Douglas Kriner and Francis Shen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390964
- eISBN:
- 9780199776788
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390964.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to ...
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Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to validate such claims has been kept out of public view. The Casualty Gap renews the debate over unequal sacrifice by bringing to light new evidence on the inequality dimensions of American wartime casualties. It demonstrates unequivocally that since the conclusion of World War II, communities at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder have borne a disproportionate share of the human costs of war. Moreover, they show for the first time that when Americans are explicitly confronted with evidence of this inequality, they become markedly less supportive of the nation's war efforts. The Casualty Gap also uncovers how wartime deaths affect entire communities. Citizens who see the high price war exacts on friends and neighbors become more likely to oppose war and to vote against the political leaders waging it than residents of low-casualty communities. Moreover, extensive empirical evidence connects higher community casualty rates in Korea and Vietnam to lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and non-electoral participation. In this way, the casualty gap threatens the very vibrancy of American democracy by depressing civic engagement in high-casualty communities for years after the last gun falls silent.Less
Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to validate such claims has been kept out of public view. The Casualty Gap renews the debate over unequal sacrifice by bringing to light new evidence on the inequality dimensions of American wartime casualties. It demonstrates unequivocally that since the conclusion of World War II, communities at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder have borne a disproportionate share of the human costs of war. Moreover, they show for the first time that when Americans are explicitly confronted with evidence of this inequality, they become markedly less supportive of the nation's war efforts. The Casualty Gap also uncovers how wartime deaths affect entire communities. Citizens who see the high price war exacts on friends and neighbors become more likely to oppose war and to vote against the political leaders waging it than residents of low-casualty communities. Moreover, extensive empirical evidence connects higher community casualty rates in Korea and Vietnam to lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and non-electoral participation. In this way, the casualty gap threatens the very vibrancy of American democracy by depressing civic engagement in high-casualty communities for years after the last gun falls silent.
Roderic Ai Camp
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199742851
- eISBN:
- 9780199866298
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742851.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The overall purpose of this book is to use an original, detailed set of collective biographies of influential national political leaders in Mexico—numbering 3,000 individuals from all braches of the ...
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The overall purpose of this book is to use an original, detailed set of collective biographies of influential national political leaders in Mexico—numbering 3,000 individuals from all braches of the federal government, as well as all state governors, from 1935 to 2008—to test numerous questions about how that leadership has changed, what influences brought about that change, and what extent the shift from a semi-authoritarian to a democratic electoral model alters the composition of national politicians. Using this unique data set, based on four decades of research, and on extensive interviews and correspondence with politicians, many significant alterations are discovered. Among the most important findings, the book concludes that democratic change produces alterations in leadership that are as dramatic or more so than those produced by violent change; that women have played an especially influential role in the democratic transition, especially through the legislative branch; that informal variables, such as kinship ties to important political families, are unaffected by significant changes in a political model; that certain institutional patterns are difficult to restore or hard to change; that specific reforms in the 1960s produced long-term unexpected patterns which continue to influence the composition of leadership to this day; that democracy has revived the importance of local political experience; that partisanship has increased with democratic politics; that the Miguel Alemán generation from the 1900s produced long-term institutional characteristics of Mexican politics; and that governors have emerged as potentially the most important national politicians of the future.Less
The overall purpose of this book is to use an original, detailed set of collective biographies of influential national political leaders in Mexico—numbering 3,000 individuals from all braches of the federal government, as well as all state governors, from 1935 to 2008—to test numerous questions about how that leadership has changed, what influences brought about that change, and what extent the shift from a semi-authoritarian to a democratic electoral model alters the composition of national politicians. Using this unique data set, based on four decades of research, and on extensive interviews and correspondence with politicians, many significant alterations are discovered. Among the most important findings, the book concludes that democratic change produces alterations in leadership that are as dramatic or more so than those produced by violent change; that women have played an especially influential role in the democratic transition, especially through the legislative branch; that informal variables, such as kinship ties to important political families, are unaffected by significant changes in a political model; that certain institutional patterns are difficult to restore or hard to change; that specific reforms in the 1960s produced long-term unexpected patterns which continue to influence the composition of leadership to this day; that democracy has revived the importance of local political experience; that partisanship has increased with democratic politics; that the Miguel Alemán generation from the 1900s produced long-term institutional characteristics of Mexican politics; and that governors have emerged as potentially the most important national politicians of the future.
