Kathleen R. Mcnamara
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199247967
- eISBN:
- 9780191601088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924796X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
An analysis is presented of the creation and development of rules governing the organizational form and the policy content of the European Central Bank (ECB). The establishment of the ECB and the ...
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An analysis is presented of the creation and development of rules governing the organizational form and the policy content of the European Central Bank (ECB). The establishment of the ECB and the launching of the Euro constitute an extraordinary innovation, one that opens and organizes a new institutional space in Europe. The ECB system is assessed in the light of three broad theoretical approaches emphasizing, respectively, power politics, institutions as rational solutions to collective problems, and pre-existing normative (social) structures. Power politics and functional rationality approaches are found to fail to account for important aspects of the ECB’s rules and policy mandates, while, in contrast, a sociological emphasis on institutional context is useful in explaining the continuities linking the ECB to the normative structure that had previously developed – largely within the network of central-bank governors – and diffused throughout the organizational field in which monetary policy-making was embedded. It was the need to legitimize the new ECB in terms of these broader norms that shaped the ECB’s organizational structure and governing rules: in particular, pre-existing norms influenced three key aspects of the ECB – its political independence, its criteria for membership, and its rules for price stability.Less
An analysis is presented of the creation and development of rules governing the organizational form and the policy content of the European Central Bank (ECB). The establishment of the ECB and the launching of the Euro constitute an extraordinary innovation, one that opens and organizes a new institutional space in Europe. The ECB system is assessed in the light of three broad theoretical approaches emphasizing, respectively, power politics, institutions as rational solutions to collective problems, and pre-existing normative (social) structures. Power politics and functional rationality approaches are found to fail to account for important aspects of the ECB’s rules and policy mandates, while, in contrast, a sociological emphasis on institutional context is useful in explaining the continuities linking the ECB to the normative structure that had previously developed – largely within the network of central-bank governors – and diffused throughout the organizational field in which monetary policy-making was embedded. It was the need to legitimize the new ECB in terms of these broader norms that shaped the ECB’s organizational structure and governing rules: in particular, pre-existing norms influenced three key aspects of the ECB – its political independence, its criteria for membership, and its rules for price stability.
David French
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199587964
- eISBN:
- 9780191731365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199587964.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
Coercion was the mainstay of British counter-insurgency operations, and it was never welcomed by the people who experienced them. Conciliation, whether it took the form of a deliberate policy of ...
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Coercion was the mainstay of British counter-insurgency operations, and it was never welcomed by the people who experienced them. Conciliation, whether it took the form of a deliberate policy of making carefully calculated political concessions, as Thompson said it should, or whether it took the form of buying support thorough investment in projects to raise living standards, was only practiced on a limited scale. Attempts to buy support for the colonial regime by promoting investment in economic development foundered upon the shortages of money and the reluctance of the Treasury to provide more than the barest minimum of funding. Buying ‘hearts and minds’ was never a real possibility because the British could not afford the down payments.Less
Coercion was the mainstay of British counter-insurgency operations, and it was never welcomed by the people who experienced them. Conciliation, whether it took the form of a deliberate policy of making carefully calculated political concessions, as Thompson said it should, or whether it took the form of buying support thorough investment in projects to raise living standards, was only practiced on a limited scale. Attempts to buy support for the colonial regime by promoting investment in economic development foundered upon the shortages of money and the reluctance of the Treasury to provide more than the barest minimum of funding. Buying ‘hearts and minds’ was never a real possibility because the British could not afford the down payments.
Brad R. Roth
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195342666
- eISBN:
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195342666.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The United Nations system's foundational principle of sovereign equality reflects persistent disagreement within its membership as to what constitutes a legitimate and just internal public order. ...
