Bob Harris
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199246939
- eISBN:
- 9780191714566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199246939.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party ...
More
This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party identities, and the degree of political stability which existed. The chapter examines political life from the point of view of the politicians who dominated ministerial office — the old corps Whigs, together with Whig politicians and factions who sought office, the ‘flying squadons’ as Lord Hardwicke was to call them on one occasion. The opposition to Whig oligarchical government, which included the Jacobites, Tories, who comprised a majority of opposition MPs throughout this period, opposition Whig and independent MPs, and the press, is also discussed. The press of the later 1740s to later 1750s has been little studied, yet it continued to be an important and episodically influential base for dissent from Whig rule.Less
This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party identities, and the degree of political stability which existed. The chapter examines political life from the point of view of the politicians who dominated ministerial office — the old corps Whigs, together with Whig politicians and factions who sought office, the ‘flying squadons’ as Lord Hardwicke was to call them on one occasion. The opposition to Whig oligarchical government, which included the Jacobites, Tories, who comprised a majority of opposition MPs throughout this period, opposition Whig and independent MPs, and the press, is also discussed. The press of the later 1740s to later 1750s has been little studied, yet it continued to be an important and episodically influential base for dissent from Whig rule.
John Uhr
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562992
- eISBN:
- 9780191701856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562992.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Analysts of democracy entertain at least two prospects for dispersed leadership. The first prospect is related to the underlying democratic norm of ‘people power’ with close alignment between norms ...
More
Analysts of democracy entertain at least two prospects for dispersed leadership. The first prospect is related to the underlying democratic norm of ‘people power’ with close alignment between norms and forms of government, both promoting one version of dispersed leadership through widely shared public participation in government. The second prospect is related to emerging practices of ‘the team at the top’ with heads of government performing as collaborative leaders, dispensing powers among chosen executive favourites on terms and conditions that reflect the very concentrated quality of leadership available for conditional dispersal. These two leadership prospects can coexist, either unresolved as two worlds of ‘theory’ and ‘practice’ or as an operational amalgam of core concept and administrative convenience. This chapter explores a third prospect for leadership dispersal found in parliamentary democracies: dispersed leadership through organized political opposition.Less
Analysts of democracy entertain at least two prospects for dispersed leadership. The first prospect is related to the underlying democratic norm of ‘people power’ with close alignment between norms and forms of government, both promoting one version of dispersed leadership through widely shared public participation in government. The second prospect is related to emerging practices of ‘the team at the top’ with heads of government performing as collaborative leaders, dispensing powers among chosen executive favourites on terms and conditions that reflect the very concentrated quality of leadership available for conditional dispersal. These two leadership prospects can coexist, either unresolved as two worlds of ‘theory’ and ‘practice’ or as an operational amalgam of core concept and administrative convenience. This chapter explores a third prospect for leadership dispersal found in parliamentary democracies: dispersed leadership through organized political opposition.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often ...
More
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often fragment on ethnic lines? Chapter 2 provides a more detailed account of the book’s two major arguments. It begins by defining party strength, focusing especially on the organizational qualities of strong, durable parties. It then turns to the theoretical framework fleshed out in the remainder of the book. The first argument is that authoritarian strategies of rule left in place institutional structures that either facilitated or impeded cross-ethnic collective action. Where authoritarian states relied on alliances with organized labor, they created mobilizing structures that could later be used by opposition parties. Secondly, the book argues that polarizing and confrontational strategies build stronger parties. These kinds of appeals and tactics, however, also raise the likelihood of violence and authoritarian backlash. The book, therefore, underlines one of the ambiguities inherent in democratization: democracy requires strong parties, but party-building is more effective where it intensifies conflict.Less
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often fragment on ethnic lines? Chapter 2 provides a more detailed account of the book’s two major arguments. It begins by defining party strength, focusing especially on the organizational qualities of strong, durable parties. It then turns to the theoretical framework fleshed out in the remainder of the book. The first argument is that authoritarian strategies of rule left in place institutional structures that either facilitated or impeded cross-ethnic collective action. Where authoritarian states relied on alliances with organized labor, they created mobilizing structures that could later be used by opposition parties. Secondly, the book argues that polarizing and confrontational strategies build stronger parties. These kinds of appeals and tactics, however, also raise the likelihood of violence and authoritarian backlash. The book, therefore, underlines one of the ambiguities inherent in democratization: democracy requires strong parties, but party-building is more effective where it intensifies conflict.
Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164984
- eISBN:
- 9781400866472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164984.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter introduces a theory of democratic constraint and derives testable hypotheses. Drawing on literatures ranging from principal-agent theory to political communication and crisis bargaining, ...
More
This chapter introduces a theory of democratic constraint and derives testable hypotheses. Drawing on literatures ranging from principal-agent theory to political communication and crisis bargaining, it establishes expectations about the processes that result in the public actually becoming aware of foreign policy and then responding at the ballot box. The chapter argues that democratic institutions that favor the flow of information between citizens and leaders—most notably those fostering both political opposition that can generate credible information and an independent and accessible media that can transmit it—contribute to constraint. However, there is substantial heterogeneity among democracies in the extent to which these conditions hold. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how various combinations of these institutional attributes will translate into foreign policy behavior, with a particular focus on conflict behavior.Less
This chapter introduces a theory of democratic constraint and derives testable hypotheses. Drawing on literatures ranging from principal-agent theory to political communication and crisis bargaining, it establishes expectations about the processes that result in the public actually becoming aware of foreign policy and then responding at the ballot box. The chapter argues that democratic institutions that favor the flow of information between citizens and leaders—most notably those fostering both political opposition that can generate credible information and an independent and accessible media that can transmit it—contribute to constraint. However, there is substantial heterogeneity among democracies in the extent to which these conditions hold. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how various combinations of these institutional attributes will translate into foreign policy behavior, with a particular focus on conflict behavior.
Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164984
- eISBN:
- 9781400866472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164984.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the decisions of the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, and Poland regarding whether they would join with the United States in the Iraq coalition, the goal of which was to remove ...
More
This chapter examines the decisions of the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, and Poland regarding whether they would join with the United States in the Iraq coalition, the goal of which was to remove Saddam Hussein from power. Among these countries, there was much variation in both key variables identified as the ingredients of constraint and in the extent to which leaders were responsive to pressure from either their domestic publics or the United States. The key lesson from these case studies is that democratic constraint is fragile and elusive. These cases point to a variety of means by which policy makers outmaneuvered a consistently antiwar European public. Media and partisan political opposition are clearly an important part of the overall story and, more significantly, are among the few factors that hold steady from case to case.Less
This chapter examines the decisions of the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, and Poland regarding whether they would join with the United States in the Iraq coalition, the goal of which was to remove Saddam Hussein from power. Among these countries, there was much variation in both key variables identified as the ingredients of constraint and in the extent to which leaders were responsive to pressure from either their domestic publics or the United States. The key lesson from these case studies is that democratic constraint is fragile and elusive. These cases point to a variety of means by which policy makers outmaneuvered a consistently antiwar European public. Media and partisan political opposition are clearly an important part of the overall story and, more significantly, are among the few factors that hold steady from case to case.
Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164984
- eISBN:
- 9781400866472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164984.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines democratic constraint, democratic peace, and conflict initiation. It begins with a time-series, cross-sectional analysis of conflict initiation in all possible pairs of ...
More
This chapter examines democratic constraint, democratic peace, and conflict initiation. It begins with a time-series, cross-sectional analysis of conflict initiation in all possible pairs of countries (that is, all dyads) from 1965 to 2006. This analysis reveals the interactive relationship between media access and political opposition. Across a variety of indicators of conflict, states with media and political institutions that facilitate the flow of information between leaders and the public are less prone to initiate military conflicts. These findings suggest not only an underlying mechanism that could fuel the democratic peace proposition, but also that not all democracies are likely to be equally peaceful. Aside from conflict initiation and the extent of opposition with political parties, press freedom is also measured.Less
This chapter examines democratic constraint, democratic peace, and conflict initiation. It begins with a time-series, cross-sectional analysis of conflict initiation in all possible pairs of countries (that is, all dyads) from 1965 to 2006. This analysis reveals the interactive relationship between media access and political opposition. Across a variety of indicators of conflict, states with media and political institutions that facilitate the flow of information between leaders and the public are less prone to initiate military conflicts. These findings suggest not only an underlying mechanism that could fuel the democratic peace proposition, but also that not all democracies are likely to be equally peaceful. Aside from conflict initiation and the extent of opposition with political parties, press freedom is also measured.
