Richard Youngs
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249794
- eISBN:
- 9780191600357
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249792.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book assesses European Union (EU) policies aimed at encouraging democratization in East Asia and the North African and Middle Eastern states within the Euro–Mediterranean partnership—these two ...
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This book assesses European Union (EU) policies aimed at encouraging democratization in East Asia and the North African and Middle Eastern states within the Euro–Mediterranean partnership—these two regions being the source of some of the strongest conceptual challenges to ‘Western’ liberal democracy since the end of the cold war. The book addresses theoretical debates over the international dimensions of democratization and the EU's characteristics as an international actor, including in relation to the development of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The factors both driving and inhibiting European democracy promotion policies are explored. The book outlines the EU's distinctive bottom‐up philosophy, aimed at constructing the socio–economic and ideational foundations for political liberalization, but argues that the EU has, in practice, failed to develop a fully comprehensive and coherent democracy promotion strategy.Less
This book assesses European Union (EU) policies aimed at encouraging democratization in East Asia and the North African and Middle Eastern states within the Euro–Mediterranean partnership—these two regions being the source of some of the strongest conceptual challenges to ‘Western’ liberal democracy since the end of the cold war. The book addresses theoretical debates over the international dimensions of democratization and the EU's characteristics as an international actor, including in relation to the development of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The factors both driving and inhibiting European democracy promotion policies are explored. The book outlines the EU's distinctive bottom‐up philosophy, aimed at constructing the socio–economic and ideational foundations for political liberalization, but argues that the EU has, in practice, failed to develop a fully comprehensive and coherent democracy promotion strategy.
Nadia Ramsis Farah
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162176
- eISBN:
- 9781617970337
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162176.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This new study deals with the unfolding of the great political and economic transformations of the modern Egyptian state from the appointment of Muhammad Ali as governor of Egypt in 1805 to the era ...
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This new study deals with the unfolding of the great political and economic transformations of the modern Egyptian state from the appointment of Muhammad Ali as governor of Egypt in 1805 to the era of President Mubarak, with a special focus on the period 1990–2005, which witnessed a rigorous implementation of structural adjustment policies, the acceleration of economic privatization and liberalization, the emergence of a group of neoliberals within the ruling National Democratic Party, and the consolidation of business interests and representation in parliament and government. The book asserts that the modernization process in Egypt over the last two centuries has been determined by power relations and their articulation, and so it investigates in depth the impact of power relations on development strategies, on political liberalization, on politicized Islam as a hegemonic ideology adopted by the state since the beginning of the 1970s, and on gender relations in development.Less
This new study deals with the unfolding of the great political and economic transformations of the modern Egyptian state from the appointment of Muhammad Ali as governor of Egypt in 1805 to the era of President Mubarak, with a special focus on the period 1990–2005, which witnessed a rigorous implementation of structural adjustment policies, the acceleration of economic privatization and liberalization, the emergence of a group of neoliberals within the ruling National Democratic Party, and the consolidation of business interests and representation in parliament and government. The book asserts that the modernization process in Egypt over the last two centuries has been determined by power relations and their articulation, and so it investigates in depth the impact of power relations on development strategies, on political liberalization, on politicized Islam as a hegemonic ideology adopted by the state since the beginning of the 1970s, and on gender relations in development.
János Kornai
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198287766
- eISBN:
- 9780191596551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198287763.003.0018
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
This chapter discusses political liberalization as one of the real reforming tendencies of classical socialism. Aspects addressed are the monopoly of power, the easing of repression, constant and ...
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This chapter discusses political liberalization as one of the real reforming tendencies of classical socialism. Aspects addressed are the monopoly of power, the easing of repression, constant and variable elements in the official ideology, the seeds of pluralism, opening towards the capitalist world, and change in the scale of publicity and candour. The limits to political reform are discussed.Less
This chapter discusses political liberalization as one of the real reforming tendencies of classical socialism. Aspects addressed are the monopoly of power, the easing of repression, constant and variable elements in the official ideology, the seeds of pluralism, opening towards the capitalist world, and change in the scale of publicity and candour. The limits to political reform are discussed.
Nadia Ramsis Farah
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162176
- eISBN:
- 9781617970337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162176.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter examines the interrelationships between democracy and development. A new politicist trend in social sciences maintains that development is contingent on the existence of a prior ...