Thomas König and Daniel Finke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter describes the positions of a diverse set of actors relevant to the analysis of the multistage reform process, which began in autumn 2003 and resulted in the Treaty of Lisbon in autumn ...
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This chapter describes the positions of a diverse set of actors relevant to the analysis of the multistage reform process, which began in autumn 2003 and resulted in the Treaty of Lisbon in autumn 2009. These include decision makers who actively shaped either the outcome or the decision-making process and the veto players who defined the set of feasible reforms. Using the issue-specific preferences of political leaders on sixty-five reform topics, the chapter identifies a two-dimensional space with one contested dimension on the expansion of the EU's jurisdiction and a second on the reform of institutional rules. Drawing on various data sets, it locates other domestic actors within this reform space. These positions are the starting point for the subsequent analysis of the decisions of political leaders to announce popular votes, to delegate bargaining power, and to perform their agenda-setting tasks in finding compromise solutions.Less
This chapter describes the positions of a diverse set of actors relevant to the analysis of the multistage reform process, which began in autumn 2003 and resulted in the Treaty of Lisbon in autumn 2009. These include decision makers who actively shaped either the outcome or the decision-making process and the veto players who defined the set of feasible reforms. Using the issue-specific preferences of political leaders on sixty-five reform topics, the chapter identifies a two-dimensional space with one contested dimension on the expansion of the EU's jurisdiction and a second on the reform of institutional rules. Drawing on various data sets, it locates other domestic actors within this reform space. These positions are the starting point for the subsequent analysis of the decisions of political leaders to announce popular votes, to delegate bargaining power, and to perform their agenda-setting tasks in finding compromise solutions.
Thomas König and Daniel Finke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To ...
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This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To understand the announcements of popular votes by political leaders, it investigates their choice of ratification paths from a strategic perspective, which considers the interactions among political leaders, political parties in the domestic parliaments, and voters. It argues that when choosing a ratification path, political leaders attempted to anticipate the reactions of parliaments and voters. The empirical analysis reveals that these leaders not only considered their expected gains from each ratification path—that is, their gains from the revision of the Treaty of Nice and the likelihood for successful ratification—but also recognized the strategic implications of a referendum announcement for both European and domestic politics.Less
This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To understand the announcements of popular votes by political leaders, it investigates their choice of ratification paths from a strategic perspective, which considers the interactions among political leaders, political parties in the domestic parliaments, and voters. It argues that when choosing a ratification path, political leaders attempted to anticipate the reactions of parliaments and voters. The empirical analysis reveals that these leaders not only considered their expected gains from each ratification path—that is, their gains from the revision of the Treaty of Nice and the likelihood for successful ratification—but also recognized the strategic implications of a referendum announcement for both European and domestic politics.
Daniel Finke, Thomas König, Sven-Oliver Proksch, and George Tsebelis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the reform of the European Union, which has been regularly attempted since the mid-1980s with little success. Reform has ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the reform of the European Union, which has been regularly attempted since the mid-1980s with little success. Reform has become even more necessary due to enlargements that integrated twelve countries from Eastern and Southern Europe and brought the total number of EU countries to twenty-seven. The main reason for the slow rate of change was the opposition to far-reaching institutional reform from a minority of political leaders. Ultimately, reform was achieved by a lengthy and complex trial and error process. This book shows how political leaders pushing for reform were capable of controlling this process. The remainder of the chapter discusses the major obstacles to reform, the approach used in the present study, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the reform of the European Union, which has been regularly attempted since the mid-1980s with little success. Reform has become even more necessary due to enlargements that integrated twelve countries from Eastern and Southern Europe and brought the total number of EU countries to twenty-seven. The main reason for the slow rate of change was the opposition to far-reaching institutional reform from a minority of political leaders. Ultimately, reform was achieved by a lengthy and complex trial and error process. This book shows how political leaders pushing for reform were capable of controlling this process. The remainder of the chapter discusses the major obstacles to reform, the approach used in the present study, followed by an overview of the subsequent chapters.