Rita Krueger
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195323450
- eISBN:
- 9780199869138
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323450.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The last chapter of the book deals with the explicitly political arena by exploring the options for political opposition and the nature of political engagement among the aristocracy. This chapter ...
More
The last chapter of the book deals with the explicitly political arena by exploring the options for political opposition and the nature of political engagement among the aristocracy. This chapter argues that in a society in which political action was seriously curtailed, particularly in the post‐1792 period, intellectual and cultural engagement provided a critical alternate forum for public, if not directly political, action. The work of national institutions, inherited by a new generation of nationally committed intellectuals, were the basis for Bohemian political platforms from both the political left and right, but the chapter suggests that the ultimate breakdown of the reform agenda, again, in the face of revolution in 1848, was a clear defeat for those who had believed that Bohemia uniquely held the key to the problem of competitive and contested national relations.Less
The last chapter of the book deals with the explicitly political arena by exploring the options for political opposition and the nature of political engagement among the aristocracy. This chapter argues that in a society in which political action was seriously curtailed, particularly in the post‐1792 period, intellectual and cultural engagement provided a critical alternate forum for public, if not directly political, action. The work of national institutions, inherited by a new generation of nationally committed intellectuals, were the basis for Bohemian political platforms from both the political left and right, but the chapter suggests that the ultimate breakdown of the reform agenda, again, in the face of revolution in 1848, was a clear defeat for those who had believed that Bohemia uniquely held the key to the problem of competitive and contested national relations.
Holger Albrecht
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034744
- eISBN:
- 9780813039077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034744.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
It may seem a bit precarious to apply terms such as political participation, representation, and political opposition to Middle Eastern politics. There are both phenomenological and conceptual ...
More
It may seem a bit precarious to apply terms such as political participation, representation, and political opposition to Middle Eastern politics. There are both phenomenological and conceptual arguments in favor of the traveling and application of concepts to authoritarian settings. This chapter compares the major differences between democracy and authoritarianism with regard to opportunities and limitations of opposition. It then focuses particularly on political opposition in the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Despite substantial restrictions, liberalized authoritarian regimes do grant opposition forces—including regime-loyal, tolerated, and antisystem opposition—some opportunities for political activism. The emergence of these forms of opposition does not necessarily constitute a threat to the incumbents but may rather contribute to the stabilization of a liberalized, inclusivist type of authoritarianism.Less
It may seem a bit precarious to apply terms such as political participation, representation, and political opposition to Middle Eastern politics. There are both phenomenological and conceptual arguments in favor of the traveling and application of concepts to authoritarian settings. This chapter compares the major differences between democracy and authoritarianism with regard to opportunities and limitations of opposition. It then focuses particularly on political opposition in the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Despite substantial restrictions, liberalized authoritarian regimes do grant opposition forces—including regime-loyal, tolerated, and antisystem opposition—some opportunities for political activism. The emergence of these forms of opposition does not necessarily constitute a threat to the incumbents but may rather contribute to the stabilization of a liberalized, inclusivist type of authoritarianism.
Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164984
- eISBN:
- 9781400866472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164984.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines how media and electoral institutions influence the extent of democratic constraint by shaping the flow of information from leaders to citizens. It asks why, when it comes to ...
More
This book examines how media and electoral institutions influence the extent of democratic constraint by shaping the flow of information from leaders to citizens. It asks why, when it comes to foreign policy, some leaders are seemingly constrained by public opinion, even in the earliest stages of policy formulation, while others are more insulated from it. It argues that the reliability of the flow of information from elites to the masses most directly determines the degree to which citizens can constrain their leaders. The book considers two aspects of democratic systems that affect both the generation and the flow of information about foreign policy by influencing the extent of independent political opposition and their ability to reach the public with their messages: political opposition and media access.Less
This book examines how media and electoral institutions influence the extent of democratic constraint by shaping the flow of information from leaders to citizens. It asks why, when it comes to foreign policy, some leaders are seemingly constrained by public opinion, even in the earliest stages of policy formulation, while others are more insulated from it. It argues that the reliability of the flow of information from elites to the masses most directly determines the degree to which citizens can constrain their leaders. The book considers two aspects of democratic systems that affect both the generation and the flow of information about foreign policy by influencing the extent of independent political opposition and their ability to reach the public with their messages: political opposition and media access.
