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The Political World

Bob Harris

in Politics and the Nation: Britain in the Mid-Eighteenth Century

This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party ... More

This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party identities, and the degree of political stability which existed. The chapter examines political life from the point of view of the politicians who dominated ministerial office — the old corps Whigs, together with Whig politicians and factions who sought office, the ‘flying squadons’ as Lord Hardwicke was to call them on one occasion. The opposition to Whig oligarchical government, which included the Jacobites, Tories, who comprised a majority of opposition MPs throughout this period, opposition Whig and independent MPs, and the press, is also discussed. The press of the later 1740s to later 1750s has been little studied, yet it continued to be an important and episodically influential base for dissent from Whig rule.Less

Parliamentary Oppositional Leadership

John Uhr

in Dispersed Democratic Leadership: Origins, Dynamics, and Implications

Analysts of democracy entertain at least two prospects for dispersed leadership. The first prospect is related to the underlying democratic norm of ‘people power’ with close alignment between norms ... More

Analysts of democracy entertain at least two prospects for dispersed leadership. The first prospect is related to the underlying democratic norm of ‘people power’ with close alignment between norms and forms of government, both promoting one version of dispersed leadership through widely shared public participation in government. The second prospect is related to emerging practices of ‘the team at the top’ with heads of government performing as collaborative leaders, dispensing powers among chosen executive favourites on terms and conditions that reflect the very concentrated quality of leadership available for conditional dispersal. These two leadership prospects can coexist, either unresolved as two worlds of ‘theory’ and ‘practice’ or as an operational amalgam of core concept and administrative convenience. This chapter explores a third prospect for leadership dispersal found in parliamentary democracies: dispersed leadership through organized political opposition.Less

The Sources of Opposition Party Strength

Adrienne LeBas

in From Protest to Parties: Party-Building and Democratization in Africa

Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often ... More

Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often fragment on ethnic lines? Chapter 2 provides a more detailed account of the book’s two major arguments. It begins by defining party strength, focusing especially on the organizational qualities of strong, durable parties. It then turns to the theoretical framework fleshed out in the remainder of the book. The first argument is that authoritarian strategies of rule left in place institutional structures that either facilitated or impeded cross-ethnic collective action. Where authoritarian states relied on alliances with organized labor, they created mobilizing structures that could later be used by opposition parties. Secondly, the book argues that polarizing and confrontational strategies build stronger parties. These kinds of appeals and tactics, however, also raise the likelihood of violence and authoritarian backlash. The book, therefore, underlines one of the ambiguities inherent in democratization: democracy requires strong parties, but party-building is more effective where it intensifies conflict.Less

Democracies Are Not Created Equal: A Theory of Democratic Constraint

Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter

in War and Democratic Constraint: How the Public Influences Foreign Policy

This chapter introduces a theory of democratic constraint and derives testable hypotheses. Drawing on literatures ranging from principal-agent theory to political communication and crisis bargaining, ... More

This chapter introduces a theory of democratic constraint and derives testable hypotheses. Drawing on literatures ranging from principal-agent theory to political communication and crisis bargaining, it establishes expectations about the processes that result in the public actually becoming aware of foreign policy and then responding at the ballot box. The chapter argues that democratic institutions that favor the flow of information between citizens and leaders—most notably those fostering both political opposition that can generate credible information and an independent and accessible media that can transmit it—contribute to constraint. However, there is substantial heterogeneity among democracies in the extent to which these conditions hold. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how various combinations of these institutional attributes will translate into foreign policy behavior, with a particular focus on conflict behavior.Less

Political Opposition and Revolution

Rita Krueger

in Czech, German, and Noble: Status and National Identity in Habsburg Bohemia

The last chapter of the book deals with the explicitly political arena by exploring the options for political opposition and the nature of political engagement among the aristocracy. This chapter ... More

The last chapter of the book deals with the explicitly political arena by exploring the options for political opposition and the nature of political engagement among the aristocracy. This chapter argues that in a society in which political action was seriously curtailed, particularly in the post‐1792 period, intellectual and cultural engagement provided a critical alternate forum for public, if not directly political, action. The work of national institutions, inherited by a new generation of nationally committed intellectuals, were the basis for Bohemian political platforms from both the political left and right, but the chapter suggests that the ultimate breakdown of the reform agenda, again, in the face of revolution in 1848, was a clear defeat for those who had believed that Bohemia uniquely held the key to the problem of competitive and contested national relations.Less

Coalition Stories: Cases from the Iraq Coalition

Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter

in War and Democratic Constraint: How the Public Influences Foreign Policy

This chapter examines the decisions of the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, and Poland regarding whether they would join with the United States in the Iraq coalition, the goal of which was to remove ... More

