BRENT WATERS
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199271962
- eISBN:
- 9780191709883
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271962.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores how the tension between the providential witness of the family and the eschatological witness of the church, as examined in the preceding chapter, should inform a Christian ...
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This chapter explores how the tension between the providential witness of the family and the eschatological witness of the church, as examined in the preceding chapter, should inform a Christian vision of civil community. It is argued that both the family and the church disclose the principal normative characteristics of the social and political ordering of a vindicated creation, namely, that the bonds of human association as well as the foundation of freedom are created, natural, imposed, social, and political. The implications of these characteristics are further developed by focusing on the themes of the gift of social ordering, the relation between destiny and the common good, and, following Oliver O'Donovan, what the nations (should) desire.Less
This chapter explores how the tension between the providential witness of the family and the eschatological witness of the church, as examined in the preceding chapter, should inform a Christian vision of civil community. It is argued that both the family and the church disclose the principal normative characteristics of the social and political ordering of a vindicated creation, namely, that the bonds of human association as well as the foundation of freedom are created, natural, imposed, social, and political. The implications of these characteristics are further developed by focusing on the themes of the gift of social ordering, the relation between destiny and the common good, and, following Oliver O'Donovan, what the nations (should) desire.
Bernhard Wessels
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296607
- eISBN:
- 9780191599620
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296606.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter describes the current preferences for institutional change and the future political order in the EU. It is not clear which institutional means might help narrow the gap between state ...
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This chapter describes the current preferences for institutional change and the future political order in the EU. It is not clear which institutional means might help narrow the gap between state building and democracy, improving co‐ordination, control, and linkages. The differences and tensions in attitudes between countries, levels and ideological groups seem to be so considerable as to imply that consensus on a European political order, and thereby its construction itself, is far from feasible.Less
This chapter describes the current preferences for institutional change and the future political order in the EU. It is not clear which institutional means might help narrow the gap between state building and democracy, improving co‐ordination, control, and linkages. The differences and tensions in attitudes between countries, levels and ideological groups seem to be so considerable as to imply that consensus on a European political order, and thereby its construction itself, is far from feasible.
Gary Herrigel
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199269044
- eISBN:
- 9780191717123
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199269044.003.0012
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
Engagement with American practices and ideas in the period after the Second World War differed in Germany and Japan compared to in many of the other political economies considered in this volume, ...
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Engagement with American practices and ideas in the period after the Second World War differed in Germany and Japan compared to in many of the other political economies considered in this volume, because both were militarily occupied countries. Thus, in addition to the diffusion (or in any case, incursion) of American industrial ideas, principles of organization, and technologies by way of markets, scholarly and technical writings, and elite circulation, American ideals were also imposed on Germany and Japan by military governors during the first decade after the war. By analysing the process of restructuring in the steel industries in both occupied countries, this chapter examines the complexity of the notion of ‘imposition’ in the context of this military occupation. The main argument is that the American occupation dramatically changed both societies by forcing them to grapple with American ideas of social, industrial, and political order.Less
Engagement with American practices and ideas in the period after the Second World War differed in Germany and Japan compared to in many of the other political economies considered in this volume, because both were militarily occupied countries. Thus, in addition to the diffusion (or in any case, incursion) of American industrial ideas, principles of organization, and technologies by way of markets, scholarly and technical writings, and elite circulation, American ideals were also imposed on Germany and Japan by military governors during the first decade after the war. By analysing the process of restructuring in the steel industries in both occupied countries, this chapter examines the complexity of the notion of ‘imposition’ in the context of this military occupation. The main argument is that the American occupation dramatically changed both societies by forcing them to grapple with American ideas of social, industrial, and political order.
BRENT WATERS
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199271962
- eISBN:
- 9780191709883
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271962.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter summarizes the analyses and criticisms of the preceding chapters, and identifies the key themes to be developed in the following chapters. The chief argument to be developed in ...