Holger Albrecht
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034744
- eISBN:
- 9780813039077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034744.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book provides a forum for experts from Europe, the Middle East, and the United States. It consists of a number of case studies, covering the most important countries in these regions, as well as ...
More
This book provides a forum for experts from Europe, the Middle East, and the United States. It consists of a number of case studies, covering the most important countries in these regions, as well as comparative or theoretical accounts. It combines contributions focusing on contemporary politics with chapters endorsing a historical perspective on the development of political oppositions. Important topics include the degree of political contestation and competition, forms and expressions of political opposition, the changing constraints, and opportunities of opposition groups, state institutions governing opposition activism, the role of external players and the international arena, and possible future developments. Contributions are organized into four parts: conceptual and historical approaches to opposition politics in the MENA, opposition in civil society, Islamist movements between opposition, resistance, and inclusion, and intra-elitist contention and opposition within authoritarian states.Less
This book provides a forum for experts from Europe, the Middle East, and the United States. It consists of a number of case studies, covering the most important countries in these regions, as well as comparative or theoretical accounts. It combines contributions focusing on contemporary politics with chapters endorsing a historical perspective on the development of political oppositions. Important topics include the degree of political contestation and competition, forms and expressions of political opposition, the changing constraints, and opportunities of opposition groups, state institutions governing opposition activism, the role of external players and the international arena, and possible future developments. Contributions are organized into four parts: conceptual and historical approaches to opposition politics in the MENA, opposition in civil society, Islamist movements between opposition, resistance, and inclusion, and intra-elitist contention and opposition within authoritarian states.
Matthew A. Baum and Philip B. K. Potter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164984
- eISBN:
- 9781400866472
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164984.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Why do some democracies reflect their citizens' foreign policy preferences better than others? What roles do the media, political parties, and the electoral system play in a democracy's decision to ...
More
Why do some democracies reflect their citizens' foreign policy preferences better than others? What roles do the media, political parties, and the electoral system play in a democracy's decision to join or avoid a war? This book shows that the key to how a government determines foreign policy rests on the transmission and availability of information. Citizens successfully hold their democratic governments accountable and a distinctive foreign policy emerges when two vital institutions—a diverse and independent political opposition and a robust media—are present to make timely information accessible. The book demonstrates that there must first be a politically potent opposition that can blow the whistle when a leader missteps. This counteracts leaders' incentives to obscure and misrepresent. Second, healthy media institutions must be in place and widely accessible in order to relay information from whistle-blowers to the public. The book explores this communication mechanism during three different phases of international conflicts: when states initiate wars, when they respond to challenges from other states, or when they join preexisting groups of actors engaged in conflicts. Examining recent wars, including those in Afghanistan and Iraq, the book links domestic politics and mass media to international relations in a brand-new way.Less
Why do some democracies reflect their citizens' foreign policy preferences better than others? What roles do the media, political parties, and the electoral system play in a democracy's decision to join or avoid a war? This book shows that the key to how a government determines foreign policy rests on the transmission and availability of information. Citizens successfully hold their democratic governments accountable and a distinctive foreign policy emerges when two vital institutions—a diverse and independent political opposition and a robust media—are present to make timely information accessible. The book demonstrates that there must first be a politically potent opposition that can blow the whistle when a leader missteps. This counteracts leaders' incentives to obscure and misrepresent. Second, healthy media institutions must be in place and widely accessible in order to relay information from whistle-blowers to the public. The book explores this communication mechanism during three different phases of international conflicts: when states initiate wars, when they respond to challenges from other states, or when they join preexisting groups of actors engaged in conflicts. Examining recent wars, including those in Afghanistan and Iraq, the book links domestic politics and mass media to international relations in a brand-new way.
Christine Gerrard
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198129820
- eISBN:
- 9780191671869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198129820.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature
This chapter deals with the controversial myth of Prince Frederick of Wales as a patron of the arts and letters. By 1737, ministerial clitics were accusing George Lyttelton of exploiting his ...