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This chapter examines the interrelationships between democracy and development. A new politicist trend in social sciences maintains that development is contingent on the existence of a prior democratic system. Traditional modernization and Marxist theories, on the other hand, have argued that a certain degree of development is a precondition to political liberalization. The chapter rejects these causal explanations of political liberalization. Political liberalization is, rather, the outcome of power relations between factions of elites, or between national and foreign elites. The history of parliamentarism in Egypt supports this assertion. When Khedive Isma'il attempted to resist foreign intervention in Egypt in the 1870s, he allied himself with the members of the Assembly of Delegates, established in 1866, to regain his independence from European powers. While the Assembly of Delegates had limited powers, its members refused the decree to abolish the Assembly issued by Isma'il in 1879 under pressure from the foreign creditors. On the other hand, the early 1970s witnessed intense competition between factions of the bureaucratic elites, which emerged during the 1960s within the confines of the Nasserist state. The resulting intense power conflict was resolved through an internal coup d'état in May 1971, when Anwar Sadat eliminated the pro-Nasserist bureaucratic elites through arrests and lengthy periods of imprisonment.Less
This chapter examines the interrelationships between democracy and development. A new politicist trend in social sciences maintains that development is contingent on the existence of a prior democratic system. Traditional modernization and Marxist theories, on the other hand, have argued that a certain degree of development is a precondition to political liberalization. The chapter rejects these causal explanations of political liberalization. Political liberalization is, rather, the outcome of power relations between factions of elites, or between national and foreign elites. The history of parliamentarism in Egypt supports this assertion. When Khedive Isma'il attempted to resist foreign intervention in Egypt in the 1870s, he allied himself with the members of the Assembly of Delegates, established in 1866, to regain his independence from European powers. While the Assembly of Delegates had limited powers, its members refused the decree to abolish the Assembly issued by Isma'il in 1879 under pressure from the foreign creditors. On the other hand, the early 1970s witnessed intense competition between factions of the bureaucratic elites, which emerged during the 1960s within the confines of the Nasserist state. The resulting intense power conflict was resolved through an internal coup d'état in May 1971, when Anwar Sadat eliminated the pro-Nasserist bureaucratic elites through arrests and lengthy periods of imprisonment.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Chapter 6 argues that civic life in both Zambia and Kenya was characterized by weak social ties, which impeded party-building before and after democratic transitions began. The structure of these ...
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Chapter 6 argues that civic life in both Zambia and Kenya was characterized by weak social ties, which impeded party-building before and after democratic transitions began. The structure of these ties differed. In Zambia, the loose cross-regional networks of organized labor provided likely opposition supporters with a focal point and a means of coordinating votes. In Kenya, on the other hand, civic life was atomized to the district level, which made the coordination of protest across space or across ethnic groups far more difficult. In Zambia, trade unions provided a mobilizing structure that allowed for a successful protest movement as opposition to the ruling party increased. In Kenya, the absence of this mobilizing structure led opposition leaders to rely on ethnic mobilization. In the two countries, different network structures had different implications for the coordination of protest, but they were similarly unsuited for the building of strong, durable opposition parties.Less
Chapter 6 argues that civic life in both Zambia and Kenya was characterized by weak social ties, which impeded party-building before and after democratic transitions began. The structure of these ties differed. In Zambia, the loose cross-regional networks of organized labor provided likely opposition supporters with a focal point and a means of coordinating votes. In Kenya, on the other hand, civic life was atomized to the district level, which made the coordination of protest across space or across ethnic groups far more difficult. In Zambia, trade unions provided a mobilizing structure that allowed for a successful protest movement as opposition to the ruling party increased. In Kenya, the absence of this mobilizing structure led opposition leaders to rely on ethnic mobilization. In the two countries, different network structures had different implications for the coordination of protest, but they were similarly unsuited for the building of strong, durable opposition parties.
Nathan J. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774162015
- eISBN:
- 9781617970993
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162015.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explains why the struggle for judicial independence attracts high hopes from advocates of political liberalization and constitutional reform. It explores the various tools that judges ...