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This chapter summarizes the analyses and criticisms of the preceding chapters, and identifies the key themes to be developed in the following chapters. The chief argument to be developed in subsequent chapters is that the failure of late liberalism to adequately preserve the nature of the familial association is the result of an inadequate theoretical account of social and political ordering. To correct this inadequacy, the following chapters develop a theological and teleological account of the family, and its normative implications for the tasks of social and political ordering.Less
This chapter summarizes the analyses and criticisms of the preceding chapters, and identifies the key themes to be developed in the following chapters. The chief argument to be developed in subsequent chapters is that the failure of late liberalism to adequately preserve the nature of the familial association is the result of an inadequate theoretical account of social and political ordering. To correct this inadequacy, the following chapters develop a theological and teleological account of the family, and its normative implications for the tasks of social and political ordering.
Andrew Hurrell
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233106
- eISBN:
- 9780191716287
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233106.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the relationship between empire and global political order. The discussion proceeds as follows. The first section unsettles some of the assumptions that are often made about ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between empire and global political order. The discussion proceeds as follows. The first section unsettles some of the assumptions that are often made about empire, in particular about the inevitability of the end of empire; the redundancy and outmodedness of empire as a form of political order, and the consequent implication that the natural focus of international relations should be the relations amongst states or nation-states. The sheer extent of the power of the United States and the apparent obviousness of the view that we are living in a unipolar world have brought back the language of empire and have led many to see the United States as an imperial power. The second section considers how we should understand that power. It argues that notions of informal empire provide some analytical purchase, but neglect both the consistently important role of military power and coercion in the evolution of US foreign policy, and the importance of rules, norms, and institutions — what one might call the formal side of so-called informal empire. The third section examines five of the most commonly cited reasons for the demise of both empire and top-down hierarchical conceptions of international order more generally. Rather than comparing the extent and character of US power directly with that of other hegemonic states, it asks how these five factors may have changed in ways that would make a hegemonic order viable and potentially sustainable.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between empire and global political order. The discussion proceeds as follows. The first section unsettles some of the assumptions that are often made about empire, in particular about the inevitability of the end of empire; the redundancy and outmodedness of empire as a form of political order, and the consequent implication that the natural focus of international relations should be the relations amongst states or nation-states. The sheer extent of the power of the United States and the apparent obviousness of the view that we are living in a unipolar world have brought back the language of empire and have led many to see the United States as an imperial power. The second section considers how we should understand that power. It argues that notions of informal empire provide some analytical purchase, but neglect both the consistently important role of military power and coercion in the evolution of US foreign policy, and the importance of rules, norms, and institutions — what one might call the formal side of so-called informal empire. The third section examines five of the most commonly cited reasons for the demise of both empire and top-down hierarchical conceptions of international order more generally. Rather than comparing the extent and character of US power directly with that of other hegemonic states, it asks how these five factors may have changed in ways that would make a hegemonic order viable and potentially sustainable.
Bruce K. Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158044
- eISBN:
- 9781400846146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158044.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter begins with a concise summary of the statist conception of political order that underlies Egypt's current autocratic regime. It then documents the economic contradictions that brought ...
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This chapter begins with a concise summary of the statist conception of political order that underlies Egypt's current autocratic regime. It then documents the economic contradictions that brought this order to the point of crisis in the early 1990s. In response to this crisis, the regime adopted reforms that enabled liberal constitutionalism and Islamic constitutionalism to broaden their influence and support. The analysis examines the growth of these two alternative views of constitutionalism through the actions of their most determined advocates: the de facto professional association for judges (the Judges' Club—Nadi al-Quda) and the Muslim Brotherhood. The analysis finds that political competition under Egypt's repressive regime has pushed advocates of liberal constitutionalism and Islamic constitutionalism toward common ground. Their political agendas converge in several areas, particularly with regard to key elements of liberalism such as constraints on state power, strengthening the rule of law, and protection of civil and political rights.Less
This chapter begins with a concise summary of the statist conception of political order that underlies Egypt's current autocratic regime. It then documents the economic contradictions that brought this order to the point of crisis in the early 1990s. In response to this crisis, the regime adopted reforms that enabled liberal constitutionalism and Islamic constitutionalism to broaden their influence and support. The analysis examines the growth of these two alternative views of constitutionalism through the actions of their most determined advocates: the de facto professional association for judges (the Judges' Club—Nadi al-Quda) and the Muslim Brotherhood. The analysis finds that political competition under Egypt's repressive regime has pushed advocates of liberal constitutionalism and Islamic constitutionalism toward common ground. Their political agendas converge in several areas, particularly with regard to key elements of liberalism such as constraints on state power, strengthening the rule of law, and protection of civil and political rights.