More
This chapter deals with the controversial myth of Prince Frederick of Wales as a patron of the arts and letters. By 1737, ministerial clitics were accusing George Lyttelton of exploiting his proximity to the Prince and his network of literary connections in order to create an opposition propaganda machine by dangling the promise of patronage to hungry writers. Patriot poets such as James Thomson, David Mallet, Richard Glover, Gilbert West, Henry Brooke, George Lillo, William Somervile, and Richard Powney were associated with Lyttelton's literary circle, linked in their professed admiration for the Prince. This fact has been largely responsible for relegating the Patriot poets to the margins of modern critical scholarship. One of the chief problems here is the need to unpick an intellectual consensus which has, until recently, been both uncomfortable with literary expressions of patriotism and intrinsically sympathetic towards the ‘independent’ writer outspoken in his attacks on the Establishment. For most modern readers, it is Alexander Pope the financially independent satirist who symbolizes the spirit of political opposition, who always professed his indisposition to kings and courts and his refusal to be bought.Less
This chapter deals with the controversial myth of Prince Frederick of Wales as a patron of the arts and letters. By 1737, ministerial clitics were accusing George Lyttelton of exploiting his proximity to the Prince and his network of literary connections in order to create an opposition propaganda machine by dangling the promise of patronage to hungry writers. Patriot poets such as James Thomson, David Mallet, Richard Glover, Gilbert West, Henry Brooke, George Lillo, William Somervile, and Richard Powney were associated with Lyttelton's literary circle, linked in their professed admiration for the Prince. This fact has been largely responsible for relegating the Patriot poets to the margins of modern critical scholarship. One of the chief problems here is the need to unpick an intellectual consensus which has, until recently, been both uncomfortable with literary expressions of patriotism and intrinsically sympathetic towards the ‘independent’ writer outspoken in his attacks on the Establishment. For most modern readers, it is Alexander Pope the financially independent satirist who symbolizes the spirit of political opposition, who always professed his indisposition to kings and courts and his refusal to be bought.
Patrick Major
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206934
- eISBN:
- 9780191677397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206934.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses parliamentary politics of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany. The KPD was able to assume some ...
More
This chapter discusses parliamentary politics of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany. The KPD was able to assume some legislative positions and lingered on in a number of Landtage and local parliaments, but in an obstructive rather than constructive role, demonstrating the Communists' fundamental opposition to the West German state. It argues that the process of KPD marginalization was a combination of self-destruction from within and ostracism from without.Less
This chapter discusses parliamentary politics of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany. The KPD was able to assume some legislative positions and lingered on in a number of Landtage and local parliaments, but in an obstructive rather than constructive role, demonstrating the Communists' fundamental opposition to the West German state. It argues that the process of KPD marginalization was a combination of self-destruction from within and ostracism from without.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758116
- eISBN:
- 9780804786799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758116.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter, which examines the opposition political parties' strategic use of judicial contestation of policy in Brazil, describes the Workers' Party's tactical use of the courts while in ...
More
This chapter, which examines the opposition political parties' strategic use of judicial contestation of policy in Brazil, describes the Workers' Party's tactical use of the courts while in opposition and compares it with the party's experience as an incumbent. The analysis reveals that the use of the courts in Brazil is often driven by the broader strategic goals of plaintiffs, rather than strictly legal criteria, and that incumbency is inversely correlated with court use by political parties.Less
This chapter, which examines the opposition political parties' strategic use of judicial contestation of policy in Brazil, describes the Workers' Party's tactical use of the courts while in opposition and compares it with the party's experience as an incumbent. The analysis reveals that the use of the courts in Brazil is often driven by the broader strategic goals of plaintiffs, rather than strictly legal criteria, and that incumbency is inversely correlated with court use by political parties.
Mohamed Sayed Said
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774162015
- eISBN:
- 9781617970993
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162015.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Egypt stands alone in witnessing a strong revolt carried out by the judges. Nowhere else have judges engaged in such a prolonged protest for their independence, whether in another Arab or Islamic ...