Thomas König and Daniel Finke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the transformation of the Convention's proposal on the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Lisbon Treaty in the aftermath of the two negative referendums from a ...
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This chapter examines the transformation of the Convention's proposal on the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Lisbon Treaty in the aftermath of the two negative referendums from a principal-agent perspective. It shows that the common view of unitary member states, in which principals and agents share interests in the revision of treaties, can only partially—if not wrongly—explain the Treaty of Lisbon. The principal-agent analysis reveals that the political leaders delegated power to negotiating agents who worked out compromise solutions by partially revising the initial interests of their first order principals, the political leaders. Governmental agents from smaller countries were able to focus the negotiations on a few central reform issues, such as the number of Commissioners and the voting rules of the Council, and they also successfully influenced the final outcome of these issues. A major reason for their success was their credibility, which they could increase by pointing to integration-skeptic voters—particularly in countries that had announced a referendum. Hence, governmental agents increased their bargaining efficiency by referring to voters as their second-order principals.Less
This chapter examines the transformation of the Convention's proposal on the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Lisbon Treaty in the aftermath of the two negative referendums from a principal-agent perspective. It shows that the common view of unitary member states, in which principals and agents share interests in the revision of treaties, can only partially—if not wrongly—explain the Treaty of Lisbon. The principal-agent analysis reveals that the political leaders delegated power to negotiating agents who worked out compromise solutions by partially revising the initial interests of their first order principals, the political leaders. Governmental agents from smaller countries were able to focus the negotiations on a few central reform issues, such as the number of Commissioners and the voting rules of the Council, and they also successfully influenced the final outcome of these issues. A major reason for their success was their credibility, which they could increase by pointing to integration-skeptic voters—particularly in countries that had announced a referendum. Hence, governmental agents increased their bargaining efficiency by referring to voters as their second-order principals.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is ...
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The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is important to recognize that the postwar Constitution emerged from a collaboration – one might almost say a conspiracy – between American and Japanese leaders, personified by General MacArthur and Prime Minister Yoshida.Less
The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is important to recognize that the postwar Constitution emerged from a collaboration – one might almost say a conspiracy – between American and Japanese leaders, personified by General MacArthur and Prime Minister Yoshida.
Thomas König and Daniel Finke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the last stage of the reform process: the role of the German Presidency in managing the reform crisis by proposing the Treaty of Lisbon and the subsequent reaction by the Irish ...
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This chapter analyzes the last stage of the reform process: the role of the German Presidency in managing the reform crisis by proposing the Treaty of Lisbon and the subsequent reaction by the Irish government and voters. On 21 June 2007 the political leaders met in Brussels and agreed on a reform proposal replacing the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, which had been rejected by the Dutch and French voters two years earlier. The deal brokered by the German Presidency maintained the overwhelming majority of the reform issues proposed under the compromised Constitutional Treaty. The chapter examines why the Presidency favored such an encompassing reform while knowing that its ratification would be far more uncertain compared to the less ambitious proposal called a “mini-treaty” that had been circulating at the time. This is the last episode of the trial-and-error story in which a strategic, risk-taking leader finally managed to turn failure into success.Less
This chapter analyzes the last stage of the reform process: the role of the German Presidency in managing the reform crisis by proposing the Treaty of Lisbon and the subsequent reaction by the Irish government and voters. On 21 June 2007 the political leaders met in Brussels and agreed on a reform proposal replacing the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, which had been rejected by the Dutch and French voters two years earlier. The deal brokered by the German Presidency maintained the overwhelming majority of the reform issues proposed under the compromised Constitutional Treaty. The chapter examines why the Presidency favored such an encompassing reform while knowing that its ratification would be far more uncertain compared to the less ambitious proposal called a “mini-treaty” that had been circulating at the time. This is the last episode of the trial-and-error story in which a strategic, risk-taking leader finally managed to turn failure into success.
