Elaine Chalus
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199280100
- eISBN:
- 9780191707087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280100.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The conclusion makes a case for women's involvement in political life, arguing that it needs to be understood in context. By no means all women, even at the level of the political elite, were ...
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The conclusion makes a case for women's involvement in political life, arguing that it needs to be understood in context. By no means all women, even at the level of the political elite, were politically active, yet women were an integral part of the political world of the 18th century. For many, involvement in political life was motivated by familial considerations, but the effectiveness of such involvement should not be underestimated. Furthermore, while questions about whether women made a difference might be hard to evaluate in national terms, in local or personal politics — in terms of places gained, preferments and promotions secured, votes won, and supporters wooed — there can be little doubt that they did.Less
The conclusion makes a case for women's involvement in political life, arguing that it needs to be understood in context. By no means all women, even at the level of the political elite, were politically active, yet women were an integral part of the political world of the 18th century. For many, involvement in political life was motivated by familial considerations, but the effectiveness of such involvement should not be underestimated. Furthermore, while questions about whether women made a difference might be hard to evaluate in national terms, in local or personal politics — in terms of places gained, preferments and promotions secured, votes won, and supporters wooed — there can be little doubt that they did.
Duncan Kelly
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262870
- eISBN:
- 9780191734892
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262870.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Max Weber's rejection of an idea central to nineteenth-century Staatsrechtslehre. This is the notion that the state itself is a ‘personality’. After outlining some of the main ...
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This chapter examines Max Weber's rejection of an idea central to nineteenth-century Staatsrechtslehre. This is the notion that the state itself is a ‘personality’. After outlining some of the main tenets of this tradition, the chapter seeks to show how Weber, borrowing from the work of Georg Jellinek in particular, retains a conceptual understanding of the state that stresses its position at the apex of political life. He nevertheless rejected the formalism of Jellinek's modified legal-positivist argument, which had resulted in his famous two-sided (one legal, the other political-sociological) account of the state. Weber insisted that the state could only be properly discussed as a relationship of domination, and in an empirical-sociological and comparative manner at that.Less
This chapter examines Max Weber's rejection of an idea central to nineteenth-century Staatsrechtslehre. This is the notion that the state itself is a ‘personality’. After outlining some of the main tenets of this tradition, the chapter seeks to show how Weber, borrowing from the work of Georg Jellinek in particular, retains a conceptual understanding of the state that stresses its position at the apex of political life. He nevertheless rejected the formalism of Jellinek's modified legal-positivist argument, which had resulted in his famous two-sided (one legal, the other political-sociological) account of the state. Weber insisted that the state could only be properly discussed as a relationship of domination, and in an empirical-sociological and comparative manner at that.
Thomas N. Corns
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198128830
- eISBN:
- 9780191671715
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198128830.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This book studies the relationship between literature and the political crises of the English Civil War. It explores the ways in which the literary culture of the period changed and survived in ...
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This book studies the relationship between literature and the political crises of the English Civil War. It explores the ways in which the literary culture of the period changed and survived in radically shifting circumstances and conditions of extreme adversity, and examines the ways in which old forms developed and new forms emerged to articulate new ideologies and to respond to triumphs and disasters. Included in the book's discussion of a wide range of authors and texts are examinations of the Cavalier love poetry of Herrick and Lovelace, Herrick's religious verse, the polemical strategies of Eikon Basilike, and the complexities of Cowley's political verse. The book also provides an important new account of Marvell's political instability, while the prose of Lilburne, Winstanley, and the Ranters is the subject of a long and sustained account which focuses on their sometimes exhilarating attempts to find an idiom for ideologies which previously had been unexpressed in English political life. Through the whole study runs a detailed engagement with Milton's political prose, and the book ends with a consideration of the impact of the Civil War and related events on the English literary tradition, specifically on Rochester, Bunyan, and the later writing of Milton.Less
This book studies the relationship between literature and the political crises of the English Civil War. It explores the ways in which the literary culture of the period changed and survived in radically shifting circumstances and conditions of extreme adversity, and examines the ways in which old forms developed and new forms emerged to articulate new ideologies and to respond to triumphs and disasters. Included in the book's discussion of a wide range of authors and texts are examinations of the Cavalier love poetry of Herrick and Lovelace, Herrick's religious verse, the polemical strategies of Eikon Basilike, and the complexities of Cowley's political verse. The book also provides an important new account of Marvell's political instability, while the prose of Lilburne, Winstanley, and the Ranters is the subject of a long and sustained account which focuses on their sometimes exhilarating attempts to find an idiom for ideologies which previously had been unexpressed in English political life. Through the whole study runs a detailed engagement with Milton's political prose, and the book ends with a consideration of the impact of the Civil War and related events on the English literary tradition, specifically on Rochester, Bunyan, and the later writing of Milton.