More
Egypt stands alone in witnessing a strong revolt carried out by the judges. Nowhere else have judges engaged in such a prolonged protest for their independence, whether in another Arab or Islamic country or in Europe or the west. The judges' revolt itself is a testament to longstanding injustice: the loss of the guarantees of justice, the marginalization of the law, and the use of the judiciary to punish the political opposition. The most important point in this long struggle is the alternative law for the judicial authority presented by the Judges' Club in 1991. This draft continues to be the main point of reference for the club's demands more than fifteen years after it was elaborated and submitted to the minister of justice. The Judges' Club's legal struggle for the independence of the judiciary has become a political and social battle.Less
Egypt stands alone in witnessing a strong revolt carried out by the judges. Nowhere else have judges engaged in such a prolonged protest for their independence, whether in another Arab or Islamic country or in Europe or the west. The judges' revolt itself is a testament to longstanding injustice: the loss of the guarantees of justice, the marginalization of the law, and the use of the judiciary to punish the political opposition. The most important point in this long struggle is the alternative law for the judicial authority presented by the Judges' Club in 1991. This draft continues to be the main point of reference for the club's demands more than fifteen years after it was elaborated and submitted to the minister of justice. The Judges' Club's legal struggle for the independence of the judiciary has become a political and social battle.
Valerie Sperling
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199324347
- eISBN:
- 9780199381890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199324347.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Gender and Sexuality
This is the first of three case study chapters on the use of gender norms and sexualization as political tools in Russia. It shows how activists use gender norms and homophobia in their efforts to ...
More
This is the first of three case study chapters on the use of gender norms and sexualization as political tools in Russia. It shows how activists use gender norms and homophobia in their efforts to demonstrate support for the political leaders whom they favor and to undermine the positions of their opponents. Examining the discourse and activism of several political youth groups, the chapter shows how masculinity has been “materialized” in Putin’s practices and portrayals, how it has been supported and reinforced by the political endorsement of women identified with traditional femininity in the political arena, and how it has been symbolically challenged by Putin’s political opposition. To provide political context, the chapter briefly describes the pro-regime political youth groups that operate under regime auspices and the extra-systemic liberal opposition groups.Less
This is the first of three case study chapters on the use of gender norms and sexualization as political tools in Russia. It shows how activists use gender norms and homophobia in their efforts to demonstrate support for the political leaders whom they favor and to undermine the positions of their opponents. Examining the discourse and activism of several political youth groups, the chapter shows how masculinity has been “materialized” in Putin’s practices and portrayals, how it has been supported and reinforced by the political endorsement of women identified with traditional femininity in the political arena, and how it has been symbolically challenged by Putin’s political opposition. To provide political context, the chapter briefly describes the pro-regime political youth groups that operate under regime auspices and the extra-systemic liberal opposition groups.
Lucy Riall
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206804
- eISBN:
- 9780191677311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206804.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter examines the breakdown of authority in Sicily during the period from 1862 to 1863. When the local government failed to control the disorder caused by the brigands, mafia, and ...
More
This chapter examines the breakdown of authority in Sicily during the period from 1862 to 1863. When the local government failed to control the disorder caused by the brigands, mafia, and draft-evaders, the Italian government intervened. The evidence from this campaign suggests that it was the civilian government's basic ineffectiveness, as much as an attempt to criminalize or otherwise categorize political opposition, which led to systematic use of special powers.Less
This chapter examines the breakdown of authority in Sicily during the period from 1862 to 1863. When the local government failed to control the disorder caused by the brigands, mafia, and draft-evaders, the Italian government intervened. The evidence from this campaign suggests that it was the civilian government's basic ineffectiveness, as much as an attempt to criminalize or otherwise categorize political opposition, which led to systematic use of special powers.
Jennet Kirkpatrick
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635392
- eISBN:
- 9781469635408
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635392.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Successful democracies rely on an active citizenry. They require citizens to participate by voting, serving on juries, and running for office. But what happens when those citizens purposefully opt ...
More
Successful democracies rely on an active citizenry. They require citizens to participate by voting, serving on juries, and running for office. But what happens when those citizens purposefully opt out of politics? Exit—the act of leaving—is often thought of as purely instinctual, a part of the human “fight or flight” response, or, alternatively, motivated by an antiparticipatory, self-centered impulse. However, in this eye-opening book, Jennet Kirkpatrick argues that the concept of exit deserves closer scrutiny. She names and examines several examples of political withdrawal, from Thoreau decamping to Walden to slaves fleeing to the North before the Civil War. In doing so, Kirkpatrick not only explores what happens when people make the decision to remove themselves but also expands our understanding of exit as a political act, illustrating how political systems change in the aftermath of actual or threatened departure. Moreover, she reframes the decision to refuse to play along—whether as a fugitive slave, a dissident who is exiled but whose influence remains, or a government in exile—as one that shapes political discourse, historically and today.Less
Successful democracies rely on an active citizenry. They require citizens to participate by voting, serving on juries, and running for office. But what happens when those citizens purposefully opt out of politics? Exit—the act of leaving—is often thought of as purely instinctual, a part of the human “fight or flight” response, or, alternatively, motivated by an antiparticipatory, self-centered impulse. However, in this eye-opening book, Jennet Kirkpatrick argues that the concept of exit deserves closer scrutiny. She names and examines several examples of political withdrawal, from Thoreau decamping to Walden to slaves fleeing to the North before the Civil War. In doing so, Kirkpatrick not only explores what happens when people make the decision to remove themselves but also expands our understanding of exit as a political act, illustrating how political systems change in the aftermath of actual or threatened departure. Moreover, she reframes the decision to refuse to play along—whether as a fugitive slave, a dissident who is exiled but whose influence remains, or a government in exile—as one that shapes political discourse, historically and today.