Arthur Miller and Ola Listhaug
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Previous chapters have demonstrated that low and declining citizen respect for government institutions and political leaders is characteristic of contemporary industrialized societies. Evidence since ...
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Previous chapters have demonstrated that low and declining citizen respect for government institutions and political leaders is characteristic of contemporary industrialized societies. Evidence since the early 1970s reveals a trend toward growing distrust of government institutions in a number of countries. While this trend is evident, the interpretation of this phenomenon has proved far more controversial. One explanation focuses upon public dissatisfaction with government performance. This chapter explores this question. First, it examines the direct link between government performance, as measured by objective indicators of inflation, unemployment, or government deficits, and institutional confidence in support for government. It then considers the dynamics of political trust and government performance, before moving on to examine the role that expectations play in translating evaluations of government performance into political distrust in three countries where long‐term time‐series data are available—the US, Norway, and Sweden. The study explores how ethical expectations about government standards influence trust in politicians and the conclusion draws some general lessons from the results. The survey data employed in the analysis include the 1990–1 World Values Survey, the Norwegian, Swedish, and US Election Studies, surveys in the US, Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania; data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and OECD are used to measure inflation, unemployment, and government deficits.Less
Previous chapters have demonstrated that low and declining citizen respect for government institutions and political leaders is characteristic of contemporary industrialized societies. Evidence since the early 1970s reveals a trend toward growing distrust of government institutions in a number of countries. While this trend is evident, the interpretation of this phenomenon has proved far more controversial. One explanation focuses upon public dissatisfaction with government performance. This chapter explores this question. First, it examines the direct link between government performance, as measured by objective indicators of inflation, unemployment, or government deficits, and institutional confidence in support for government. It then considers the dynamics of political trust and government performance, before moving on to examine the role that expectations play in translating evaluations of government performance into political distrust in three countries where long‐term time‐series data are available—the US, Norway, and Sweden. The study explores how ethical expectations about government standards influence trust in politicians and the conclusion draws some general lessons from the results. The survey data employed in the analysis include the 1990–1 World Values Survey, the Norwegian, Swedish, and US Election Studies, surveys in the US, Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania; data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and OECD are used to measure inflation, unemployment, and government deficits.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter discusses the loi-cadre of 1956, which was widely recognized as a turning point in the history of French Africa. The loi-cadre was an attempt to reconfigure the place of Africa in the ...
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This chapter discusses the loi-cadre of 1956, which was widely recognized as a turning point in the history of French Africa. The loi-cadre was an attempt to reconfigure the place of Africa in the French Union, not an attempt to reconfigure the Union. It was a law, not a constitutional revision as had been demanded by most African political leaders. A “loi-cadre” was a particular type of law, sketching only the outlines of reforms, allowing the government to fill in the details via decrees. The government could then implement the principles of the law in its own way and on its own schedule, not subject to the typically glacial pace of legislative action. Ultimately, the loi-cadre made elected assemblies in each territory responsible for the budget and for its own civil service, and it thus broke with the centralizing tendencies of French rule.Less
This chapter discusses the loi-cadre of 1956, which was widely recognized as a turning point in the history of French Africa. The loi-cadre was an attempt to reconfigure the place of Africa in the French Union, not an attempt to reconfigure the Union. It was a law, not a constitutional revision as had been demanded by most African political leaders. A “loi-cadre” was a particular type of law, sketching only the outlines of reforms, allowing the government to fill in the details via decrees. The government could then implement the principles of the law in its own way and on its own schedule, not subject to the typically glacial pace of legislative action. Ultimately, the loi-cadre made elected assemblies in each territory responsible for the budget and for its own civil service, and it thus broke with the centralizing tendencies of French rule.