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The United Nations system's foundational principle of sovereign equality reflects persistent disagreement within its membership as to what constitutes a legitimate and just internal public order. While the boundaries of the system's pluralism have narrowed progressively in the course of the United Nations era, accommodation of diversity in modes of internal political organization remains a durable theme of the international order. This accommodation of diversity underlies the international system's commitment to preserve states' territorial integrity and political independence, often at the expense of other values. For those who impute to the international legal order an inherent purpose to establish a universal justice that transcends the boundaries of territorial communities, the legal prerogatives associated with state sovereignty appear as impediments to the global advance of legality. That view, however, neglects the danger of allowing powerful states to invoke universal principles to rationalize unilateral (and often self-serving) impositions upon weak states. Though frequently counterintuitive, limitations on cross-border exercises of power are supported by substantial moral and political considerations, and are properly overridden only in a limited range of cases. This book accomplishes two tasks. One is to construct a unifying account of the manifestations of the principle of sovereign equality in international legal norms governing a range of subject areas, from foundational matters such as the recognition of states and governments to controversial questions such as legal authority for extraterritorial criminal prosecution and armed intervention. The other is to defend the principle as a morally sound response to persistent and profound disagreement within the international community as to the requirements of legitimate and just internal public order.Less
The United Nations system's foundational principle of sovereign equality reflects persistent disagreement within its membership as to what constitutes a legitimate and just internal public order. While the boundaries of the system's pluralism have narrowed progressively in the course of the United Nations era, accommodation of diversity in modes of internal political organization remains a durable theme of the international order. This accommodation of diversity underlies the international system's commitment to preserve states' territorial integrity and political independence, often at the expense of other values. For those who impute to the international legal order an inherent purpose to establish a universal justice that transcends the boundaries of territorial communities, the legal prerogatives associated with state sovereignty appear as impediments to the global advance of legality. That view, however, neglects the danger of allowing powerful states to invoke universal principles to rationalize unilateral (and often self-serving) impositions upon weak states. Though frequently counterintuitive, limitations on cross-border exercises of power are supported by substantial moral and political considerations, and are properly overridden only in a limited range of cases. This book accomplishes two tasks. One is to construct a unifying account of the manifestations of the principle of sovereign equality in international legal norms governing a range of subject areas, from foundational matters such as the recognition of states and governments to controversial questions such as legal authority for extraterritorial criminal prosecution and armed intervention. The other is to defend the principle as a morally sound response to persistent and profound disagreement within the international community as to the requirements of legitimate and just internal public order.
R. R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208785
- eISBN:
- 9780191678141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208785.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
By 1415, Wales had been conquered, finally and irreversibly. The story of that conquest dominated the history of the country for the 350 years covered by this book. What was surprising was that ...
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By 1415, Wales had been conquered, finally and irreversibly. The story of that conquest dominated the history of the country for the 350 years covered by this book. What was surprising was that conquest had taken so long. Already by 1093 the odds against the survival of Wales's political independence seemed hopeless. But the Welsh showed remarkable resourcefulness and resilience. For almost two centuries they survived and even, periodically, flourished. They took full advantage of their own terrain, climate, and hardiness; they exploited the lack of stamina and frequent diversions of the Anglo-Norman invaders; they capitalized on the domestic preoccupations and periodic impotence of the English monarchy. Even the completion of the process of conquest did not bring political or governmental unity to Wales. Indeed, the country's natural particularism had been further entrenched by the piecemeal and protracted character of the Anglo-Norman conquest.Less
By 1415, Wales had been conquered, finally and irreversibly. The story of that conquest dominated the history of the country for the 350 years covered by this book. What was surprising was that conquest had taken so long. Already by 1093 the odds against the survival of Wales's political independence seemed hopeless. But the Welsh showed remarkable resourcefulness and resilience. For almost two centuries they survived and even, periodically, flourished. They took full advantage of their own terrain, climate, and hardiness; they exploited the lack of stamina and frequent diversions of the Anglo-Norman invaders; they capitalized on the domestic preoccupations and periodic impotence of the English monarchy. Even the completion of the process of conquest did not bring political or governmental unity to Wales. Indeed, the country's natural particularism had been further entrenched by the piecemeal and protracted character of the Anglo-Norman conquest.
Keely Stauter-Halsted
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801454196
- eISBN:
- 9781501701665
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801454196.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In the half-century before Poland's long-awaited political independence in 1918, anxiety surrounded the country's burgeoning sex industry. This is the first book to examine the world of commercial ...