Michael Foley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199232673
- eISBN:
- 9780191716362
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232673.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
American society may be hostile to the thought of ideologies, but it possesses a sophisticated but little understood ability to engage in deep conflicts over political ideas, while at the same time ...
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American society may be hostile to the thought of ideologies, but it possesses a sophisticated but little understood ability to engage in deep conflicts over political ideas, while at the same time reducing adversarial positions to legitimate derivatives of American history and development. This book asks how this occurs; how the sources, traditions, and usages of core ideas and their derivative compounds animate political discourse and structure the basis of political conflict; and how it is possible to sustain a high incidence of competitive value-laden argument and principled political conflict within a stable political order. The fundamental aim of this book is to examine the traditions and usages of American political ideas within the arena of practical politics. By locating them in their respective contexts, it is possible to assess both their changing meanings and their shifting relationships to one another. In surveying America's core ideas, the book facilitates an informed awareness of their political and cultural leverage as forms of persuasion and sources of legitimacy. The book roots the examination of American political ideas firmly in the milieu of social drives, political movements, and contemporary issues within which the ideas themselves are embedded. This not only allows the study to investigate the interior properties and traditional priorities of America's key values, but permits the theoretical implications and practical consequences of these ideas to be traced and evaluated.Less
American society may be hostile to the thought of ideologies, but it possesses a sophisticated but little understood ability to engage in deep conflicts over political ideas, while at the same time reducing adversarial positions to legitimate derivatives of American history and development. This book asks how this occurs; how the sources, traditions, and usages of core ideas and their derivative compounds animate political discourse and structure the basis of political conflict; and how it is possible to sustain a high incidence of competitive value-laden argument and principled political conflict within a stable political order. The fundamental aim of this book is to examine the traditions and usages of American political ideas within the arena of practical politics. By locating them in their respective contexts, it is possible to assess both their changing meanings and their shifting relationships to one another. In surveying America's core ideas, the book facilitates an informed awareness of their political and cultural leverage as forms of persuasion and sources of legitimacy. The book roots the examination of American political ideas firmly in the milieu of social drives, political movements, and contemporary issues within which the ideas themselves are embedded. This not only allows the study to investigate the interior properties and traditional priorities of America's key values, but permits the theoretical implications and practical consequences of these ideas to be traced and evaluated.
Kent Greenawalt
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195094190
- eISBN:
- 9780199853021
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195094190.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good ...
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Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good life or should it be based on some such conception? This book addresses one crucial set of problems raised by this division: What bases should officials and citizens employ in reaching political decisions and justifying their positions? Should they feel free to rely on whatever grounds seem otherwise persuasive to them, like religious convictions, or should they restrict themselves to “public reasons,” reasons that are shared within the society or arise from the premises of liberal democracy? This book argues that fundamental premises of liberal democracy alone do not provide answers to these questions, that much depends on historical and cultural contexts. After examining past and current practices and attitudes in the United States, it offers concrete suggestions for appropriate principles relevant to American society today.Less
Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good life or should it be based on some such conception? This book addresses one crucial set of problems raised by this division: What bases should officials and citizens employ in reaching political decisions and justifying their positions? Should they feel free to rely on whatever grounds seem otherwise persuasive to them, like religious convictions, or should they restrict themselves to “public reasons,” reasons that are shared within the society or arise from the premises of liberal democracy? This book argues that fundamental premises of liberal democracy alone do not provide answers to these questions, that much depends on historical and cultural contexts. After examining past and current practices and attitudes in the United States, it offers concrete suggestions for appropriate principles relevant to American society today.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses the factors that led to the demise of the monarchy in July 1958. Some of these were structural, embedded in the constitutional arrangements and political relationships inside ...