John Keane
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562992
- eISBN:
- 9780191701856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562992.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Understood as forms of government and ways of life in which no body rules because power is subject to periodic elections as well as publicly monitored and contested from a multiplicity of sites, ...
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Understood as forms of government and ways of life in which no body rules because power is subject to periodic elections as well as publicly monitored and contested from a multiplicity of sites, contemporary democracies are remarkable in the way they dispense with the fetish of leaders. Democracies certainly need leaders, they multiply their numbers, respect them, follow them, learn from them — but they do not worship them as leaders blessed with metaphysical powers. Democracies specialize in bringing leaders down to earth. They manage to do this by using a variety of formal methods and informal customs that require leaders to leave office peacefully, without staging ruthless comebacks, so enabling other leaders to take their place without kidnappings or gunfire, bomb blasts, or street upheavals.Less
Understood as forms of government and ways of life in which no body rules because power is subject to periodic elections as well as publicly monitored and contested from a multiplicity of sites, contemporary democracies are remarkable in the way they dispense with the fetish of leaders. Democracies certainly need leaders, they multiply their numbers, respect them, follow them, learn from them — but they do not worship them as leaders blessed with metaphysical powers. Democracies specialize in bringing leaders down to earth. They manage to do this by using a variety of formal methods and informal customs that require leaders to leave office peacefully, without staging ruthless comebacks, so enabling other leaders to take their place without kidnappings or gunfire, bomb blasts, or street upheavals.
Ian McAllister
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
A major conclusion of this book is that there are few consistent trends in popular support for the political community but there is high and perhaps even growing support for democratic values and ...
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A major conclusion of this book is that there are few consistent trends in popular support for the political community but there is high and perhaps even growing support for democratic values and declining support for regime institutions and political leaders. Earlier chapters have traced these patterns with respect to democracy worldwide, and, in particular, regions of the world. This one focuses specifically on the role of public policy in shaping popular support for democratic institutions among OECD countries. The data are aggregate indicators across twenty‐four of the twenty‐nine member countries of the OECD in 1997, as well as individual‐level data from the same twenty‐four countries based on the 1990–1 World Values Survey. The different sections of the chapter are: Explaining Institutional Confidence; Evidence for Trends in Institutional Confidence; The Role of Democratic Experience; Policy Outputs and Confidence: A Macro Analysis; Policy Outputs and Confidence: A Micro Analysis; and Discussion and Conclusions.Less
A major conclusion of this book is that there are few consistent trends in popular support for the political community but there is high and perhaps even growing support for democratic values and declining support for regime institutions and political leaders. Earlier chapters have traced these patterns with respect to democracy worldwide, and, in particular, regions of the world. This one focuses specifically on the role of public policy in shaping popular support for democratic institutions among OECD countries. The data are aggregate indicators across twenty‐four of the twenty‐nine member countries of the OECD in 1997, as well as individual‐level data from the same twenty‐four countries based on the 1990–1 World Values Survey. The different sections of the chapter are: Explaining Institutional Confidence; Evidence for Trends in Institutional Confidence; The Role of Democratic Experience; Policy Outputs and Confidence: A Macro Analysis; Policy Outputs and Confidence: A Micro Analysis; and Discussion and Conclusions.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter explores different instances of African claim making. It first looks at the effort of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) in the Sudan and especially the Côte d'Ivoire to build ...
