Or Rosenboim
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691168722
- eISBN:
- 9781400885237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691168722.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines perceptions of the state in a global context, arguing that the emergence of globalism encouraged mid-century thinkers to reimagine—but not abandon—the nation-state. In ...
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This chapter examines perceptions of the state in a global context, arguing that the emergence of globalism encouraged mid-century thinkers to reimagine—but not abandon—the nation-state. In particular, it considers Raymond Aron’s proposals to reinterpret the political space of the nation-state in the post-war era and how the war experience formed his conceptualization of international relations. While the state remained for Aron the main bastion of individual liberty, he acknowledged its conceptual and structural insufficiency in the age of globalism. Aron’s interpretation of political ideologies in conversation with the sociologist Karl Mannheim and the philosopher Jacques Maritain led to the development of his loose and pluralistic vision of European unity held together by “political myth.” The chapter also compares Aron’s vision of world order with that of David Mitrany.Less
This chapter examines perceptions of the state in a global context, arguing that the emergence of globalism encouraged mid-century thinkers to reimagine—but not abandon—the nation-state. In particular, it considers Raymond Aron’s proposals to reinterpret the political space of the nation-state in the post-war era and how the war experience formed his conceptualization of international relations. While the state remained for Aron the main bastion of individual liberty, he acknowledged its conceptual and structural insufficiency in the age of globalism. Aron’s interpretation of political ideologies in conversation with the sociologist Karl Mannheim and the philosopher Jacques Maritain led to the development of his loose and pluralistic vision of European unity held together by “political myth.” The chapter also compares Aron’s vision of world order with that of David Mitrany.
Chiara Bottici
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231157780
- eISBN:
- 9780231527811
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231157780.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter examines how the spectacularization and virtualization of politics affect the search for legitimacy in a more or less invented tradition—what it calls the “politics of the past.” More ...
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This chapter examines how the spectacularization and virtualization of politics affect the search for legitimacy in a more or less invented tradition—what it calls the “politics of the past.” More specifically, it argues that mythical and historical narratives are not necessarily the same thing, but that they tend to converge in contemporary societies. In a global society of the spectacle, references to “traditions” tend to assume mythical connotations. The chapter first considers what constitutes a mythical narrative in general and a political myth in particular before explaining how political myth relates to historical narratives. It then explores how contemporary spectacularization and virtualization of politics have further increased what has been called the primacy effect of political myth. Finally, it looks at the recent success of the myth about a clash between Islam and the West.Less
This chapter examines how the spectacularization and virtualization of politics affect the search for legitimacy in a more or less invented tradition—what it calls the “politics of the past.” More specifically, it argues that mythical and historical narratives are not necessarily the same thing, but that they tend to converge in contemporary societies. In a global society of the spectacle, references to “traditions” tend to assume mythical connotations. The chapter first considers what constitutes a mythical narrative in general and a political myth in particular before explaining how political myth relates to historical narratives. It then explores how contemporary spectacularization and virtualization of politics have further increased what has been called the primacy effect of political myth. Finally, it looks at the recent success of the myth about a clash between Islam and the West.
LARRY W. YARAK
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198221562
- eISBN:
- 9780191678448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198221562.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter looks at the origin and significance of the Asantehene's kostgeld, the annual stipend paid by the Dutch as rent or tribute, initially in acknowledgment of Asante sovereignty at Accra, ...
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This chapter looks at the origin and significance of the Asantehene's kostgeld, the annual stipend paid by the Dutch as rent or tribute, initially in acknowledgment of Asante sovereignty at Accra, from 1744 until the departure of the Dutch from the Gold Coast in 1872. It starts by presenting the historical and historiographical debates on origin and significance of the kostgeld. It is shown that this did not in any way symbolize the special relationship that already existed between Asante and the Dutch, as discussed in the previous chapter. The new kostbrief issued to the king in 1818 became known as the ‘Elmina note’. Residual Asante claims to the Accra kostgeld were rendered unsustainable by the Asante defeat at Katamanso in 1826 and the Anglo-Asante and Danish-Asante treaties of 1831.Less
This chapter looks at the origin and significance of the Asantehene's kostgeld, the annual stipend paid by the Dutch as rent or tribute, initially in acknowledgment of Asante sovereignty at Accra, from 1744 until the departure of the Dutch from the Gold Coast in 1872. It starts by presenting the historical and historiographical debates on origin and significance of the kostgeld. It is shown that this did not in any way symbolize the special relationship that already existed between Asante and the Dutch, as discussed in the previous chapter. The new kostbrief issued to the king in 1818 became known as the ‘Elmina note’. Residual Asante claims to the Accra kostgeld were rendered unsustainable by the Asante defeat at Katamanso in 1826 and the Anglo-Asante and Danish-Asante treaties of 1831.
Sheldon S. Wolin
Nicholas Xenos (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691133645
- eISBN:
- 9781400883424
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133645.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyzes the politics behind conservative attacks upon the Sixties and their simultaneous claim that it is contemporary conservatives who are the real radicals with truly revolutionary ...
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This chapter analyzes the politics behind conservative attacks upon the Sixties and their simultaneous claim that it is contemporary conservatives who are the real radicals with truly revolutionary ideas. It suggests that the rhetorical formulations of both the defenders and critics of the Sixties may be indicative of a historical transformation occurring in both conservatism and radicalism. At its center is a reversal of historical roles and historical consciousness and, along with it, of the political identities formed around conceptions of past and future that once distinguished radicalism from conservatism. The complexity of a reversal that finds conservatives professing to be revolutionaries, while in actuality they are more accurately described as counterrevolutionary, may be a product of the strict taboos imposed by the American political tradition on discussion of the idea of counterrevolution.Less
This chapter analyzes the politics behind conservative attacks upon the Sixties and their simultaneous claim that it is contemporary conservatives who are the real radicals with truly revolutionary ideas. It suggests that the rhetorical formulations of both the defenders and critics of the Sixties may be indicative of a historical transformation occurring in both conservatism and radicalism. At its center is a reversal of historical roles and historical consciousness and, along with it, of the political identities formed around conceptions of past and future that once distinguished radicalism from conservatism. The complexity of a reversal that finds conservatives professing to be revolutionaries, while in actuality they are more accurately described as counterrevolutionary, may be a product of the strict taboos imposed by the American political tradition on discussion of the idea of counterrevolution.
Edmund F. Kallina
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034850
- eISBN:
- 9780813038599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034850.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
While the 1960 presidential election was over, the controversy concerning it was just beginning. Historians, political scientists, politicians, and interested citizens began trying to make sense of ...
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While the 1960 presidential election was over, the controversy concerning it was just beginning. Historians, political scientists, politicians, and interested citizens began trying to make sense of what had happened. Inevitably, these interpretations were more about satisfying the practical and psychological needs of the interpreter than anything else. The explanations made their way into the national consciousness, where they have continued to shape the popular perception of the election for a half century.Less
While the 1960 presidential election was over, the controversy concerning it was just beginning. Historians, political scientists, politicians, and interested citizens began trying to make sense of what had happened. Inevitably, these interpretations were more about satisfying the practical and psychological needs of the interpreter than anything else. The explanations made their way into the national consciousness, where they have continued to shape the popular perception of the election for a half century.