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This chapter discusses the factors that led to the demise of the monarchy in July 1958. Some of these were structural, embedded in the constitutional arrangements and political relationships inside the country. Others were precipitated by political and ideological developments that gathered momentum in the regional and international arenas, and thus, to a certain extent, were outside the control of Iraq's governing elite. However, the major responsibility for the collapse of the political system can be placed squarely on the shoulders of the palace and the old politicians: their penchant for authoritarianism, their distaste for acceding authority to a younger generation, their petty squabbles among themselves, and their inability to reach out to new constituencies in a rapidly changing political milieu.Less
This chapter discusses the factors that led to the demise of the monarchy in July 1958. Some of these were structural, embedded in the constitutional arrangements and political relationships inside the country. Others were precipitated by political and ideological developments that gathered momentum in the regional and international arenas, and thus, to a certain extent, were outside the control of Iraq's governing elite. However, the major responsibility for the collapse of the political system can be placed squarely on the shoulders of the palace and the old politicians: their penchant for authoritarianism, their distaste for acceding authority to a younger generation, their petty squabbles among themselves, and their inability to reach out to new constituencies in a rapidly changing political milieu.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the ...
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This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the military coup, huge demonstrations filled the streets of the country's major cities, all proclaiming their devotion and commitment for the infant republic and their support for the new military leaders. While the military's initial political moves suggested a promising proclivity for sharing power with like-minded civilians, it would not be long before those who had a monopoly over coercive force would hold sway over all institutions of the state. For the following decade, the military would radically and consequentially impact the ideas and institutions of governance, democracy, and identity.Less
This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the military coup, huge demonstrations filled the streets of the country's major cities, all proclaiming their devotion and commitment for the infant republic and their support for the new military leaders. While the military's initial political moves suggested a promising proclivity for sharing power with like-minded civilians, it would not be long before those who had a monopoly over coercive force would hold sway over all institutions of the state. For the following decade, the military would radically and consequentially impact the ideas and institutions of governance, democracy, and identity.
Douglas John Casson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144740
- eISBN:
- 9781400836888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144740.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This introductory chapter discusses how John Locke remains important for contemporary liberal theory because he explains that the liberal subject is not simply an unencumbered, originating source of ...
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This introductory chapter discusses how John Locke remains important for contemporary liberal theory because he explains that the liberal subject is not simply an unencumbered, originating source of political legitimacy, but rather an uncertain, incomplete, and fragile achievement. Locke helps reconsider the type of intellectual cultivation necessary for sustaining meaningful commitments to liberty within the constraints of political order. By emphasizing the importance of a new type of probable judgment, Locke recoins a political vocabulary that enables citizens to agree on the terms of their relationship with the government and to hold that government accountable when it fails to live up to those terms. The point of Lockean reasonableness is not to eradicate disagreement, but to ensure a common vocabulary within which disagreement can take place.Less
This introductory chapter discusses how John Locke remains important for contemporary liberal theory because he explains that the liberal subject is not simply an unencumbered, originating source of political legitimacy, but rather an uncertain, incomplete, and fragile achievement. Locke helps reconsider the type of intellectual cultivation necessary for sustaining meaningful commitments to liberty within the constraints of political order. By emphasizing the importance of a new type of probable judgment, Locke recoins a political vocabulary that enables citizens to agree on the terms of their relationship with the government and to hold that government accountable when it fails to live up to those terms. The point of Lockean reasonableness is not to eradicate disagreement, but to ensure a common vocabulary within which disagreement can take place.
Daniel A. Bell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154602
- eISBN:
- 9781400844845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154602.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This introductory chapter presents a scholarly work on Confucian constitutionalism, while seeking to establish a morally desirable and politically realistic alternative to liberal democracy. The ...