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This chapter explores different instances of African claim making. It first looks at the effort of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) in the Sudan and especially the Côte d'Ivoire to build up its political apparatus across the territory and the efforts of the government to combat what it saw as a countergovernment. The chapter then turns to ways in which African political leaders sought to change the very terms in which future politics was discussed—to rethink the meaning of nation and sovereignty. They were thinking about different levels of political belonging and political action. And as France entered into discussion of creating a European community, they were thinking of expanding the idea of a “Franco-African” political ensemble into something even wider, into “Eurafrica.”Less
This chapter explores different instances of African claim making. It first looks at the effort of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) in the Sudan and especially the Côte d'Ivoire to build up its political apparatus across the territory and the efforts of the government to combat what it saw as a countergovernment. The chapter then turns to ways in which African political leaders sought to change the very terms in which future politics was discussed—to rethink the meaning of nation and sovereignty. They were thinking about different levels of political belonging and political action. And as France entered into discussion of creating a European community, they were thinking of expanding the idea of a “Franco-African” political ensemble into something even wider, into “Eurafrica.”
Alison Games
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195335545
- eISBN:
- 9780199869039
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335545.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter focuses on trade consuls and ambassadors. Charged with representing the crown overseas and governing English communities, these political leaders acquired valuable experiences that ...
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This chapter focuses on trade consuls and ambassadors. Charged with representing the crown overseas and governing English communities, these political leaders acquired valuable experiences that defined successive ventures, both through the tangible presence of leaders who participated in multiple overseas ventures and through the many accounts they published of their exploits around the world. Their presence, moreover, helped a weak state use private companies to project itself abroad through these informal civil authorities.Less
This chapter focuses on trade consuls and ambassadors. Charged with representing the crown overseas and governing English communities, these political leaders acquired valuable experiences that defined successive ventures, both through the tangible presence of leaders who participated in multiple overseas ventures and through the many accounts they published of their exploits around the world. Their presence, moreover, helped a weak state use private companies to project itself abroad through these informal civil authorities.
Francesca Orsini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198062202
- eISBN:
- 9780199081431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198062202.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
In 1920, India witnessed the emergence of a new phase in the nationalist movement in which mass politics, counter symbols, popular participants, indigenous languages, and counter authority played an ...
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In 1920, India witnessed the emergence of a new phase in the nationalist movement in which mass politics, counter symbols, popular participants, indigenous languages, and counter authority played an unprecedented role. This chapter examines the relationship between the Hindi literary sphere and the political sphere. Furthermore, it considers several angles, including ‘institutional’ spaces and activities, both in the context of constitutional domains and non-constitutional domains. Besides, it discusses who had access to political institutions and analyses the profiles of several Hindi political leaders in terms of political career, connections, cultural makeup, and social background. Moreover, the chapter looks at what happened when peasants turned from objects of nationalist discourse into subjects of political activity, a question that is relevant to the issue of openness and exclusion in the Hindi public sphere.Less
In 1920, India witnessed the emergence of a new phase in the nationalist movement in which mass politics, counter symbols, popular participants, indigenous languages, and counter authority played an unprecedented role. This chapter examines the relationship between the Hindi literary sphere and the political sphere. Furthermore, it considers several angles, including ‘institutional’ spaces and activities, both in the context of constitutional domains and non-constitutional domains. Besides, it discusses who had access to political institutions and analyses the profiles of several Hindi political leaders in terms of political career, connections, cultural makeup, and social background. Moreover, the chapter looks at what happened when peasants turned from objects of nationalist discourse into subjects of political activity, a question that is relevant to the issue of openness and exclusion in the Hindi public sphere.
Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter analyzes the role of the party as a gatekeeper to running for U.S. Senate and delves more deeply into the role of the political party as an organization in the state legislature. It ...
