaearchus' argument for the supremacy of the praktikos bios and his relationship with Aristotle and Theophrastus in the Peripatetic tradition. The chapter then considers how Dicaearchus figures in Cicero's political and ethical deliberations by analysing a letter to Atticus in which Dicaearchus is referred to by name. At this point we are in a position to identify the precise nature of Dicaearchus' influence on Cicero's De republica, which is the subject of the final and concluding section. Here the chapter argues that Cicero's vision of philosophy and its role in Roman political culture, as showcased in the preface to De republica, is appropriated in all fundamental respects from Dicaearchus.Less
Cicero's general interest in Dicaearchus' ethical and political thought can be detected in his letters to Atticus and De legibus. At present, however, we do not possess a clear and detailed picture of Dicaearchus' influence on Cicero's own ethical and political thought. This chapter argues that, despite these obstacles, we can construct a positive account of the nature and extent of Dicaearchus' influence that offers new insights into key aspects of Cicero's philosophical thought and practice. First it offers a novel reconstruction of Dicaearchus' argument for the supremacy of the praktikos bios and his relationship with Aristotle and Theophrastus in the Peripatetic tradition. The chapter then considers how Dicaearchus figures in Cicero's political and ethical deliberations by analysing a letter to Atticus in which Dicaearchus is referred to by name. At this point we are in a position to identify the precise nature of Dicaearchus' influence on Cicero's De republica, which is the subject of the final and concluding section. Here the chapter argues that Cicero's vision of philosophy and its role in Roman political culture, as showcased in the preface to De republica, is appropriated in all fundamental respects from Dicaearchus.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829414X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This is the first of three chapters on theorizing about ideological morphology. It looks at the challenges awaiting the student of ideology, what can be gleaned from the most salient theories and ...
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This is the first of three chapters on theorizing about ideological morphology. It looks at the challenges awaiting the student of ideology, what can be gleaned from the most salient theories and views in circulation, and where the state of the art raises questions and leaves gaps to be filled. The material presented demonstrates that there are manifold ways of answering the question ‘what is an ideology?’ There are eight sections: (a) The Conceptual histories of ideology; (b) In search of a single concept; (c) Analytical misconceptions; (d) Rival epistemologies; (e) Philosophy [political philosophy] and ideology: the unholy alliance; (f) Unconscious and rhetorical components of ideology; (g) Ideology and the limits on logic; and (h) The ubiquity and specificity of ideology.Less
This is the first of three chapters on theorizing about ideological morphology. It looks at the challenges awaiting the student of ideology, what can be gleaned from the most salient theories and views in circulation, and where the state of the art raises questions and leaves gaps to be filled. The material presented demonstrates that there are manifold ways of answering the question ‘what is an ideology?’ There are eight sections: (a) The Conceptual histories of ideology; (b) In search of a single concept; (c) Analytical misconceptions; (d) Rival epistemologies; (e) Philosophy [political philosophy] and ideology: the unholy alliance; (f) Unconscious and rhetorical components of ideology; (g) Ideology and the limits on logic; and (h) The ubiquity and specificity of ideology.
Andrew Vincent
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199271252
- eISBN:
- 9780191601101
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199271259.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This is a controversial book that challenges established views of contemporary political theory. It offers a synoptic, critical, and comparative analysis of the widely different accounts of how the ...
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This is a controversial book that challenges established views of contemporary political theory. It offers a synoptic, critical, and comparative analysis of the widely different accounts of how the discipline developed during the twentieth century. Its ‘nature’ is seen as intrinsically pluralistic and internally divided. The discussion utilizes the idea of foundationalism to bring coherence to the complex practices associated with theory during the twentieth century. Overall, the book aims to dispute current monistic trends in the way the discipline is understood. It will be an immensely useful resource for students of politics, as well as in providing critical perspectives on the future of the subject.Less
This is a controversial book that challenges established views of contemporary political theory. It offers a synoptic, critical, and comparative analysis of the widely different accounts of how the discipline developed during the twentieth century. Its ‘nature’ is seen as intrinsically pluralistic and internally divided. The discussion utilizes the idea of foundationalism to bring coherence to the complex practices associated with theory during the twentieth century. Overall, the book aims to dispute current monistic trends in the way the discipline is understood. It will be an immensely useful resource for students of politics, as well as in providing critical perspectives on the future of the subject.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829414X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least ...