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This introductory chapter presents a scholarly work on Confucian constitutionalism, while seeking to establish a morally desirable and politically realistic alternative to liberal democracy. The modern neo-Confucians' focus on self-cultivation was too abstract to be relevant for the particular political needs of contemporary China. Surely, an adaptation of political ideals developed within the Confucian tradition is more likely to secure a Confucian way of life. The chapter proposes the concept of “political Confucianism” in contrast to the “self-cultivation Confucianism” emphasized by the neo-Confucians. Both traditions are necessary, but the most pressing task now is to revive “political Confucianism” that focuses more directly on the betterment of social and political order by legislating and legitimizing political institutions.Less
This introductory chapter presents a scholarly work on Confucian constitutionalism, while seeking to establish a morally desirable and politically realistic alternative to liberal democracy. The modern neo-Confucians' focus on self-cultivation was too abstract to be relevant for the particular political needs of contemporary China. Surely, an adaptation of political ideals developed within the Confucian tradition is more likely to secure a Confucian way of life. The chapter proposes the concept of “political Confucianism” in contrast to the “self-cultivation Confucianism” emphasized by the neo-Confucians. Both traditions are necessary, but the most pressing task now is to revive “political Confucianism” that focuses more directly on the betterment of social and political order by legislating and legitimizing political institutions.
Thomas Barfield
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691145686
- eISBN:
- 9781400834532
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691145686.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter analyzes the fate of Afghan rulers and their regimes in the twentieth century. Some were more successful than others, but one thing they had in common was unexpected ends to their ...
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This chapter analyzes the fate of Afghan rulers and their regimes in the twentieth century. Some were more successful than others, but one thing they had in common was unexpected ends to their reigns. Every Afghan leader during this period was either assassinated while in power or driven into exile. While these events may seem unduly complex on first encounter, they can be broken down into three distinctive periods: 1901–29, 1929–78, and 1978–2001. Throughout this period there were a number of recurring conflicts. The most volatile was the issue of social change and its direction. Often described as a rural/urban or religious/secular divide, in reality the division was more complex since positions differed depending on the issue involved.Less
This chapter analyzes the fate of Afghan rulers and their regimes in the twentieth century. Some were more successful than others, but one thing they had in common was unexpected ends to their reigns. Every Afghan leader during this period was either assassinated while in power or driven into exile. While these events may seem unduly complex on first encounter, they can be broken down into three distinctive periods: 1901–29, 1929–78, and 1978–2001. Throughout this period there were a number of recurring conflicts. The most volatile was the issue of social change and its direction. Often described as a rural/urban or religious/secular divide, in reality the division was more complex since positions differed depending on the issue involved.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses the events following the military coup on July 17, 1968, that ushered in the Ba'thist/Saddamist era. The Ba'thists were in no mood to share power with officers claiming ...
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This chapter discusses the events following the military coup on July 17, 1968, that ushered in the Ba'thist/Saddamist era. The Ba'thists were in no mood to share power with officers claiming fidelity to the nationalist cause but eschewing membership in the Ba'th Party. Particularly adamant on the necessity for the Party to monopolize power was Saddam Husayn. On July 30, a new Cabinet was formed and announced to the Iraqi public. As the names of the Cabinet Ministers were read, no one would have any doubt that this time the Ba'th Party alone would shape the structure, and command the direction, of the Iraqi state.Less
This chapter discusses the events following the military coup on July 17, 1968, that ushered in the Ba'thist/Saddamist era. The Ba'thists were in no mood to share power with officers claiming fidelity to the nationalist cause but eschewing membership in the Ba'th Party. Particularly adamant on the necessity for the Party to monopolize power was Saddam Husayn. On July 30, a new Cabinet was formed and announced to the Iraqi public. As the names of the Cabinet Ministers were read, no one would have any doubt that this time the Ba'th Party alone would shape the structure, and command the direction, of the Iraqi state.
J.G.A. Pocock and Richard Whatmore
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691172231
- eISBN:
- 9781400883516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172231.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter investigates how patterns of “Machiavellian” thought became operative in England, and at a later period in colonial and revolutionary America. Moreover, the chapter tackles the problem ...