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In the half-century before Poland's long-awaited political independence in 1918, anxiety surrounded the country's burgeoning sex industry. This is the first book to examine the world of commercial sex throughout the partitioned Polish territories, uncovering a previously hidden conversation about sexuality, gender propriety, and social class. The preoccupation with prostitution is situated in the context of Poland's struggle for political independence and its difficult transition to modernity. The Poles' growing anxiety about white slavery, venereal disease, and eugenics is traced by examining the regulation of the female body, the rise of medical authority, and the role of social reformers in addressing the problem of paid sex. The book argues that the sale of sex was positioned at the juncture of mass and elite cultures, affecting nearly every aspect of urban life and bringing together sharply divergent social classes in what had long been a radically stratified society. It captures the experiences of the impoverished women who turned to the streets and draws a vivid picture of the social milieu that shaped their choices. The book demonstrates that discussions of prostitution and its attendant disorders—sexual deviancy, alcoholism, child abuse, vagrancy, and other related problems—reflected differing visions for the future of the Polish nation.Less
In the half-century before Poland's long-awaited political independence in 1918, anxiety surrounded the country's burgeoning sex industry. This is the first book to examine the world of commercial sex throughout the partitioned Polish territories, uncovering a previously hidden conversation about sexuality, gender propriety, and social class. The preoccupation with prostitution is situated in the context of Poland's struggle for political independence and its difficult transition to modernity. The Poles' growing anxiety about white slavery, venereal disease, and eugenics is traced by examining the regulation of the female body, the rise of medical authority, and the role of social reformers in addressing the problem of paid sex. The book argues that the sale of sex was positioned at the juncture of mass and elite cultures, affecting nearly every aspect of urban life and bringing together sharply divergent social classes in what had long been a radically stratified society. It captures the experiences of the impoverished women who turned to the streets and draws a vivid picture of the social milieu that shaped their choices. The book demonstrates that discussions of prostitution and its attendant disorders—sexual deviancy, alcoholism, child abuse, vagrancy, and other related problems—reflected differing visions for the future of the Polish nation.
Roberto Gargarella
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199937967
- eISBN:
- 9780199345878
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199937967.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Political Theory
The third chapter refers to the material basis of the Constitution. In this respect, it explores one particular characteristic of early constitutional discussions in the region during the “founding ...
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The third chapter refers to the material basis of the Constitution. In this respect, it explores one particular characteristic of early constitutional discussions in the region during the “founding period”, namely the attention that legal thinkers paid to economic issues. More specifically, the chapter explores the way in which early legal thinkers thought about the economic conditions that –they assumed- made the whole enterprise of constitutionalism possible or intelligible.Less
The third chapter refers to the material basis of the Constitution. In this respect, it explores one particular characteristic of early constitutional discussions in the region during the “founding period”, namely the attention that legal thinkers paid to economic issues. More specifically, the chapter explores the way in which early legal thinkers thought about the economic conditions that –they assumed- made the whole enterprise of constitutionalism possible or intelligible.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758239
- eISBN:
- 9780804783101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758239.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
This chapter analyzes the communicative impact of Brazilian prosecutorial enforcement. The first part sets forth the civil and criminal enforcement powers held by Brazilian prosecutors. The second ...
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This chapter analyzes the communicative impact of Brazilian prosecutorial enforcement. The first part sets forth the civil and criminal enforcement powers held by Brazilian prosecutors. The second part describes their use in the states of São Paulo and Pará. The final part of the chapter examines differences in political independence among prosecutorial institutions in São Paulo and Pará to help explain the variations in their environmental enforcement activities.Less
This chapter analyzes the communicative impact of Brazilian prosecutorial enforcement. The first part sets forth the civil and criminal enforcement powers held by Brazilian prosecutors. The second part describes their use in the states of São Paulo and Pará. The final part of the chapter examines differences in political independence among prosecutorial institutions in São Paulo and Pará to help explain the variations in their environmental enforcement activities.
Simon Payling
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202097
- eISBN:
- 9780191675140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202097.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, Political History
This study has emphasized the political independence and influence of a small elite of early fifteenth-century Nottinghamshire gentry families distinguished from their gentry neighbours by wealth and ...