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This chapter analyzes the role of the party as a gatekeeper to running for U.S. Senate and delves more deeply into the role of the political party as an organization in the state legislature. It measures the function of partisanship in structuring the organization of state legislatures as well as examines how partisanship influenced the dynamics of Senate elections. It explains the role of party caucuses in the nomination and election stages of indirect elections; shows how party leaders identified and rallied around Senate candidates; and identifies the set of incentives that party leaders used to pressure state legislators to back their preferred Senate candidate. Furthermore, it discusses how candidates for U.S. Senate tried to consolidate support among key party leaders, and how regional party factionalism made that task more difficult. To illustrate these behaviors, the chapter includes case studies from a range of years and states, including New York, Kentucky, Washington State, Florida, and Illinois.Less
This chapter analyzes the role of the party as a gatekeeper to running for U.S. Senate and delves more deeply into the role of the political party as an organization in the state legislature. It measures the function of partisanship in structuring the organization of state legislatures as well as examines how partisanship influenced the dynamics of Senate elections. It explains the role of party caucuses in the nomination and election stages of indirect elections; shows how party leaders identified and rallied around Senate candidates; and identifies the set of incentives that party leaders used to pressure state legislators to back their preferred Senate candidate. Furthermore, it discusses how candidates for U.S. Senate tried to consolidate support among key party leaders, and how regional party factionalism made that task more difficult. To illustrate these behaviors, the chapter includes case studies from a range of years and states, including New York, Kentucky, Washington State, Florida, and Illinois.
Pierre Rosanvallon
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149486
- eISBN:
- 9781400838745
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149486.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It's a commonplace occurrence that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But this book argues that this crisis of ...
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It's a commonplace occurrence that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But this book argues that this crisis of confidence is partly a crisis of understanding. The book makes the case that the sources of democratic legitimacy have shifted and multiplied over the past thirty years and that we need to comprehend and make better use of these new sources of legitimacy in order to strengthen our political self-belief and commitment to democracy. Drawing on examples from France and the United States, the book notes that there has been a major expansion of independent commissions, NGOs, regulatory authorities, and watchdogs in recent decades. At the same time, constitutional courts have become more willing and able to challenge legislatures. These institutional developments, which serve the democratic values of impartiality and reflexivity, have been accompanied by a new attentiveness to what the book calls the value of proximity, as governing structures have sought to find new spaces for minorities, the particular, and the local. To improve our democracies, we need to use these new sources of legitimacy more effectively and we need to incorporate them into our accounts of democratic government. This book is an original contribution to the vigorous international debate about democratic authority and legitimacy.Less
It's a commonplace occurrence that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But this book argues that this crisis of confidence is partly a crisis of understanding. The book makes the case that the sources of democratic legitimacy have shifted and multiplied over the past thirty years and that we need to comprehend and make better use of these new sources of legitimacy in order to strengthen our political self-belief and commitment to democracy. Drawing on examples from France and the United States, the book notes that there has been a major expansion of independent commissions, NGOs, regulatory authorities, and watchdogs in recent decades. At the same time, constitutional courts have become more willing and able to challenge legislatures. These institutional developments, which serve the democratic values of impartiality and reflexivity, have been accompanied by a new attentiveness to what the book calls the value of proximity, as governing structures have sought to find new spaces for minorities, the particular, and the local. To improve our democracies, we need to use these new sources of legitimacy more effectively and we need to incorporate them into our accounts of democratic government. This book is an original contribution to the vigorous international debate about democratic authority and legitimacy.
Daniel A. Bell
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691173047
- eISBN:
- 9781400865505
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691173047.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter examines which abilities and virtues should set the standard for the selection and promotion of public officials/servants so that China's political system can be improved. The discussion ...