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This chapter investigates how patterns of “Machiavellian” thought became operative in England, and at a later period in colonial and revolutionary America. Moreover, the chapter tackles the problem of England, in which there occurred in that culture nothing like the relatively simple options for vita activa, vivere civile, and the republican modeling of the historical self-image, which were all necessary in order to account for the highly complex conceptual reaarrangements which ensued. Republican and Machiavellian ideas had to become domiciled in an environment dominated by monarchical, legal, and theological concepts apparently in no way disposed to require the definition of England as a polis or the Englishman as a citizen.Less
This chapter investigates how patterns of “Machiavellian” thought became operative in England, and at a later period in colonial and revolutionary America. Moreover, the chapter tackles the problem of England, in which there occurred in that culture nothing like the relatively simple options for vita activa, vivere civile, and the republican modeling of the historical self-image, which were all necessary in order to account for the highly complex conceptual reaarrangements which ensued. Republican and Machiavellian ideas had to become domiciled in an environment dominated by monarchical, legal, and theological concepts apparently in no way disposed to require the definition of England as a polis or the Englishman as a citizen.
Eduardo Moncada
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794176
- eISBN:
- 9780804796903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794176.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter abstract: This chapter argues that three inter-related factors explain the historical resilience of exclusionary political order in Colombia. The first is traditional elite party control over ...
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Chapter abstract: This chapter argues that three inter-related factors explain the historical resilience of exclusionary political order in Colombia. The first is traditional elite party control over state institutions and resources as part of a closed party system. Second is the institutionalization of clientelism as a dominant linkage between citizens and the state. And third is the use of violence as an extension of political competition, a response to threats against the established political order, and a tool for varied armed actors to defend and expand territorial control. By tracing changes in these individual factors as well as the links between them over time, the chapter establishes the broader political context that continues to inform the contemporary politics of urban violence. The discussion shows why political projects in response to urban violence represent valuable opportunities for political, economic, and social actors to preserve and advance their individual interests.Less
Chapter abstract: This chapter argues that three inter-related factors explain the historical resilience of exclusionary political order in Colombia. The first is traditional elite party control over state institutions and resources as part of a closed party system. Second is the institutionalization of clientelism as a dominant linkage between citizens and the state. And third is the use of violence as an extension of political competition, a response to threats against the established political order, and a tool for varied armed actors to defend and expand territorial control. By tracing changes in these individual factors as well as the links between them over time, the chapter establishes the broader political context that continues to inform the contemporary politics of urban violence. The discussion shows why political projects in response to urban violence represent valuable opportunities for political, economic, and social actors to preserve and advance their individual interests.
Nicholas Wolterstorff
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199566624
- eISBN:
- 9780191722042
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566624.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology, Religion and Society
A prominent theme in the mentality of modernity is that in situations of religious pluralism, determinate religion harbours coercion and violence, and that such religion must ‘shape up’ if it is to ...
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A prominent theme in the mentality of modernity is that in situations of religious pluralism, determinate religion harbours coercion and violence, and that such religion must ‘shape up’ if it is to be compatible with liberal democracy. Different writers have proposed different ways of ‘shaping up’. This book argues that all such proposals are bound to fail, and that the relevant question is, accordingly, what are the structural principles concerning the relation between religion and the political order that a determinate religion must affirm if it is to accept liberal democracy. The book suggests a number of such principles.Less
A prominent theme in the mentality of modernity is that in situations of religious pluralism, determinate religion harbours coercion and violence, and that such religion must ‘shape up’ if it is to be compatible with liberal democracy. Different writers have proposed different ways of ‘shaping up’. This book argues that all such proposals are bound to fail, and that the relevant question is, accordingly, what are the structural principles concerning the relation between religion and the political order that a determinate religion must affirm if it is to accept liberal democracy. The book suggests a number of such principles.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter analyzes the growing divide between political elites in the wake of the military coup. In fact, the aftermath of the Bakr Sidqi coup can be seen as an effort by the out-group to move ...