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This study has emphasized the political independence and influence of a small elite of early fifteenth-century Nottinghamshire gentry families distinguished from their gentry neighbours by wealth and a continuing tradition of knighthood. It was an elite of varied and varying composition, including ancient and conservative families. This variety was produced by the frequent failure of families in the main male line and the consequent transfer of property from one family to another. While the development and composition of this elite is readily delineated, it is much more difficult to evaluate the degree of corporate identity that existed between its members. However, there can be no doubt that, even if the leading men of early fifteenth-century Nottinghamshire did not strongly identify with each other, they did feel corporately responsible for the administration of the county in which they lived.Less
This study has emphasized the political independence and influence of a small elite of early fifteenth-century Nottinghamshire gentry families distinguished from their gentry neighbours by wealth and a continuing tradition of knighthood. It was an elite of varied and varying composition, including ancient and conservative families. This variety was produced by the frequent failure of families in the main male line and the consequent transfer of property from one family to another. While the development and composition of this elite is readily delineated, it is much more difficult to evaluate the degree of corporate identity that existed between its members. However, there can be no doubt that, even if the leading men of early fifteenth-century Nottinghamshire did not strongly identify with each other, they did feel corporately responsible for the administration of the county in which they lived.
Keila Diehl
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520230439
- eISBN:
- 9780520936003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520230439.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
This chapter analyzes the Tibetan refugee dreams of political independence or autonomy for the homeland. It discusses the idealized romance with the West engaged in by young Tibetan refugees facing ...
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This chapter analyzes the Tibetan refugee dreams of political independence or autonomy for the homeland. It discusses the idealized romance with the West engaged in by young Tibetan refugees facing limited opportunities in their South Asian settlements and suggests that Western rock-and-roll music was a powerful resource for young Tibetan refugees trying to imagine and pursue personal and political rangzen. It argues that participation in an international pop culture was a way for Tibetan refugees to express solidarity with a wider human struggle through sounds that have a historical relationship with social change.Less
This chapter analyzes the Tibetan refugee dreams of political independence or autonomy for the homeland. It discusses the idealized romance with the West engaged in by young Tibetan refugees facing limited opportunities in their South Asian settlements and suggests that Western rock-and-roll music was a powerful resource for young Tibetan refugees trying to imagine and pursue personal and political rangzen. It argues that participation in an international pop culture was a way for Tibetan refugees to express solidarity with a wider human struggle through sounds that have a historical relationship with social change.
JOSEPH RAZ
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198260691
- eISBN:
- 9780191682148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198260691.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter deals with the moral justification of the case for national self-determination. It subject lies within the morality of international relations rather than within international law and ...
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This chapter deals with the moral justification of the case for national self-determination. It subject lies within the morality of international relations rather than within international law and international relations proper. It assumes throughout that states and international law should recognize such a right only if there is a sound moral case for it. The second section deals with the nature of groups that might be the subject of such a right. The third section considers the value served by the enjoyment of political independence by such groups. The fourth section considers the case for conceding that there is a moral right to self-determination. On the one hand, the right to self-determination is neither absolute nor unconditional. On the other hand, the interests of members of an encompassing group in the self-respect and prosperity of the group are among the most vital human interests.Less
This chapter deals with the moral justification of the case for national self-determination. It subject lies within the morality of international relations rather than within international law and international relations proper. It assumes throughout that states and international law should recognize such a right only if there is a sound moral case for it. The second section deals with the nature of groups that might be the subject of such a right. The third section considers the value served by the enjoyment of political independence by such groups. The fourth section considers the case for conceding that there is a moral right to self-determination. On the one hand, the right to self-determination is neither absolute nor unconditional. On the other hand, the interests of members of an encompassing group in the self-respect and prosperity of the group are among the most vital human interests.
JOSEPH RAZ
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198260691
- eISBN:
- 9780191682148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198260691.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter examines the contemporary philosophical responses of John Rawls and Thomas Nagel to the diversity of opinions, customs, and ideologies prevalent in society. Their responses differ in ...