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This chapter explains why the struggle for judicial independence attracts high hopes from advocates of political liberalization and constitutional reform. It explores the various tools that judges have, acting individually and collectively, to pursue the path of constitutional Reform. Furthermore, it examines the degree to which judges have been successful. It then explains the limits and potentialities of judicial activism by focusing on the electoral process. Finally, it concludes by showing why judicial accomplishments, while significant, are unlikely to lead by themselves to a fundamentally different political order. It focuses as much on the limitations of the judiciary as on its potentialities. It seeks to present not a celebratory tale of resistance to oppression but rather a political analysis of the genuine prospects for change.Less
This chapter explains why the struggle for judicial independence attracts high hopes from advocates of political liberalization and constitutional reform. It explores the various tools that judges have, acting individually and collectively, to pursue the path of constitutional Reform. Furthermore, it examines the degree to which judges have been successful. It then explains the limits and potentialities of judicial activism by focusing on the electoral process. Finally, it concludes by showing why judicial accomplishments, while significant, are unlikely to lead by themselves to a fundamentally different political order. It focuses as much on the limitations of the judiciary as on its potentialities. It seeks to present not a celebratory tale of resistance to oppression but rather a political analysis of the genuine prospects for change.
Roderic Ai Camp
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520233430
- eISBN:
- 9780520936386
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520233430.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter emphasizes those representative prototypes of the power elite who will dominate in the immediate future and who will mentor the next generation. It discusses what they represent and ...
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This chapter emphasizes those representative prototypes of the power elite who will dominate in the immediate future and who will mentor the next generation. It discusses what they represent and suggest their consequences for Mexico's future. Drawing comparisons across each of the power elite groups indicates that some groups represent a well-defined shift in elite leadership, while others can claim only modest differences from their predecessors. Intellectuals—both public and private—share some qualities with a third type of cultural power elite, the international intellectual. Demographic patterns favoring urbanization are not likely to change in the twenty-first century. The most dramatic structural shift in the experiences of Mexico's power elite corresponds with the most influential ideological shift in the last three decades, an emphasis on political and economic liberalization. As Mexican leadership marches into the next millennium, networking and mentoring will continue to be vibrant features of power elite circles.Less
This chapter emphasizes those representative prototypes of the power elite who will dominate in the immediate future and who will mentor the next generation. It discusses what they represent and suggest their consequences for Mexico's future. Drawing comparisons across each of the power elite groups indicates that some groups represent a well-defined shift in elite leadership, while others can claim only modest differences from their predecessors. Intellectuals—both public and private—share some qualities with a third type of cultural power elite, the international intellectual. Demographic patterns favoring urbanization are not likely to change in the twenty-first century. The most dramatic structural shift in the experiences of Mexico's power elite corresponds with the most influential ideological shift in the last three decades, an emphasis on political and economic liberalization. As Mexican leadership marches into the next millennium, networking and mentoring will continue to be vibrant features of power elite circles.
Sonia L. Alianak
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780748692712
- eISBN:
- 9781474406079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748692712.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of ...
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This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of cooptation, repression and political liberalisation, lessening the severity of the hierarchical dissonance in values experienced with the ruled who demanded economic justice but at the same time valued stability like their monarch whom they trusted, and which contributed to the survival of the monarchy by making a slow managed reform process more tenable as depicted by the Pendulum Model. The monarch’s version of Islam tended to be more acceptable than that of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood’s Islamic Action Front, who also calling for stability asked for a faster rate of reform which Abdullah II did not tend to oblige perhaps because he did not feel as secure as the Moroccan monarch due to Jordan’s more recent creation after the First World War.Less
This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of cooptation, repression and political liberalisation, lessening the severity of the hierarchical dissonance in values experienced with the ruled who demanded economic justice but at the same time valued stability like their monarch whom they trusted, and which contributed to the survival of the monarchy by making a slow managed reform process more tenable as depicted by the Pendulum Model. The monarch’s version of Islam tended to be more acceptable than that of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood’s Islamic Action Front, who also calling for stability asked for a faster rate of reform which Abdullah II did not tend to oblige perhaps because he did not feel as secure as the Moroccan monarch due to Jordan’s more recent creation after the First World War.
Inmaculada Szmolka and Irene Fernández-Molina
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474415286
- eISBN:
- 9781474438551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter examines the political liberalisation processes undertaken in MENA countries such as Morocco, Jordan, Oman and Algeria. As on previous occasions, the post-2011 political liberalisation ...