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This chapter examines which abilities and virtues should set the standard for the selection and promotion of public officials/servants so that China's political system can be improved. The discussion draws on the following assumptions: it is good for a political community to be governed by high-quality rulers; China's one (ruling) party political system is not about to collapse; the meritocratic aspect of the system is partly good; and it can be improved. The chapter then offers suggestions about which qualities matter most for political leaders in the context of large, peaceful, and modernizing (nondemocratic) meritocratic states, followed by suggestions about mechanisms that increase the likelihood of selecting leaders with such qualities. The findings reveal which abilities, social skills, and virtues matter most for political leaders in the context of a large, peaceful, and modernizing political meritocracy. These findings are used as a standard for evaluating the Chinese meritocratic system.Less
This chapter examines which abilities and virtues should set the standard for the selection and promotion of public officials/servants so that China's political system can be improved. The discussion draws on the following assumptions: it is good for a political community to be governed by high-quality rulers; China's one (ruling) party political system is not about to collapse; the meritocratic aspect of the system is partly good; and it can be improved. The chapter then offers suggestions about which qualities matter most for political leaders in the context of large, peaceful, and modernizing (nondemocratic) meritocratic states, followed by suggestions about mechanisms that increase the likelihood of selecting leaders with such qualities. The findings reveal which abilities, social skills, and virtues matter most for political leaders in the context of a large, peaceful, and modernizing political meritocracy. These findings are used as a standard for evaluating the Chinese meritocratic system.
Keith Hitchins
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205913
- eISBN:
- 9780191676857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205913.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the union of the principalities and the independence of the Romanians. This was largely the result of the efforts of the political leaders of Romania, who took advantage of the ...
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This chapter discusses the union of the principalities and the independence of the Romanians. This was largely the result of the efforts of the political leaders of Romania, who took advantage of the conflicting ambitions among the great powers. The chapter also looks at the new state of Romania, which slowly integrated the majority of the population and the peasants as reliable contributors to its prosperity and cohesiveness. It was only the agrarian reform and the democratization of the political process that proved to be intractable.Less
This chapter discusses the union of the principalities and the independence of the Romanians. This was largely the result of the efforts of the political leaders of Romania, who took advantage of the conflicting ambitions among the great powers. The chapter also looks at the new state of Romania, which slowly integrated the majority of the population and the peasants as reliable contributors to its prosperity and cohesiveness. It was only the agrarian reform and the democratization of the political process that proved to be intractable.
Marc Gopin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195146509
- eISBN:
- 9780199834235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195146506.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
It is suggested that obsession with the mind and personality of key leaders in a conflict situation is a deflection from the real work of conflict prevention and resolution, since the overwhelming, ...
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It is suggested that obsession with the mind and personality of key leaders in a conflict situation is a deflection from the real work of conflict prevention and resolution, since the overwhelming, unrecognized and feared power actually rest with the moods and instincts of the majority of the people embroiled in the conflict. In this context, the chapter focuses on cultural shifts in the Israeli/Palestinian communities that are the key to determining possible elite concessions, compromises, and creative problem solving. Before this, however, the author gives his opinion on what went wrong between Arafat and Barak in the summer of 2000, and led to the resulting spiral of violence; the opinion includes cross‐cultural considerations, and personality and political issues. The cultural conflict de‐escalation plan for Israel and Palestine presented next makes some very explicit recommendations for de‐escalating the violent confrontations as of winter 2002, with specific attention to culture and religion. The chapter ends with some general recommendations for the future.Less
It is suggested that obsession with the mind and personality of key leaders in a conflict situation is a deflection from the real work of conflict prevention and resolution, since the overwhelming, unrecognized and feared power actually rest with the moods and instincts of the majority of the people embroiled in the conflict. In this context, the chapter focuses on cultural shifts in the Israeli/Palestinian communities that are the key to determining possible elite concessions, compromises, and creative problem solving. Before this, however, the author gives his opinion on what went wrong between Arafat and Barak in the summer of 2000, and led to the resulting spiral of violence; the opinion includes cross‐cultural considerations, and personality and political issues. The cultural conflict de‐escalation plan for Israel and Palestine presented next makes some very explicit recommendations for de‐escalating the violent confrontations as of winter 2002, with specific attention to culture and religion. The chapter ends with some general recommendations for the future.