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Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least one of its most representative formulators (R. Dworkin) refers to its distinct ideological features. It is almost entirely ahistorical despite superficial allusions to the historical liberal tradition, and adopts the conceptual purism of some philosophers in its attempts to isolate the synchronic constitutive principles of liberalism ‘as such’; it is formalistic and rule bound. It is currently the most carefully argued and academically the most widely discussed liberal theory, and moreover, follows the academic trend of resurrecting major ideologies—Marxism is the best‐known example—within the confines of philosophical discourse and, like twentieth‐century Marxism, it exhibits the scholastic tendency of relatively circumscribed circles to focus detailed and often repetitive debate on a small number of texts, so that liberal principles are stated in such a way as to blur the distinctions between the theory and the ideology. Significantly, American philosophical liberalism is both similar to and different from other American liberal counterparts and a comparison between the two is therefore of some interest. Philosophical liberalism, it is contended, has borrowed a false horizon for American liberalism, stretching back to Kant but unrelated to the thought‐behaviour of American liberals; the hitherto existing horizons of those liberals, whether accumulative or diminishing, and whether compatible or incongruous, hark back instead to Locke, to progressivism and the New Deal, and to the civil rights movement of the 1960s.Less
Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least one of its most representative formulators (R. Dworkin) refers to its distinct ideological features. It is almost entirely ahistorical despite superficial allusions to the historical liberal tradition, and adopts the conceptual purism of some philosophers in its attempts to isolate the synchronic constitutive principles of liberalism ‘as such’; it is formalistic and rule bound. It is currently the most carefully argued and academically the most widely discussed liberal theory, and moreover, follows the academic trend of resurrecting major ideologies—Marxism is the best‐known example—within the confines of philosophical discourse and, like twentieth‐century Marxism, it exhibits the scholastic tendency of relatively circumscribed circles to focus detailed and often repetitive debate on a small number of texts, so that liberal principles are stated in such a way as to blur the distinctions between the theory and the ideology. Significantly, American philosophical liberalism is both similar to and different from other American liberal counterparts and a comparison between the two is therefore of some interest. Philosophical liberalism, it is contended, has borrowed a false horizon for American liberalism, stretching back to Kant but unrelated to the thought‐behaviour of American liberals; the hitherto existing horizons of those liberals, whether accumulative or diminishing, and whether compatible or incongruous, hark back instead to Locke, to progressivism and the New Deal, and to the civil rights movement of the 1960s.
Avner de‐Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Environmental ethics has been very innovative and has progressed rapidly; however, the price we paid was that it has lost touch with the public and its philosophical needs. de‐Shalit claims that ...
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Environmental ethics has been very innovative and has progressed rapidly; however, the price we paid was that it has lost touch with the public and its philosophical needs. de‐Shalit claims that while all moral reasoning involves a process of reflective equilibrium between intuitions and theory, a distinction should be drawn between ‘private’, ‘contextual’, and ‘public’ modes of reflective equilibrium. Environmental philosophers have used either the first or second mode of reasoning, whereas philosophy that discusses political institutions must adopt a public mode of reflective equilibrium. The latter differs from the other two models in that it weighs both the intuitions and the theories put forward by activists and the general public. This will make environmental philosophy more democratic and political and less engaged in meta‐ethics.Less
Environmental ethics has been very innovative and has progressed rapidly; however, the price we paid was that it has lost touch with the public and its philosophical needs. de‐Shalit claims that while all moral reasoning involves a process of reflective equilibrium between intuitions and theory, a distinction should be drawn between ‘private’, ‘contextual’, and ‘public’ modes of reflective equilibrium. Environmental philosophers have used either the first or second mode of reasoning, whereas philosophy that discusses political institutions must adopt a public mode of reflective equilibrium. The latter differs from the other two models in that it weighs both the intuitions and the theories put forward by activists and the general public. This will make environmental philosophy more democratic and political and less engaged in meta‐ethics.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 1 offers an overall presentation of the critical republican approach and an overview of the book. It situates the French republican tradition in relation to contemporary Anglophone political ...
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Chapter 1 offers an overall presentation of the critical republican approach and an overview of the book. It situates the French republican tradition in relation to contemporary Anglophone political philosophy and argues that normative engagement with the hijab controversy requires proper interpretation of the pivotal concept of laïcité. It then introduces the opposite arguments of official and tolerant republicans, and suggests that only a critical republicanism can successfully combine critical social theory and normative political theory. It does so, notably, by taking seriously the way in which dominating social norms in existing societies affect the status of citizenship of members of minorities. It argues that the republican ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity are best pursued through politics of non-domination rather than through politics of recognition, which asserts the positive value of cultural and religious difference. The hijab ban is shown to be incompatible with republican non-domination.Less
Chapter 1 offers an overall presentation of the critical republican approach and an overview of the book. It situates the French republican tradition in relation to contemporary Anglophone political philosophy and argues that normative engagement with the hijab controversy requires proper interpretation of the pivotal concept of laïcité. It then introduces the opposite arguments of official and tolerant republicans, and suggests that only a critical republicanism can successfully combine critical social theory and normative political theory. It does so, notably, by taking seriously the way in which dominating social norms in existing societies affect the status of citizenship of members of minorities. It argues that the republican ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity are best pursued through politics of non-domination rather than through politics of recognition, which asserts the positive value of cultural and religious difference. The hijab ban is shown to be incompatible with republican non-domination.
Margaret Gilbert
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199274956
- eISBN:
- 9780191603976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274959.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Does membership in a political society obligate one to support the political institutions of that society? Dubbed the membership problem, its terms are given some initial clarification. Among other ...