Michael Koß
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199572755
- eISBN:
- 9780191595103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572755.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
The French institutional context did not provide incentives for party cooperation, at least not between parties of the left and right camps. Similar to their British counterparts, French parties were ...
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The French institutional context did not provide incentives for party cooperation, at least not between parties of the left and right camps. Similar to their British counterparts, French parties were unable to reach a consensus on the introduction of state funding in the late 1970s on account of their preference for vote-seeking strategies. The introduction of comprehensive state funding between 1988 and 1994 can be led back to two reasons. Firstly, the cohabitation which, as an exception to the bipolar institutional logic of the French polity, created incentives for cooperation across the ideological blocs. Secondly (and more importantly), an ever more intensive discourse on political corruption which was not only communicative, that is, led between the parties and the public, but also gained a coordinative element since, in the mid 1980s, all parties started to refer to the positively connoted topos of a necessary moralization of political life.Less
The French institutional context did not provide incentives for party cooperation, at least not between parties of the left and right camps. Similar to their British counterparts, French parties were unable to reach a consensus on the introduction of state funding in the late 1970s on account of their preference for vote-seeking strategies. The introduction of comprehensive state funding between 1988 and 1994 can be led back to two reasons. Firstly, the cohabitation which, as an exception to the bipolar institutional logic of the French polity, created incentives for cooperation across the ideological blocs. Secondly (and more importantly), an ever more intensive discourse on political corruption which was not only communicative, that is, led between the parties and the public, but also gained a coordinative element since, in the mid 1980s, all parties started to refer to the positively connoted topos of a necessary moralization of political life.
Bob Harris
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199246939
- eISBN:
- 9780191714566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199246939.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party ...
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This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party identities, and the degree of political stability which existed. The chapter examines political life from the point of view of the politicians who dominated ministerial office — the old corps Whigs, together with Whig politicians and factions who sought office, the ‘flying squadons’ as Lord Hardwicke was to call them on one occasion. The opposition to Whig oligarchical government, which included the Jacobites, Tories, who comprised a majority of opposition MPs throughout this period, opposition Whig and independent MPs, and the press, is also discussed. The press of the later 1740s to later 1750s has been little studied, yet it continued to be an important and episodically influential base for dissent from Whig rule.Less
This chapter explores the nature and changing conditions of national politics in mid-18th-century England and Wales. Emphasis is placed on the main forces shaping political life, especially party identities, and the degree of political stability which existed. The chapter examines political life from the point of view of the politicians who dominated ministerial office — the old corps Whigs, together with Whig politicians and factions who sought office, the ‘flying squadons’ as Lord Hardwicke was to call them on one occasion. The opposition to Whig oligarchical government, which included the Jacobites, Tories, who comprised a majority of opposition MPs throughout this period, opposition Whig and independent MPs, and the press, is also discussed. The press of the later 1740s to later 1750s has been little studied, yet it continued to be an important and episodically influential base for dissent from Whig rule.
Nadav Samin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164441
- eISBN:
- 9781400873852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164441.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the compulsion to claim tribal belonging in relation to a set of institutional policies and techniques adopted by the modern Saudi state over the course of the twentieth ...