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This chapter examines the political liberalisation processes undertaken in MENA countries such as Morocco, Jordan, Oman and Algeria. As on previous occasions, the post-2011 political liberalisation processes were planned and led by the authoritarian rulers in a top-down fashion, acting as an escape valve for authoritarian regimes to defuse social discontent. These reforms were largely cosmetic and therefore have not led to a change in the authoritarian nature of the political regimes. The reforms focused mainly on two aspects: reforms of the constitution and party and electoral laws and changes in each regime’s degree of representation and/or political participation. Although there are positive aspects, the reforms have not brought about substantial changes in power relations. Only in the case of Morocco did these changes produce alternation in government although even there, the repercussions were limited by the need for the election winning party to form a coalition government and because of royal interference in the executive.Less
This chapter examines the political liberalisation processes undertaken in MENA countries such as Morocco, Jordan, Oman and Algeria. As on previous occasions, the post-2011 political liberalisation processes were planned and led by the authoritarian rulers in a top-down fashion, acting as an escape valve for authoritarian regimes to defuse social discontent. These reforms were largely cosmetic and therefore have not led to a change in the authoritarian nature of the political regimes. The reforms focused mainly on two aspects: reforms of the constitution and party and electoral laws and changes in each regime’s degree of representation and/or political participation. Although there are positive aspects, the reforms have not brought about substantial changes in power relations. Only in the case of Morocco did these changes produce alternation in government although even there, the repercussions were limited by the need for the election winning party to form a coalition government and because of royal interference in the executive.
Yukon Huang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- July 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190630034
- eISBN:
- 9780190630065
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190630034.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter discusses how China’s economic transformation, supported by its decentralized system of governance, has affected social outcomes and prospects for political liberalization. China’s ...
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This chapter discusses how China’s economic transformation, supported by its decentralized system of governance, has affected social outcomes and prospects for political liberalization. China’s development path differs from the usual norms. Its impressive growth has been facilitated by a unique decentralized administrative system that has incentivized officials to promote growth and maintain political stability. Rapid growth, however, has not spared China from increasing unrest over widening income disparities, environmental degradation, and social and political tensions, thus raising concerns about the need for systemic reforms in governance. Concerns about economic and political sustainability have intensified recently with corruption being highlighted as threatening the legitimacy of the Communist Party. The new leadership has reiterated a commitment to further economic reforms, but the political system appears to be stuck in a time warp.Less
This chapter discusses how China’s economic transformation, supported by its decentralized system of governance, has affected social outcomes and prospects for political liberalization. China’s development path differs from the usual norms. Its impressive growth has been facilitated by a unique decentralized administrative system that has incentivized officials to promote growth and maintain political stability. Rapid growth, however, has not spared China from increasing unrest over widening income disparities, environmental degradation, and social and political tensions, thus raising concerns about the need for systemic reforms in governance. Concerns about economic and political sustainability have intensified recently with corruption being highlighted as threatening the legitimacy of the Communist Party. The new leadership has reiterated a commitment to further economic reforms, but the political system appears to be stuck in a time warp.
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520217201
- eISBN:
- 9780520922389
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520217201.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter examines the personal and family relationships in rural China during the period from 1954 to 1966. It evaluates the impacts on these relationships of two key political events during this ...
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This chapter examines the personal and family relationships in rural China during the period from 1954 to 1966. It evaluates the impacts on these relationships of two key political events during this period: the political decentralization between 1954 and 1958 and the political and economic liberalization of 1961–1963. It investigates the role of peasants' materials and other resources on divorces and the impact of changing land tenure relations on the power relations in the family.Less
This chapter examines the personal and family relationships in rural China during the period from 1954 to 1966. It evaluates the impacts on these relationships of two key political events during this period: the political decentralization between 1954 and 1958 and the political and economic liberalization of 1961–1963. It investigates the role of peasants' materials and other resources on divorces and the impact of changing land tenure relations on the power relations in the family.
Cathy Blacklock and Alison Crosby
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520230729
- eISBN:
- 9780520937055
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520230729.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter discusses the thirty-six-year civil war in Guatemala. It describes the challenges of participant observation research with popular women's organizations in the context of ...