This chapter examines the decisions of the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, and Poland regarding whether they would join with the United States in the Iraq coalition, the goal of which was to remove Saddam Hussein from power. Among these countries, there was much variation in both key variables identified as the ingredients of constraint and in the extent to which leaders were responsive to pressure from either their domestic publics or the United States. The key lesson from these case studies is that democratic constraint is fragile and elusive. These cases point to a variety of means by which policy makers outmaneuvered a consistently antiwar European public. Media and partisan political opposition are clearly an important part of the overall story and, more significantly, are among the few factors that hold steady from case to case.Less

Democratic Constraint, the Democratic Peace, and Conflict Initiation

Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter

in War and Democratic Constraint: How the Public Influences Foreign Policy

This chapter examines democratic constraint, democratic peace, and conflict initiation. It begins with a time-series, cross-sectional analysis of conflict initiation in all possible pairs of ... More

This chapter examines democratic constraint, democratic peace, and conflict initiation. It begins with a time-series, cross-sectional analysis of conflict initiation in all possible pairs of countries (that is, all dyads) from 1965 to 2006. This analysis reveals the interactive relationship between media access and political opposition. Across a variety of indicators of conflict, states with media and political institutions that facilitate the flow of information between leaders and the public are less prone to initiate military conflicts. These findings suggest not only an underlying mechanism that could fuel the democratic peace proposition, but also that not all democracies are likely to be equally peaceful. Aside from conflict initiation and the extent of opposition with political parties, press freedom is also measured.Less

Political Opposition and Arab Authoritarianism: Some Conceptual Remarks

Holger Albrecht

in Contentious Politics in the Middle East: Political Opposition under Authoritarianism

It may seem a bit precarious to apply terms such as political participation, representation, and political opposition to Middle Eastern politics. There are both phenomenological and conceptual ... More

It may seem a bit precarious to apply terms such as political participation, representation, and political opposition to Middle Eastern politics. There are both phenomenological and conceptual arguments in favor of the traveling and application of concepts to authoritarian settings. This chapter compares the major differences between democracy and authoritarianism with regard to opportunities and limitations of opposition. It then focuses particularly on political opposition in the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Despite substantial restrictions, liberalized authoritarian regimes do grant opposition forces—including regime-loyal, tolerated, and antisystem opposition—some opportunities for political activism. The emergence of these forms of opposition does not necessarily constitute a threat to the incumbents but may rather contribute to the stabilization of a liberalized, inclusivist type of authoritarianism.Less

Introduction: Looking for Democratic Constraint

Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter

in War and Democratic Constraint: How the Public Influences Foreign Policy

This book examines how media and electoral institutions influence the extent of democratic constraint by shaping the flow of information from leaders to citizens. It asks why, when it comes to ... More

This book examines how media and electoral institutions influence the extent of democratic constraint by shaping the flow of information from leaders to citizens. It asks why, when it comes to foreign policy, some leaders are seemingly constrained by public opinion, even in the earliest stages of policy formulation, while others are more insulated from it. It argues that the reliability of the flow of information from elites to the masses most directly determines the degree to which citizens can constrain their leaders. The book considers two aspects of democratic systems that affect both the generation and the flow of information about foreign policy by influencing the extent of independent political opposition and their ability to reach the public with their messages: political opposition and media access.Less

Introduction: Contentious Politics, Political Opposition, and Authoritarianism

Holger Albrecht

in Contentious Politics in the Middle East: Political Opposition under Authoritarianism

This book provides a forum for experts from Europe, the Middle East, and the United States. It consists of a number of case studies, covering the most important countries in these regions, as well as ... More

This book provides a forum for experts from Europe, the Middle East, and the United States. It consists of a number of case studies, covering the most important countries in these regions, as well as comparative or theoretical accounts. It combines contributions focusing on contemporary politics with chapters endorsing a historical perspective on the development of political oppositions. Important topics include the degree of political contestation and competition, forms and expressions of political opposition, the changing constraints, and opportunities of opposition groups, state institutions governing opposition activism, the role of external players and the international arena, and possible future developments. Contributions are organized into four parts: conceptual and historical approaches to opposition politics in the MENA, opposition in civil society, Islamist movements between opposition, resistance, and inclusion, and intra-elitist contention and opposition within authoritarian states.Less

International Courts as Coordination Devices for Opposition Parties: The Case of the East African Court of Justice

James Thuo Gathii

in The Performance of Africa's International Courts: Using Litigation for Political, Legal, and Social Change