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This chapter examines the compulsion to claim tribal belonging in relation to a set of institutional policies and techniques adopted by the modern Saudi state over the course of the twentieth century. It explains how these policies and techniques combine to produce a genealogical rule of governance that underpins political practice in Saudi Arabia. It also considers how the Saudi state's efforts to standardize citizen identities according to genealogical criteria through identification papers called tūbiʻiyya, promote lineal authentication as a core political function, and privilege kinship as a dominant symbol of Āl-Saʻud rule have made genealogy a pervasive aspect of social and political life in the modern kingdom. The chapter concludes by analyzing the territorial dispute over the oasis of Buraymī.Less
This chapter examines the compulsion to claim tribal belonging in relation to a set of institutional policies and techniques adopted by the modern Saudi state over the course of the twentieth century. It explains how these policies and techniques combine to produce a genealogical rule of governance that underpins political practice in Saudi Arabia. It also considers how the Saudi state's efforts to standardize citizen identities according to genealogical criteria through identification papers called tūbiʻiyya, promote lineal authentication as a core political function, and privilege kinship as a dominant symbol of Āl-Saʻud rule have made genealogy a pervasive aspect of social and political life in the modern kingdom. The chapter concludes by analyzing the territorial dispute over the oasis of Buraymī.
Nadav Samin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164441
- eISBN:
- 9781400873852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164441.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter investigates Najdi historiography from a genealogical perspective in order to elucidate how and why central Arabian genealogies were documented from the eighteenth through the twentieth ...
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This chapter investigates Najdi historiography from a genealogical perspective in order to elucidate how and why central Arabian genealogies were documented from the eighteenth through the twentieth century. It considers how Saudi bedouin and settled populations conceived of their kinship relations through their own eyes and through the eyes of Western travelers. It also discusses the caste-like status hierarchies that existed in central Arabia before the modern period, hierarchies rooted in Arabian political culture, and how the emergence of these hierarchies in modern Saudi history represents an important transition in the kingdom's social and cultural life. Finally, it examines the beginnings of modern genealogical culture in Saudi Arabia and suggests that the documenting of lineages and their mass circulation in print helped transform Saudi genealogies from reflexive components of social and political life into coveted objects of modern Saudi identity.Less
This chapter investigates Najdi historiography from a genealogical perspective in order to elucidate how and why central Arabian genealogies were documented from the eighteenth through the twentieth century. It considers how Saudi bedouin and settled populations conceived of their kinship relations through their own eyes and through the eyes of Western travelers. It also discusses the caste-like status hierarchies that existed in central Arabia before the modern period, hierarchies rooted in Arabian political culture, and how the emergence of these hierarchies in modern Saudi history represents an important transition in the kingdom's social and cultural life. Finally, it examines the beginnings of modern genealogical culture in Saudi Arabia and suggests that the documenting of lineages and their mass circulation in print helped transform Saudi genealogies from reflexive components of social and political life into coveted objects of modern Saudi identity.
Elaine Chalus
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199280100
- eISBN:
- 9780191707087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280100.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with the author's description of the beginnings of her interest in 18th-century elite women and politics. The author's approach to women's political involvement and ...
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This introductory chapter begins with the author's description of the beginnings of her interest in 18th-century elite women and politics. The author's approach to women's political involvement and research is then discussed. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with the author's description of the beginnings of her interest in 18th-century elite women and politics. The author's approach to women's political involvement and research is then discussed. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195098327
- eISBN:
- 9780199852901
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195098327.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book offers an account of loyalty that illuminates its role in our relationships with family and friends, our ties to country, and the commitment of the religious to God and their community. The ...
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This book offers an account of loyalty that illuminates its role in our relationships with family and friends, our ties to country, and the commitment of the religious to God and their community. The book opposes the traditional view of the moral self as detached from context and history. It argues instead that loyalty, not impartial detachment, should be the central feature of our moral and political lives. It claims that a commitment to country is necessary to improve the lot of the poor and disadvantaged. This commitment to country may well require greater reliance on patriotic rituals in education and a reconsideration of the Supreme Court's extending the First Amendment to protect flag burning. Given the worldwide currents of parochialism and political decentralization, the task for us, the book argues, is to renew our commitment to a single nation united in its diversity. The book reasons that the legal systems should defer to existing relationships of loyalty. Familial, professional, and religious loyalties should be respected as relationships beyond the limits of the law. Yet the question remains: Aren't loyalty, and particularly patriotism, dangerously one-sided? Indeed, they are, but no more than are love and friendship. The challenge, the book maintains, is to overcome the distorting effects of impartial morality and to develop a morality of loyalty properly suited to our emotional and spiritual lives. Justice has its sphere, as do loyalties.Less
This book offers an account of loyalty that illuminates its role in our relationships with family and friends, our ties to country, and the commitment of the religious to God and their community. The book opposes the traditional view of the moral self as detached from context and history. It argues instead that loyalty, not impartial detachment, should be the central feature of our moral and political lives. It claims that a commitment to country is necessary to improve the lot of the poor and disadvantaged. This commitment to country may well require greater reliance on patriotic rituals in education and a reconsideration of the Supreme Court's extending the First Amendment to protect flag burning. Given the worldwide currents of parochialism and political decentralization, the task for us, the book argues, is to renew our commitment to a single nation united in its diversity. The book reasons that the legal systems should defer to existing relationships of loyalty. Familial, professional, and religious loyalties should be respected as relationships beyond the limits of the law. Yet the question remains: Aren't loyalty, and particularly patriotism, dangerously one-sided? Indeed, they are, but no more than are love and friendship. The challenge, the book maintains, is to overcome the distorting effects of impartial morality and to develop a morality of loyalty properly suited to our emotional and spiritual lives. Justice has its sphere, as do loyalties.