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This chapter discusses the thirty-six-year civil war in Guatemala. It describes the challenges of participant observation research with popular women's organizations in the context of democratization, a period during which a process of political liberalization occurred in an environment of continuing state repression. It then explores the challenges of undertaking feminist action research with organized groups within civil society in postwar Guatemala. The practical goals of the women's organizations have been to build women's self-esteem and sense of entitlement and to educate women politically. It reveals the changes, albeit slow, messy, and uneven, that were happening as the Guatemalan social system underwent a transition from militarized democratization to post-peace accord neoliberalism. The structures of inequality are utilized to neoliberalize the Guatemalan economy, while the elite exploit the political opportunities of a more distant relationship to the repressive apparatus allowed by the logic of the neoliberal market.Less
This chapter discusses the thirty-six-year civil war in Guatemala. It describes the challenges of participant observation research with popular women's organizations in the context of democratization, a period during which a process of political liberalization occurred in an environment of continuing state repression. It then explores the challenges of undertaking feminist action research with organized groups within civil society in postwar Guatemala. The practical goals of the women's organizations have been to build women's self-esteem and sense of entitlement and to educate women politically. It reveals the changes, albeit slow, messy, and uneven, that were happening as the Guatemalan social system underwent a transition from militarized democratization to post-peace accord neoliberalism. The structures of inequality are utilized to neoliberalize the Guatemalan economy, while the elite exploit the political opportunities of a more distant relationship to the repressive apparatus allowed by the logic of the neoliberal market.
Jan Kubik and Amy Linch (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814724262
- eISBN:
- 9780814724255
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814724262.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
While the decline of communism in the late twentieth century brought democracy, political freedom, and better economic prospects for many people, it also produced massive social dislocation and ...
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While the decline of communism in the late twentieth century brought democracy, political freedom, and better economic prospects for many people, it also produced massive social dislocation and engendered social problems that were far less pronounced under the old regimes. The fall of state socialism led to enormously complex political, economic, social, and cultural transformations, and while political liberalization was a lofty goal, it was neither uniform in its effects nor unqualified in its benefits. This book foregrounds the diversity of the historical experiences and current realities of people in the postcommunist region in examining how they are responding to these monumental changes at home. The chapters lay out a bold new approach to research on the postcommunist region, and to democratization studies more broadly, that focuses on the social and cultural microprocesses behind political and economic transformation. Case studies are included to demonstrate the limitations of current democratization paradigms and suggest ways of building categories of research that more closely capture the role of vernacular knowledge in demanding, creating, and adapting to institutional change. A novel approach to understanding one of the greatest political and social transformations in recent history, the book explores not just how citizens respond to political and economic restructuring engineered at the top but also how people enact their own visions of life, politics, and justice by responding to daily challenges.Less
While the decline of communism in the late twentieth century brought democracy, political freedom, and better economic prospects for many people, it also produced massive social dislocation and engendered social problems that were far less pronounced under the old regimes. The fall of state socialism led to enormously complex political, economic, social, and cultural transformations, and while political liberalization was a lofty goal, it was neither uniform in its effects nor unqualified in its benefits. This book foregrounds the diversity of the historical experiences and current realities of people in the postcommunist region in examining how they are responding to these monumental changes at home. The chapters lay out a bold new approach to research on the postcommunist region, and to democratization studies more broadly, that focuses on the social and cultural microprocesses behind political and economic transformation. Case studies are included to demonstrate the limitations of current democratization paradigms and suggest ways of building categories of research that more closely capture the role of vernacular knowledge in demanding, creating, and adapting to institutional change. A novel approach to understanding one of the greatest political and social transformations in recent history, the book explores not just how citizens respond to political and economic restructuring engineered at the top but also how people enact their own visions of life, politics, and justice by responding to daily challenges.
G. John Ikenberry
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691169217
- eISBN:
- 9781400880843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169217.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter studies the institutional logic of Western order after the Cold War. American foreign policy after the Cold War is largely consistent with the institutional model of order building. As a ...
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This chapter studies the institutional logic of Western order after the Cold War. American foreign policy after the Cold War is largely consistent with the institutional model of order building. As a rising post-Cold War power, the United States had incentives to use institutions to lock in favorable policy orientations in other states. North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) expansion, North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) all contain elements of this thinking. American officials calculated that bringing newly reforming countries into these organizations would help reinforce domestic institutions and political coalitions in these countries that were committed to political and market liberalization. In return, the United States accepted some additional obligations to these countries in the form of security commitments or institutionalized access to American markets.Less
This chapter studies the institutional logic of Western order after the Cold War. American foreign policy after the Cold War is largely consistent with the institutional model of order building. As a rising post-Cold War power, the United States had incentives to use institutions to lock in favorable policy orientations in other states. North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) expansion, North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) all contain elements of this thinking. American officials calculated that bringing newly reforming countries into these organizations would help reinforce domestic institutions and political coalitions in these countries that were committed to political and market liberalization. In return, the United States accepted some additional obligations to these countries in the form of security commitments or institutionalized access to American markets.