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This chapter analyzes the growing divide between political elites in the wake of the military coup. In fact, the aftermath of the Bakr Sidqi coup can be seen as an effort by the out-group to move into the center not just politically, but ideationally as well. The ideational orientation of the new political order was immediately evident in the composition and policies of its political elite. The three pillars of the policy-making group were Sidqi (a Kurd), Sulayman (a Turkomen), and Abu al-Timman (a Shi'ite). The government's first statement to the Iraqi public focused almost exclusively on the country's problems, promising to foster national unity and overcome communal divisions. The government's policies aroused the ire of “Arab” nationalists who objected to the seemingly purposeful distancing of Iraq from what they considered to be its natural habitat.Less
This chapter analyzes the growing divide between political elites in the wake of the military coup. In fact, the aftermath of the Bakr Sidqi coup can be seen as an effort by the out-group to move into the center not just politically, but ideationally as well. The ideational orientation of the new political order was immediately evident in the composition and policies of its political elite. The three pillars of the policy-making group were Sidqi (a Kurd), Sulayman (a Turkomen), and Abu al-Timman (a Shi'ite). The government's first statement to the Iraqi public focused almost exclusively on the country's problems, promising to foster national unity and overcome communal divisions. The government's policies aroused the ire of “Arab” nationalists who objected to the seemingly purposeful distancing of Iraq from what they considered to be its natural habitat.
Siegfried Weichlein
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263822
- eISBN:
- 9780191734960
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263822.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
With the French Revolution, the ‘nation’ entered a new phase as a model for political order that replaced corporate societies and triggered a large-scale process of emancipation and modernisation in ...
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With the French Revolution, the ‘nation’ entered a new phase as a model for political order that replaced corporate societies and triggered a large-scale process of emancipation and modernisation in European societies. Until the eighteenth century the political order in central Europe was organised along other lines, such as the state, the Reich, the monarchy, or the republic. That changed dramatically between the Seven Years War and around 1800. Despite its thorough universalism, Enlightenment in Germany combined universalism with patriotism, a rather unlikely combination in the twentieth century. For most educated authors in the age of Enlightenment, cosmopolitanism and patriotism were not opposites, but complementary. How, then, did contemporaries in the late eighteenth century conceptualise cosmopolitanism, patriotism, and nationalism, and relate them? How did they explain the complicity of cosmopolitanism and patriotism? This chapter outlines different answers to these questions relating to the period between the Seven Years War and around 1800.Less
With the French Revolution, the ‘nation’ entered a new phase as a model for political order that replaced corporate societies and triggered a large-scale process of emancipation and modernisation in European societies. Until the eighteenth century the political order in central Europe was organised along other lines, such as the state, the Reich, the monarchy, or the republic. That changed dramatically between the Seven Years War and around 1800. Despite its thorough universalism, Enlightenment in Germany combined universalism with patriotism, a rather unlikely combination in the twentieth century. For most educated authors in the age of Enlightenment, cosmopolitanism and patriotism were not opposites, but complementary. How, then, did contemporaries in the late eighteenth century conceptualise cosmopolitanism, patriotism, and nationalism, and relate them? How did they explain the complicity of cosmopolitanism and patriotism? This chapter outlines different answers to these questions relating to the period between the Seven Years War and around 1800.
Loubna El Amine
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163048
- eISBN:
- 9781400873944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163048.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter argues that involvement in politics is necessary for the full development of virtue. According to the Confucian view, a person cannot become fully virtuous in isolation from politics. ...
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This chapter argues that involvement in politics is necessary for the full development of virtue. According to the Confucian view, a person cannot become fully virtuous in isolation from politics. The chapter argues against the contention that the Confucians adopted a purist approach, rejecting any involvement in political regimes that they deemed corrupt. Instead, they advocated involvement in politics based on a consequentialist logic: involvement is permitted, even advisable, insofar as it can bring about political order. The chapter challenges Robert Eno's reading of the early Confucian texts—particularly the Analects and Mencius—in which the Confucians reveal themselves to be in favor of political engagement, even in troubled times.Less
This chapter argues that involvement in politics is necessary for the full development of virtue. According to the Confucian view, a person cannot become fully virtuous in isolation from politics. The chapter argues against the contention that the Confucians adopted a purist approach, rejecting any involvement in political regimes that they deemed corrupt. Instead, they advocated involvement in politics based on a consequentialist logic: involvement is permitted, even advisable, insofar as it can bring about political order. The chapter challenges Robert Eno's reading of the early Confucian texts—particularly the Analects and Mencius—in which the Confucians reveal themselves to be in favor of political engagement, even in troubled times.