Jenny Graham
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199215300
- eISBN:
- 9780191706929
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199215300.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter discusses Priestley's life in America. Priestley, who was implicated in more than one way in the activities of the English radicals, departed for America in April 1794. Priestley ...
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This chapter discusses Priestley's life in America. Priestley, who was implicated in more than one way in the activities of the English radicals, departed for America in April 1794. Priestley received an enthusiastic welcome upon arriving in New York in June 1794 because he was a long-standing friend of the Americans and their experiment in republican government, and he received much sympathy for his persecution in England as a result of his outspoken support for France. Priestley's early years in Pennsylvania, his identification with the social and political trials facing America, and his final years under Jefferson are discussed.Less
This chapter discusses Priestley's life in America. Priestley, who was implicated in more than one way in the activities of the English radicals, departed for America in April 1794. Priestley received an enthusiastic welcome upon arriving in New York in June 1794 because he was a long-standing friend of the Americans and their experiment in republican government, and he received much sympathy for his persecution in England as a result of his outspoken support for France. Priestley's early years in Pennsylvania, his identification with the social and political trials facing America, and his final years under Jefferson are discussed.
Sheri Berman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199736430
- eISBN:
- 9780199866106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736430.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
After years of neglect, scholars have once again begun studying the role played by concepts such as ideas, norms, and culture in political life. While this literature has advanced our understanding ...
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After years of neglect, scholars have once again begun studying the role played by concepts such as ideas, norms, and culture in political life. While this literature has advanced our understanding of political actors and outcomes in critical ways, it is also plagued by a number of problems, one of which is the focus of this chapter: its status quo bias. The chapter presents a reexamination of social democracy as a reminder of the need to analyze carefully the role played by both structure and agency, and the need for different types of historical analysis and process tracing in order to understand the two-stage process by which ideologies rise and fall. A better understanding of how and why ideologies develop, in turn, can critically contribute to the ideational “wave” currently sweeping through the social sciences.Less
After years of neglect, scholars have once again begun studying the role played by concepts such as ideas, norms, and culture in political life. While this literature has advanced our understanding of political actors and outcomes in critical ways, it is also plagued by a number of problems, one of which is the focus of this chapter: its status quo bias. The chapter presents a reexamination of social democracy as a reminder of the need to analyze carefully the role played by both structure and agency, and the need for different types of historical analysis and process tracing in order to understand the two-stage process by which ideologies rise and fall. A better understanding of how and why ideologies develop, in turn, can critically contribute to the ideational “wave” currently sweeping through the social sciences.
Elaine Chalus
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199280100
- eISBN:
- 9780191707087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280100.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter addresses fundamental questions about women's relationship to formal politics, and concludes that women's involvement in political life was, even if examined only in terms of electoral ...