Frederic M. Wehrey
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231165129
- eISBN:
- 9780231536103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231165129.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the debate among the Shi'a over whether to participate in the Bahraini Parliament. The collapse of the Saddam regime in Iraq and the political empowerment of Iraq Shi'a left ...
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This chapter examines the debate among the Shi'a over whether to participate in the Bahraini Parliament. The collapse of the Saddam regime in Iraq and the political empowerment of Iraq Shi'a left Bahrain the only country in the Arab world where a Sunni minority rules over a Shi'a majority. The Iraq War was a form of political theater that compelled Bahraini elites and ordinary citizens not simply to observe, but to participate and “reenact” in a highly partisan manner. This participation took a number of forms and was frequently accompanied by fierce debate. For a sizeable bloc of the Shi'a, elections in Iraq provided the impetus to end their previous boycott of Bahrain's Parliament. This chapter considers how the rise of Iranian power injected a new dynamic into identity politics and political liberalization in Bahrain. It also explores the degree to which regional events outside Bahrain influenced the Shi'a by discussing the various Shi'a political societies, their leaders, and their platforms.Less
This chapter examines the debate among the Shi'a over whether to participate in the Bahraini Parliament. The collapse of the Saddam regime in Iraq and the political empowerment of Iraq Shi'a left Bahrain the only country in the Arab world where a Sunni minority rules over a Shi'a majority. The Iraq War was a form of political theater that compelled Bahraini elites and ordinary citizens not simply to observe, but to participate and “reenact” in a highly partisan manner. This participation took a number of forms and was frequently accompanied by fierce debate. For a sizeable bloc of the Shi'a, elections in Iraq provided the impetus to end their previous boycott of Bahrain's Parliament. This chapter considers how the rise of Iranian power injected a new dynamic into identity politics and political liberalization in Bahrain. It also explores the degree to which regional events outside Bahrain influenced the Shi'a by discussing the various Shi'a political societies, their leaders, and their platforms.
Zekeria Ould Ahmed Salem
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190876036
- eISBN:
- 9780190943127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190876036.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Haratin have sought equality and justice primarily through fighting the stigmas attached to slavery and by challenging the political marginalization that has secured their subordination. This ...
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The Haratin have sought equality and justice primarily through fighting the stigmas attached to slavery and by challenging the political marginalization that has secured their subordination. This chapter explores the context in which the Haratin movement began, the evolution of the rhetoric it has used to articulate dissent, its politics, and the growing diversity of the organizations that have devoted themselves to the Haratin cause. It outlines the ways in which the generational divide among activists has shaped the movement’s actions without changing its core demands. It devotes to analyzing the patterns of conflict and cooperation over time, not only within the movement, but also in its rather ambiguous relationships with other social and political actors. It seeks to explain how the complex intersectionality of ethnic and cultural identities has made it difficult at times for non-Haratin communities to accept the legitimacy of the Haratin cause. The chapter then argues that not only has the Haratin movement been an important player in Mauritania’s various attempts at democratization, but also that so-called “political liberalization” has allowed the movement the opportunity to advance its social and political agendas.Less
The Haratin have sought equality and justice primarily through fighting the stigmas attached to slavery and by challenging the political marginalization that has secured their subordination. This chapter explores the context in which the Haratin movement began, the evolution of the rhetoric it has used to articulate dissent, its politics, and the growing diversity of the organizations that have devoted themselves to the Haratin cause. It outlines the ways in which the generational divide among activists has shaped the movement’s actions without changing its core demands. It devotes to analyzing the patterns of conflict and cooperation over time, not only within the movement, but also in its rather ambiguous relationships with other social and political actors. It seeks to explain how the complex intersectionality of ethnic and cultural identities has made it difficult at times for non-Haratin communities to accept the legitimacy of the Haratin cause. The chapter then argues that not only has the Haratin movement been an important player in Mauritania’s various attempts at democratization, but also that so-called “political liberalization” has allowed the movement the opportunity to advance its social and political agendas.