This chapter examines how opposition political parties have sought to overcome repressive practices in four of the six East African Community Member States: Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and South Sudan. ... More

This chapter examines how opposition political parties have sought to overcome repressive practices in four of the six East African Community Member States: Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and South Sudan. Opposition political parties and politicians from these countries have prodded the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) to use a treaty remedy for violations of rules governing the elections of members to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) in each of these countries. They have done so by pursuing a judicial remedy in the EACJ to resolve a coordination problem that opposition parties face when their opportunity to participate in an above-board election is compromised. These cases show how challenging the electoral malpractices of dominant parties in the EACJ facilitate opposition mobilization in ways that are not always possible, or even anticipated, in their home country. The EACJ has facilitated this coordination by consistently affirming that above-board elections are the only permissible mode of electing members of the EALA. This has helped opposition political parties to know when they have a factual basis with a likelihood of success so they could bring cases against dominant political parties in the EACJ. By contrast, the lack of cases from Burundi and Rwanda shows that the clamp down on organizational rights in these countries have made it impossible for opposition parties and politicians to bring election cases before the EACJ.Less

A Political Analysis of the Egyptian Judges' Revolt

Mohamed Sayed Said

in Judges and Political Reform in Egypt

Egypt stands alone in witnessing a strong revolt carried out by the judges. Nowhere else have judges engaged in such a prolonged protest for their independence, whether in another Arab or Islamic ... More

Egypt stands alone in witnessing a strong revolt carried out by the judges. Nowhere else have judges engaged in such a prolonged protest for their independence, whether in another Arab or Islamic country or in Europe or the west. The judges' revolt itself is a testament to longstanding injustice: the loss of the guarantees of justice, the marginalization of the law, and the use of the judiciary to punish the political opposition. The most important point in this long struggle is the alternative law for the judicial authority presented by the Judges' Club in 1991. This draft continues to be the main point of reference for the club's demands more than fifteen years after it was elaborated and submitted to the minister of justice. The Judges' Club's legal struggle for the independence of the judiciary has become a political and social battle.Less

Judicial Contestation of Policy: Political Parties

in Judging Policy: Courts and Policy Reform in Democratic Brazil

This chapter, which examines the opposition political parties' strategic use of judicial contestation of policy in Brazil, describes the Workers' Party's tactical use of the courts while in ... More

This chapter, which examines the opposition political parties' strategic use of judicial contestation of policy in Brazil, describes the Workers' Party's tactical use of the courts while in opposition and compares it with the party's experience as an incumbent. The analysis reveals that the use of the courts in Brazil is often driven by the broader strategic goals of plaintiffs, rather than strictly legal criteria, and that incumbency is inversely correlated with court use by political parties.Less

Who’s Macho, Who’s Gay? Pro- and Anti-Kremlin Activists Gendering Russia’s Political Leadership

Valerie Sperling

in Sex, Politics, and Putin: Political Legitimacy in Russia

This is the first of three case study chapters on the use of gender norms and sexualization as political tools in Russia. It shows how activists use gender norms and homophobia in their efforts to ... More

This is the first of three case study chapters on the use of gender norms and sexualization as political tools in Russia. It shows how activists use gender norms and homophobia in their efforts to demonstrate support for the political leaders whom they favor and to undermine the positions of their opponents. Examining the discourse and activism of several political youth groups, the chapter shows how masculinity has been “materialized” in Putin’s practices and portrayals, how it has been supported and reinforced by the political endorsement of women identified with traditional femininity in the political arena, and how it has been symbolically challenged by Putin’s political opposition. To provide political context, the chapter briefly describes the pro-regime political youth groups that operate under regime auspices and the extra-systemic liberal opposition groups.Less

Broken Boundaries and the Politics of Fear

Gregory Starrett

in Putting Islam to Work: Education, Politics, and Religious Transformation in Egypt

This chapter discusses how many Egyptian intellectuals and journalists explain the rise of activist Islam. It first considers beliefs and commitments as expressions of either psychopathology or of ... More

This chapter discusses how many Egyptian intellectuals and journalists explain the rise of activist Islam. It first considers beliefs and commitments as expressions of either psychopathology or of structural contradictions, and the historical materialist dialectic that urges cognitive frameworks from the struggles between social classes. The chapter next studies the importance of intellectual goods, the standard theory of social action, and the concept of “Political Islam.” It also argues that the ideas held by the indigenous and foreign elites about Islam and education in modern society have been core elements in modern public policy formation, as well as in the state's ineffective and halting strategies for counteracting its Islamic political opposition.Less