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This chapter addresses fundamental questions about women's relationship to formal politics, and concludes that women's involvement in political life was, even if examined only in terms of electoral privilege and practice, more complicated and more amorphous than has frequently been assumed. While custom prevented women from voting or serving in parliament, other factors, including variations in franchises, differences in local customs and practices, and the tendency to view politics in familial terms, provided them with an assortment of opportunities and reasons for involvement. Moreover, it calls attention to women's electoral privileges in burgage and freeman boroughs, revealing not only that contemporaries recognized that women could have political influence and treated them with respect accordingly, but also that this influence was not exclusive to exceptional or elite women.Less
This chapter addresses fundamental questions about women's relationship to formal politics, and concludes that women's involvement in political life was, even if examined only in terms of electoral privilege and practice, more complicated and more amorphous than has frequently been assumed. While custom prevented women from voting or serving in parliament, other factors, including variations in franchises, differences in local customs and practices, and the tendency to view politics in familial terms, provided them with an assortment of opportunities and reasons for involvement. Moreover, it calls attention to women's electoral privileges in burgage and freeman boroughs, revealing not only that contemporaries recognized that women could have political influence and treated them with respect accordingly, but also that this influence was not exclusive to exceptional or elite women.
Elaine Chalus
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199280100
- eISBN:
- 9780191707087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280100.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter concentrates on women's involvement in the social aspects of 18th-century political life. It calls attention to the interconnexion of politics and society, and to the importance that ...
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This chapter concentrates on women's involvement in the social aspects of 18th-century political life. It calls attention to the interconnexion of politics and society, and to the importance that contemporaries attached to the management of people and social situations for political ends. It suggests that women played a vital part in the construction and maintenance of a highly politicized society. For women from politically active families, politicization often began at home; moreover, society itself, especially in London, was permeated by politics.Less
This chapter concentrates on women's involvement in the social aspects of 18th-century political life. It calls attention to the interconnexion of politics and society, and to the importance that contemporaries attached to the management of people and social situations for political ends. It suggests that women played a vital part in the construction and maintenance of a highly politicized society. For women from politically active families, politicization often began at home; moreover, society itself, especially in London, was permeated by politics.
Denise Meyerson
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198248194
- eISBN:
- 9780191681073
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198248194.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book on Marxism has aimed to expose certain ‘necessary illusions’ about political life, to discredit agent's perceptions of political reality, and to supply an explanation for their ...
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This book on Marxism has aimed to expose certain ‘necessary illusions’ about political life, to discredit agent's perceptions of political reality, and to supply an explanation for their misconceptions. The misconceptions of member of the ruling class about their motives are explained by the economic interests they serve and they must be motivated. Marxists ought not to talk in terms of true wants in the context of workers failing to perceive their interests. Marxists claims can be defended philosophically and ought to be of more general interest. Marxists are right to hold a factual and want-independent conception of interests and are justified in thinking that desires can have the wrong kind of causal history. Reason plays a smaller part of human life than they liked to think. As Marx stated, what is experienced as natural or inevitable acquires ‘stability’ and this is an insight which carries over into non-economic areas of life too.Less
This book on Marxism has aimed to expose certain ‘necessary illusions’ about political life, to discredit agent's perceptions of political reality, and to supply an explanation for their misconceptions. The misconceptions of member of the ruling class about their motives are explained by the economic interests they serve and they must be motivated. Marxists ought not to talk in terms of true wants in the context of workers failing to perceive their interests. Marxists claims can be defended philosophically and ought to be of more general interest. Marxists are right to hold a factual and want-independent conception of interests and are justified in thinking that desires can have the wrong kind of causal history. Reason plays a smaller part of human life than they liked to think. As Marx stated, what is experienced as natural or inevitable acquires ‘stability’ and this is an insight which carries over into non-economic areas of life too.
Giancarlo Casale
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195377828
- eISBN:
- 9780199775699
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377828.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter focuses on Rustem Pasha, who dominated Ottoman political life throughout the middle decades of the 16th century. Nominated to the grand vizierate upon Hadim Suleiman's dismissal in ...