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Does membership in a political society obligate one to support the political institutions of that society? Dubbed the membership problem, its terms are given some initial clarification. Among other things, a society is construed as a social group in a relatively narrow sense illustrated with examples. The membership problem is carefully distinguished from several distinct but closely resembling problems familiar from the literature of political philosophy. Importantly, it concerns obligations that are genuine but not necessarily best referred to as moral obligations.Less
Does membership in a political society obligate one to support the political institutions of that society? Dubbed the membership problem, its terms are given some initial clarification. Among other things, a society is construed as a social group in a relatively narrow sense illustrated with examples. The membership problem is carefully distinguished from several distinct but closely resembling problems familiar from the literature of political philosophy. Importantly, it concerns obligations that are genuine but not necessarily best referred to as moral obligations.
Dominic J. O’Meara
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199285532
- eISBN:
- 9780191717819
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199285532.003.0015
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
This conclusion summarizes the argument of the book, gives some indications of the later history of Neoplatonic political philosophy in Byzantium and in the Italian Renaissance, and discusses the ...
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This conclusion summarizes the argument of the book, gives some indications of the later history of Neoplatonic political philosophy in Byzantium and in the Italian Renaissance, and discusses the differences separating this philosophy from modern views concerning the nature of political philosophy.Less
This conclusion summarizes the argument of the book, gives some indications of the later history of Neoplatonic political philosophy in Byzantium and in the Italian Renaissance, and discusses the differences separating this philosophy from modern views concerning the nature of political philosophy.
Antony Black
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199281695
- eISBN:
- 9780191713101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281695.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The polis (citizen-state) was ruled by warrior-citizens. Political debate kick-started philosophy and science; Aristotle later argued that humans fulfil their potential only in a polis. The Athenian ...
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The polis (citizen-state) was ruled by warrior-citizens. Political debate kick-started philosophy and science; Aristotle later argued that humans fulfil their potential only in a polis. The Athenian ideals of equality before the law, freedom of speech, and government by the people were reflected in popular law-courts and the citizens' assembly (direct democracy). Aeschylus portrayed the goddess Athene replacing divine vengeance with trial according to evidence and testimony before a citizens' jury. Plato, widely regarded as the founder of political philosophy, grounded political order on a theory of knowledge and rational dialectic; he wanted to replace democracy with philosopher-kings. But he later proposed a balance between experts and a citizen assembly under the sovereignty of the laws. His method was more influential than his conclusions. Aristotle undertook empirical investigation of actual states (political science); he concluded that a mixture of rule by the few and the many was best.Less
The polis (citizen-state) was ruled by warrior-citizens. Political debate kick-started philosophy and science; Aristotle later argued that humans fulfil their potential only in a polis. The Athenian ideals of equality before the law, freedom of speech, and government by the people were reflected in popular law-courts and the citizens' assembly (direct democracy). Aeschylus portrayed the goddess Athene replacing divine vengeance with trial according to evidence and testimony before a citizens' jury. Plato, widely regarded as the founder of political philosophy, grounded political order on a theory of knowledge and rational dialectic; he wanted to replace democracy with philosopher-kings. But he later proposed a balance between experts and a citizen assembly under the sovereignty of the laws. His method was more influential than his conclusions. Aristotle undertook empirical investigation of actual states (political science); he concluded that a mixture of rule by the few and the many was best.
Thomas Pogge
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195136364
- eISBN:
- 9780199867691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195136364.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book is about the philosopher John Rawls and about his largest body of work in social justice. The book opens with a comprehensive biography of Rawls, which is the result of this book's author's ...
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This book is about the philosopher John Rawls and about his largest body of work in social justice. The book opens with a comprehensive biography of Rawls, which is the result of this book's author's academic and later personal relationship with Rawls. From thereon, it introduces and discusses Rawls's theory of social justice mostly derived from his well-known work, A Theory of Justice. This book provides an introduction to Rawls's writings in political philosophy. It provides exposition on the fundamental ideas of Rawls's theory of justice, and further examines why and how Rawls came to formulate such views. In doing so, misinterpretations of Rawls's views are discussed, elaborations and additional examples are used to clarify, and significant objections as well as possible defenses are raised. It also considers some of the major opponents of Rawls and the main criticisms they have raised against his conception of justice.Less
This book is about the philosopher John Rawls and about his largest body of work in social justice. The book opens with a comprehensive biography of Rawls, which is the result of this book's author's academic and later personal relationship with Rawls. From thereon, it introduces and discusses Rawls's theory of social justice mostly derived from his well-known work, A Theory of Justice. This book provides an introduction to Rawls's writings in political philosophy. It provides exposition on the fundamental ideas of Rawls's theory of justice, and further examines why and how Rawls came to formulate such views. In doing so, misinterpretations of Rawls's views are discussed, elaborations and additional examples are used to clarify, and significant objections as well as possible defenses are raised. It also considers some of the major opponents of Rawls and the main criticisms they have raised against his conception of justice.