Yukon Huang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- July 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190630034
- eISBN:
- 9780190630065
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190630034.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter brings together the factors that have shaped perceptions about China’s economic rise. It begins by discussing the diverging views of China’s economic prospects. This has implications for ...
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This chapter brings together the factors that have shaped perceptions about China’s economic rise. It begins by discussing the diverging views of China’s economic prospects. This has implications for the debate about the role of the state and prospects for political liberalization framed against President Xi’s corruption campaign and more aggressive foreign policies. Observers see China through their own self-prescribed lens. Factors shaping such perceptions fall under three themes. The first relates to geopolitical tensions and mistrust; the second to location and choice of comparators, complicated by China’s size, speed of change and complexity; and the third is China’s differing institutions and relevance of traditional analytical frameworks. In addition, lack of transparency complicates judgments. Understanding the nature of these differences is the initial step in forging more constructive relations between China as an abnormal great power and the rest of the world.Less
This chapter brings together the factors that have shaped perceptions about China’s economic rise. It begins by discussing the diverging views of China’s economic prospects. This has implications for the debate about the role of the state and prospects for political liberalization framed against President Xi’s corruption campaign and more aggressive foreign policies. Observers see China through their own self-prescribed lens. Factors shaping such perceptions fall under three themes. The first relates to geopolitical tensions and mistrust; the second to location and choice of comparators, complicated by China’s size, speed of change and complexity; and the third is China’s differing institutions and relevance of traditional analytical frameworks. In addition, lack of transparency complicates judgments. Understanding the nature of these differences is the initial step in forging more constructive relations between China as an abnormal great power and the rest of the world.
Yukon Huang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- July 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190630034
- eISBN:
- 9780190630065
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190630034.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
China is an abnormal economic power. No country has grown so rapidly for so long and in such an extreme manner. Media coverage has soared because China’s rise is now challenging the world’s balance ...
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China is an abnormal economic power. No country has grown so rapidly for so long and in such an extreme manner. Media coverage has soared because China’s rise is now challenging the world’s balance of power. Yet one is as likely to read about a possible financial crisis as its emergence as the world’s largest economy. But much of the analysis is flawed, as are many of the policy prescriptions. China’s unbalanced growth, for example, is seen as a risk but in reality is a virtue. Its soaring debt levels are perceived as signaling a financial collapse but can also be interpreted as evidence of financial deepening. Its trade and foreign investment initiatives are blamed for exacerbating America’s economic decline, even though there is little connection between the two. The factors that have influenced broader concerns, such as corruption and political liberalization, are often misunderstood. And Beijing’s foreign policies in Asia need to be deciphered and dealt with differently if there is to be any hope of moderating geopolitical tensions with the United States and its regional allies. Explaining why there is such extreme variation in views and why the conventional wisdom is so often wrong is the theme of this book. Observers see China’s rise through multiple lenses. Geopolitical differences in values and mistrust is part of the explanation, but differing analytical frameworks, along with China’s size and complexity, are the major reasons. Understanding these differences is critical to forging more constructive relations between China and the rest of the world.Less
China is an abnormal economic power. No country has grown so rapidly for so long and in such an extreme manner. Media coverage has soared because China’s rise is now challenging the world’s balance of power. Yet one is as likely to read about a possible financial crisis as its emergence as the world’s largest economy. But much of the analysis is flawed, as are many of the policy prescriptions. China’s unbalanced growth, for example, is seen as a risk but in reality is a virtue. Its soaring debt levels are perceived as signaling a financial collapse but can also be interpreted as evidence of financial deepening. Its trade and foreign investment initiatives are blamed for exacerbating America’s economic decline, even though there is little connection between the two. The factors that have influenced broader concerns, such as corruption and political liberalization, are often misunderstood. And Beijing’s foreign policies in Asia need to be deciphered and dealt with differently if there is to be any hope of moderating geopolitical tensions with the United States and its regional allies. Explaining why there is such extreme variation in views and why the conventional wisdom is so often wrong is the theme of this book. Observers see China’s rise through multiple lenses. Geopolitical differences in values and mistrust is part of the explanation, but differing analytical frameworks, along with China’s size and complexity, are the major reasons. Understanding these differences is critical to forging more constructive relations between China and the rest of the world.