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This chapter focuses on Rustem Pasha, who dominated Ottoman political life throughout the middle decades of the 16th century. Nominated to the grand vizierate upon Hadim Suleiman's dismissal in November of 1544, Rustem went on to hold the position almost continuously until his death seventeen years later. Unlike his predecessor Hadim Suleiman, who had consistently sought to maximize the free flow of trade across Ottoman lands from the Indian Ocean, Rustem professed a deep-seated suspicion of foreign merchants and generally favored an economic policy that subordinated mercantile interests to the needs of supplying the army and provisioning the Ottoman capital. Rather than seeing the flow of goods in and out of the Ottoman Empire as a source of wealth and a reaffirmation of Ottoman prestige, Rustem seems to have viewed international trade primarily as a threat, a drain through which the precious metals and other strategic resources of the empire were being continually sucked away.Less
This chapter focuses on Rustem Pasha, who dominated Ottoman political life throughout the middle decades of the 16th century. Nominated to the grand vizierate upon Hadim Suleiman's dismissal in November of 1544, Rustem went on to hold the position almost continuously until his death seventeen years later. Unlike his predecessor Hadim Suleiman, who had consistently sought to maximize the free flow of trade across Ottoman lands from the Indian Ocean, Rustem professed a deep-seated suspicion of foreign merchants and generally favored an economic policy that subordinated mercantile interests to the needs of supplying the army and provisioning the Ottoman capital. Rather than seeing the flow of goods in and out of the Ottoman Empire as a source of wealth and a reaffirmation of Ottoman prestige, Rustem seems to have viewed international trade primarily as a threat, a drain through which the precious metals and other strategic resources of the empire were being continually sucked away.
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter offers suggestions for the revival of German political and constitutional life under military government, with a view to providing an environment in which cooperation of the United ...
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This chapter offers suggestions for the revival of German political and constitutional life under military government, with a view to providing an environment in which cooperation of the United States, United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union could be maximized. It examines a number of issues, such as the dismissal or retention of an existing German government; the appointment of a temporary central German authority by military government; the political, social, and economic policies to be pursued in Germany; the time and conditions under which local and national elections are to be held; and the time and method of the disestablishment of military government. The chapter considers the legal continuity of a German government existing at the time of occupation, the policy of military government toward a German government, and the establishment of a central German administrative authority. It also discusses basic issues in German politics under military government and the problem of elections.Less
This chapter offers suggestions for the revival of German political and constitutional life under military government, with a view to providing an environment in which cooperation of the United States, United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union could be maximized. It examines a number of issues, such as the dismissal or retention of an existing German government; the appointment of a temporary central German authority by military government; the political, social, and economic policies to be pursued in Germany; the time and conditions under which local and national elections are to be held; and the time and method of the disestablishment of military government. The chapter considers the legal continuity of a German government existing at the time of occupation, the policy of military government toward a German government, and the establishment of a central German administrative authority. It also discusses basic issues in German politics under military government and the problem of elections.
J. M. Wallace‐Hadrill
- Published in print:
- 1983
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198269069
- eISBN:
- 9780191600777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198269064.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Discusses the development, nature and role of the most characteristic form of Merovingian literature, the Lives of the Saints. This can be seen in the volumes of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, ...
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Discusses the development, nature and role of the most characteristic form of Merovingian literature, the Lives of the Saints. This can be seen in the volumes of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, and also in an enormous number of manuscripts that contain collections of them, most of which are from the 12th to 14th centuries, although some are earlier. They are not ‘biographies’ in the usual sense of the word, but are rather an elaborate literary exercise conducted by the Frankish Church to attract and hold popular devotion (they were to be read aloud on saints’ feast days), to define the nature of sanctity, and to keep the cult of holy men within the structure of the Church. The various Lives written by Gregory, Venantius, Jonas and others are discussed, and the changes in the sort of Saint's Life wanted by the Church in the 12th century described, of which the most significant was the inclusion of the Lives of martyred political bishops. Later Merovingian Lives are richer in personal and political detail, although they were still composed as proofs of sanctity as traditionally understood.Less
Discusses the development, nature and role of the most characteristic form of Merovingian literature, the Lives of the Saints. This can be seen in the volumes of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, and also in an enormous number of manuscripts that contain collections of them, most of which are from the 12th to 14th centuries, although some are earlier. They are not ‘biographies’ in the usual sense of the word, but are rather an elaborate literary exercise conducted by the Frankish Church to attract and hold popular devotion (they were to be read aloud on saints’ feast days), to define the nature of sanctity, and to keep the cult of holy men within the structure of the Church. The various Lives written by Gregory, Venantius, Jonas and others are discussed, and the changes in the sort of Saint's Life wanted by the Church in the 12th century described, of which the most significant was the inclusion of the Lives of martyred political bishops. Later Merovingian Lives are richer in personal and political detail, although they were still composed as proofs of sanctity as traditionally understood.