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This chapter examines the contemporary philosophical responses of John Rawls and Thomas Nagel to the diversity of opinions, customs, and ideologies prevalent in society. Their responses differ in many important respects but share a common attitude marked by three features. First, the response of both thinkers to diversity is basically tolerant. Second, the justification of tolerance is based on the considerations of fairness. Third, these considerations lead them to draw boundaries to the reasons on which governments may act based on epistemic distinctions. The discussion challenges the cogency of reasons offered by both writers for epistemic abstinence.Less
This chapter examines the contemporary philosophical responses of John Rawls and Thomas Nagel to the diversity of opinions, customs, and ideologies prevalent in society. Their responses differ in many important respects but share a common attitude marked by three features. First, the response of both thinkers to diversity is basically tolerant. Second, the justification of tolerance is based on the considerations of fairness. Third, these considerations lead them to draw boundaries to the reasons on which governments may act based on epistemic distinctions. The discussion challenges the cogency of reasons offered by both writers for epistemic abstinence.
Vibert C. Cambridge
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628460117
- eISBN:
- 9781626746480
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460117.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
This chapter explores how the governors of British Guiana during the 1950s had to navigate several significant international and domestic realities. They had to implement imperial policies related to ...
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This chapter explores how the governors of British Guiana during the 1950s had to navigate several significant international and domestic realities. They had to implement imperial policies related to decolonization and the “realpolitik” of the Cold War. India's political independence in 1947 signaled the end of the British Empire and the emergence of the Commonwealth; so for British Guiana, the question of independence was not if but when. Sir Charles Campbell Woolley, governor at the time, was engaged in preparing the colony for political independence, including the development of a more inclusive constitution. As a result of the state of organizing capacity in the colony's political and cultural realms, things moved quickly on all fronts. Music was associated with all of them, most evidently when the first national festival of music was held in July 1952—the British Guiana Festival of Music.Less
This chapter explores how the governors of British Guiana during the 1950s had to navigate several significant international and domestic realities. They had to implement imperial policies related to decolonization and the “realpolitik” of the Cold War. India's political independence in 1947 signaled the end of the British Empire and the emergence of the Commonwealth; so for British Guiana, the question of independence was not if but when. Sir Charles Campbell Woolley, governor at the time, was engaged in preparing the colony for political independence, including the development of a more inclusive constitution. As a result of the state of organizing capacity in the colony's political and cultural realms, things moved quickly on all fronts. Music was associated with all of them, most evidently when the first national festival of music was held in July 1952—the British Guiana Festival of Music.
Juliet Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781501700224
- eISBN:
- 9781501703751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501700224.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter explains why and how central bankers in the advanced industrial democracies formed a cohesive community advocating price stability and political independence in the 1990s. This community ...
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This chapter explains why and how central bankers in the advanced industrial democracies formed a cohesive community advocating price stability and political independence in the 1990s. This community shared two key operational principles. Most fundamentally, central bankers came to agree that a central bank's primary task should be to maintain a low and stable inflation rate, which they referred to as price stability. Moreover, because policies aimed at achieving price stability could be politically contentious, central bankers further agreed that they needed significant independence from their governments in order to do their jobs properly. Ultimately, central bankers agreed that if independent central banks successfully pursued price stability, growth and employment would follow.Less
This chapter explains why and how central bankers in the advanced industrial democracies formed a cohesive community advocating price stability and political independence in the 1990s. This community shared two key operational principles. Most fundamentally, central bankers came to agree that a central bank's primary task should be to maintain a low and stable inflation rate, which they referred to as price stability. Moreover, because policies aimed at achieving price stability could be politically contentious, central bankers further agreed that they needed significant independence from their governments in order to do their jobs properly. Ultimately, central bankers agreed that if independent central banks successfully pursued price stability, growth and employment would follow.
JOSEPH RAZ
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198260691
- eISBN:
- 9780191682148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198260691.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter considers liberalism, scepticism, and democracy. It starts by criticizing the view that moral scepticism or moral fallibility provides an important moral foundation for respecting ...