Necati Polat
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781474416962
- eISBN:
- 9781474427098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474416962.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter is on a set of dubious government practices following the regime change, as reflected in the OSCE reports on Turkey elections, in securing success at the ballot box, including the way in ...
More
This chapter is on a set of dubious government practices following the regime change, as reflected in the OSCE reports on Turkey elections, in securing success at the ballot box, including the way in which the ruling AKP allegedly financed politics. The discussion details the unfair poll environment, which left the opposition practically crippled, and the state of the basic rights crucial for the ballot box to make full sense. The chapter also provides an account of the corruption claims from December 2013—chiefly bid-rigging and money laundering that allegedly involved Erdogan and his family, beside cabinet members—filed originally by Gulenist prosecutors relying mostly on wiretapped conversations, to be posted anonymously online from early 2014. The chapter ends with a section on the role of the military in the aftermath of the old regime, with an assessment of its possibly resilient reflexes, prior to the abortive coup of 2016.Less
This chapter is on a set of dubious government practices following the regime change, as reflected in the OSCE reports on Turkey elections, in securing success at the ballot box, including the way in which the ruling AKP allegedly financed politics. The discussion details the unfair poll environment, which left the opposition practically crippled, and the state of the basic rights crucial for the ballot box to make full sense. The chapter also provides an account of the corruption claims from December 2013—chiefly bid-rigging and money laundering that allegedly involved Erdogan and his family, beside cabinet members—filed originally by Gulenist prosecutors relying mostly on wiretapped conversations, to be posted anonymously online from early 2014. The chapter ends with a section on the role of the military in the aftermath of the old regime, with an assessment of its possibly resilient reflexes, prior to the abortive coup of 2016.
Frédéric Volpi
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190642921
- eISBN:
- 9780190848491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190642921.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter presents the longer-term factors that have been known to shape routine authoritarian governance prior to the Arab uprisings. The notion of routine authoritarian governance emphasizes the ...
More
This chapter presents the longer-term factors that have been known to shape routine authoritarian governance prior to the Arab uprisings. The notion of routine authoritarian governance emphasizes the ideological and material patterns of interactions between government and opposition over time. Among these interactions the chapter focuses particularly on the role that legitimacy, coercion, and economic and political cooptation played in the entrenchment of specific political behaviors (e.g. authoritarian bargains). As a counter-weight to this narrative, the chapter indicates how ‘protest costs’ have been repeatedly overcome at different historical junctures, and how regimes have had to adapt in response to these (mainly unsuccessful) challenges from below and/or from counter-elites. Authoritarianism in the pre-Arab uprisings period is thus presented as an ever-changing combination of identities and practices that has been maintained at equilibrium by ruling elites for several decades.Less
This chapter presents the longer-term factors that have been known to shape routine authoritarian governance prior to the Arab uprisings. The notion of routine authoritarian governance emphasizes the ideological and material patterns of interactions between government and opposition over time. Among these interactions the chapter focuses particularly on the role that legitimacy, coercion, and economic and political cooptation played in the entrenchment of specific political behaviors (e.g. authoritarian bargains). As a counter-weight to this narrative, the chapter indicates how ‘protest costs’ have been repeatedly overcome at different historical junctures, and how regimes have had to adapt in response to these (mainly unsuccessful) challenges from below and/or from counter-elites. Authoritarianism in the pre-Arab uprisings period is thus presented as an ever-changing combination of identities and practices that has been maintained at equilibrium by ruling elites for several decades.