Elaine Chalus
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199280100
- eISBN:
- 9780191707087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280100.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter situates women personally in political life by focusing on their overall political roles as confidantes, advisers, agents, and partners. In revealing a political culture where the ...
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This chapter situates women personally in political life by focusing on their overall political roles as confidantes, advisers, agents, and partners. In revealing a political culture where the boundaries between the social and the political were blurred, and where some degree of female political involvement was often accepted and even expected, it maintains that most women's roles were rooted in the traditional female roles of wife/widow, mother, sister, and daughter. It presents women's political roles as fluid and flexible, varying according to personality, family circumstances, and the demands of particular political situations. Highly political women who operated as partners alongside men in political undertakings were like highly political men themselves: they were always a small group, an elite within the political elite.Less
This chapter situates women personally in political life by focusing on their overall political roles as confidantes, advisers, agents, and partners. In revealing a political culture where the boundaries between the social and the political were blurred, and where some degree of female political involvement was often accepted and even expected, it maintains that most women's roles were rooted in the traditional female roles of wife/widow, mother, sister, and daughter. It presents women's political roles as fluid and flexible, varying according to personality, family circumstances, and the demands of particular political situations. Highly political women who operated as partners alongside men in political undertakings were like highly political men themselves: they were always a small group, an elite within the political elite.
Bob Harris
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199246939
- eISBN:
- 9780191714566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199246939.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Politics in Britain during the mid-18th century was one of considerable depth and significance, as well as much uncertainty. Political stability did not mean tranquility, or an absence of ...
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Politics in Britain during the mid-18th century was one of considerable depth and significance, as well as much uncertainty. Political stability did not mean tranquility, or an absence of apprehension. One of the most important themes in political life in this period was a sense of mounting vulnerability to France's international ambition and military power. A second major theme was the sharp convergence between conceptions of the national interest and commerce from the later 1740s. The challenge for any historian is to understand the problems, prejudices, ideologies, contradictions, and tensions which produced the British state, and which made national revival such an urgent task to many contemporaries until, with the accession of George III, it appeared for a short time at least as if Britain stood on the threshold of a new era of national prosperity, security, and harmony.Less
Politics in Britain during the mid-18th century was one of considerable depth and significance, as well as much uncertainty. Political stability did not mean tranquility, or an absence of apprehension. One of the most important themes in political life in this period was a sense of mounting vulnerability to France's international ambition and military power. A second major theme was the sharp convergence between conceptions of the national interest and commerce from the later 1740s. The challenge for any historian is to understand the problems, prejudices, ideologies, contradictions, and tensions which produced the British state, and which made national revival such an urgent task to many contemporaries until, with the accession of George III, it appeared for a short time at least as if Britain stood on the threshold of a new era of national prosperity, security, and harmony.
Michael Hanchard
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195176247
- eISBN:
- 9780199851003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195176247.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 2 further develops the concepts of micro- and macropolitics, situating them in a political continuum, and developing a broader theory of quotidian politics, the politics of daily life. The ...
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Chapter 2 further develops the concepts of micro- and macropolitics, situating them in a political continuum, and developing a broader theory of quotidian politics, the politics of daily life. The theorization of quotidian politics identifies the borders of culture and politics, yet also offers two distinct forms of politics within a broader definition. The first type of politics defined is macropolitics, the dimension of political life where the powerful are most dominant and where the expression of politics in its institutional forms is most prevalent. The second type is the politics of the weak, which is less formal and more, in the words of Antonio Gramsci, “fragmented and episodic”, forged in conditions of denial, repression, prohibition, and negative sanction. The chapter also accounts for the themes, concepts, and theoretical parts of black politics and black-worlds.Less
Chapter 2 further develops the concepts of micro- and macropolitics, situating them in a political continuum, and developing a broader theory of quotidian politics, the politics of daily life. The theorization of quotidian politics identifies the borders of culture and politics, yet also offers two distinct forms of politics within a broader definition. The first type of politics defined is macropolitics, the dimension of political life where the powerful are most dominant and where the expression of politics in its institutional forms is most prevalent. The second type is the politics of the weak, which is less formal and more, in the words of Antonio Gramsci, “fragmented and episodic”, forged in conditions of denial, repression, prohibition, and negative sanction. The chapter also accounts for the themes, concepts, and theoretical parts of black politics and black-worlds.