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This chapter considers liberalism, scepticism, and democracy. It starts by criticizing the view that moral scepticism or moral fallibility provides an important moral foundation for respecting individual liberty. It then criticizes a certain conception of democracy which has some intellectual affinities with the previously considered views. It concludes with a brief summary of an alternative view of defending liberty as a positive value, as an element in the moral ideal of the free person. It notes that the value of freedom of the individual depends on the freedom of others because the value of political freedom lies in providing the conditions for personal autonomy and because personal autonomy can be realized only in a society which maintains an appropriate public culture.Less
This chapter considers liberalism, scepticism, and democracy. It starts by criticizing the view that moral scepticism or moral fallibility provides an important moral foundation for respecting individual liberty. It then criticizes a certain conception of democracy which has some intellectual affinities with the previously considered views. It concludes with a brief summary of an alternative view of defending liberty as a positive value, as an element in the moral ideal of the free person. It notes that the value of freedom of the individual depends on the freedom of others because the value of political freedom lies in providing the conditions for personal autonomy and because personal autonomy can be realized only in a society which maintains an appropriate public culture.
Ehud Luz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300092936
- eISBN:
- 9780300129298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300092936.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the concept of freedom, power, and political independence in Jewish thought. It explains that the primary meaning of liberty for late-first-century Jews was a political one and ...
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This chapter examines the concept of freedom, power, and political independence in Jewish thought. It explains that the primary meaning of liberty for late-first-century Jews was a political one and discusses the Jewish ambivalence towards the use of force. It also considers the claim that the Jews did not engage in warfare and were willing to accept exile and subjugation because they had no alternative. This chapter also cites the view of some writers that the traditional Jewish ethos is an obstacle to be overcome if a life of dignity and freedom, both personal and collective, is to be achieved.Less
This chapter examines the concept of freedom, power, and political independence in Jewish thought. It explains that the primary meaning of liberty for late-first-century Jews was a political one and discusses the Jewish ambivalence towards the use of force. It also considers the claim that the Jews did not engage in warfare and were willing to accept exile and subjugation because they had no alternative. This chapter also cites the view of some writers that the traditional Jewish ethos is an obstacle to be overcome if a life of dignity and freedom, both personal and collective, is to be achieved.
Ian Brownlie
- Published in print:
- 1963
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198251583
- eISBN:
- 9780191681332
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198251583.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter is concerned with the Covenant of the League of Nations and the particular forms assumed by restrictions on resort to force which appeared in that instrument. The Covenant was ...
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This chapter is concerned with the Covenant of the League of Nations and the particular forms assumed by restrictions on resort to force which appeared in that instrument. The Covenant was unsatisfactory in some respects from the legal point of view. The most unfortunate term employed in the Covenant was ‘resort to war’ in Articles 12 and 16. Article 10 of the Covenant contained an undertaking by members to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all members of the League. The practice of the League invites two comments pertinent to this article. First, the attitude of members in the Council and Assembly during discussions of the Manchurian crisis would suggest that they did not accept the view that Article 10 was violated only if the attacking state formally annexed territory. Secondly, reference to the article was not entirely constant. Articles 11 to 17 were primarily concerned with machinery, either for effecting a peaceful settlement, or for imposing sanctions. In contrast, Article 10 stated a general principle that aggression was unlawful.Less
This chapter is concerned with the Covenant of the League of Nations and the particular forms assumed by restrictions on resort to force which appeared in that instrument. The Covenant was unsatisfactory in some respects from the legal point of view. The most unfortunate term employed in the Covenant was ‘resort to war’ in Articles 12 and 16. Article 10 of the Covenant contained an undertaking by members to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all members of the League. The practice of the League invites two comments pertinent to this article. First, the attitude of members in the Council and Assembly during discussions of the Manchurian crisis would suggest that they did not accept the view that Article 10 was violated only if the attacking state formally annexed territory. Secondly, reference to the article was not entirely constant. Articles 11 to 17 were primarily concerned with machinery, either for effecting a peaceful settlement, or for imposing sanctions. In contrast, Article 10 stated a general principle that aggression was unlawful.
Matthew Gentzkow, Edward L. Glaeser, and Claudia Goldin (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226299570
- eISBN:
- 9780226299594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226299594.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter investigates the history of how newspapers became informative in relation to the issue of corruption in the U.S. It discusses the evolution of media bias using three types of evidence ...
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This chapter investigates the history of how newspapers became informative in relation to the issue of corruption in the U.S. It discusses the evolution of media bias using three types of evidence and constructs a basic measure of bias: stated party affiliation. The analysis reveals that while stated political independence is no guarantee of independence, stated party affiliation is surely a guarantee of bias. The result also indicates that the rise of the informative press was the result of increased scale and competitiveness in the newspaper industry and that technological progress was the cause of these changes.Less
This chapter investigates the history of how newspapers became informative in relation to the issue of corruption in the U.S. It discusses the evolution of media bias using three types of evidence and constructs a basic measure of bias: stated party affiliation. The analysis reveals that while stated political independence is no guarantee of independence, stated party affiliation is surely a guarantee of bias. The result also indicates that the rise of the informative press was the result of increased scale and competitiveness in the newspaper industry and that technological progress was the cause of these changes.
Nikki M. Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813140773
- eISBN:
- 9780813141428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813140773.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter Five, “Voice of Equality,” examines Clark’s political career between 1865 and 1873. Although initially very loyal to the Republican Party, Clark grew increasingly disillusioned because he ...
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Chapter Five, “Voice of Equality,” examines Clark’s political career between 1865 and 1873. Although initially very loyal to the Republican Party, Clark grew increasingly disillusioned because he believed it to be unresponsive to African- American voters and their quest for civil rights. This chapter examines how he advocated independent politics and even orchestrated a movement of other African- American voters away from the party: a movement called the Chillicothe Movement.Less
Chapter Five, “Voice of Equality,” examines Clark’s political career between 1865 and 1873. Although initially very loyal to the Republican Party, Clark grew increasingly disillusioned because he believed it to be unresponsive to African- American voters and their quest for civil rights. This chapter examines how he advocated independent politics and even orchestrated a movement of other African- American voters away from the party: a movement called the Chillicothe Movement.
Shawn Leigh Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032320
- eISBN:
- 9780813039084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032320.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter presents Fortune's address for the twenty-third anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, where he took the opportunity to continue his push for independence in politics and for his ...
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This chapter presents Fortune's address for the twenty-third anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, where he took the opportunity to continue his push for independence in politics and for his “Race first” philosophy. Given in Oswego, New York, on August 6, 1886, Fortune lambasted the audience and the race as a whole for the lack of “race pride and confidence.” In the Republican, Frederick Douglass territory of New York, he called on the race to stand up and demand their rights and to act no longer as slaves to one political party or the political machine. He said, “You are simply a political cipher in the South and a voting machine in the North; and your Douglasses...and the rest have no more influence on the politics of the country nor the policies of the parties than so many Aunt Dinahs.” Fortune called on the community to declare themselves Negrowumps and act behind his motto of “Race first; then party.”Less
This chapter presents Fortune's address for the twenty-third anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, where he took the opportunity to continue his push for independence in politics and for his “Race first” philosophy. Given in Oswego, New York, on August 6, 1886, Fortune lambasted the audience and the race as a whole for the lack of “race pride and confidence.” In the Republican, Frederick Douglass territory of New York, he called on the race to stand up and demand their rights and to act no longer as slaves to one political party or the political machine. He said, “You are simply a political cipher in the South and a voting machine in the North; and your Douglasses...and the rest have no more influence on the politics of the country nor the policies of the parties than so many Aunt Dinahs.” Fortune called on the community to declare themselves Negrowumps and act behind his motto of “Race first; then party.”
Johan D. Van Der Vyver
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199733453
- eISBN:
- 9780190258269
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199733453.003.0014
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter examines the right of religious communities to self-determination. It first outlines historical perspectives on the right to self-determination before turning to a discussion of the ...
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This chapter examines the right of religious communities to self-determination. It first outlines historical perspectives on the right to self-determination before turning to a discussion of the relationship between the right to self-determination and the principle of sphere sovereignty—the right of religious institutions to regulate and to administer their internal affairs without interference from external sources. It then considers the limitations of the right to self-determination and its relationship to the right to secession or political independence.Less
This chapter examines the right of religious communities to self-determination. It first outlines historical perspectives on the right to self-determination before turning to a discussion of the relationship between the right to self-determination and the principle of sphere sovereignty—the right of religious institutions to regulate and to administer their internal affairs without interference from external sources. It then considers the limitations of the right to self-determination and its relationship to the right to secession or political independence.
