LUCIA MICHELUTTI
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264515
- eISBN:
- 9780191734403
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264515.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter discusses the rise of caste politics and the dynamics of Indian popular politics in the 1990s, specifically in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows how the interrelation between ...
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This chapter discusses the rise of caste politics and the dynamics of Indian popular politics in the 1990s, specifically in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows how the interrelation between vernacular socio-cultural idioms and structures have been vital to make ‘democracy’ a part of the Indian political imagination. These have also been used to give information about the political upsurge of the common people and the shaping of political cleavages based on caste or community.Less
This chapter discusses the rise of caste politics and the dynamics of Indian popular politics in the 1990s, specifically in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows how the interrelation between vernacular socio-cultural idioms and structures have been vital to make ‘democracy’ a part of the Indian political imagination. These have also been used to give information about the political upsurge of the common people and the shaping of political cleavages based on caste or community.
Matthew Flinders and Matt Wood
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781447326601
- eISBN:
- 9781447326625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447326601.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
The aim of this collection was to be provocative and open up debate, and the book appears to have succeeded. In doing so, it seems to have achieved the not insubstantial feat of provoking Colin Hay, ...
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The aim of this collection was to be provocative and open up debate, and the book appears to have succeeded. In doing so, it seems to have achieved the not insubstantial feat of provoking Colin Hay, who makes several abject criticisms of the collection. He is uninspired by Bob Jessop’s ‘neologistic’ approach to the topic, exhausted by the myriad attempts at conceptual re-formulation, and somewhat aghast at the potential implications of our own discussion of Carl Schmitt’s work. This very short concluding chapter responds to Hay’s critique of Flinders and Wood’s chapters, and of the broader purpose of this collection, in three senses. It argues that Carl Schmitt’s work is used to contextualise the collection, rather than set a theoretical agenda. Secondly, it argues that conceptual reflection and problem-based research need not be antagonistic, but can in fact be complimentary. Lastly, taking the lead from C Wright Mills’ work on ‘the sociological imagination’, it argues for a little more ‘big thinking’ in the social sciences, and the development of a ‘political imagination’.Less
The aim of this collection was to be provocative and open up debate, and the book appears to have succeeded. In doing so, it seems to have achieved the not insubstantial feat of provoking Colin Hay, who makes several abject criticisms of the collection. He is uninspired by Bob Jessop’s ‘neologistic’ approach to the topic, exhausted by the myriad attempts at conceptual re-formulation, and somewhat aghast at the potential implications of our own discussion of Carl Schmitt’s work. This very short concluding chapter responds to Hay’s critique of Flinders and Wood’s chapters, and of the broader purpose of this collection, in three senses. It argues that Carl Schmitt’s work is used to contextualise the collection, rather than set a theoretical agenda. Secondly, it argues that conceptual reflection and problem-based research need not be antagonistic, but can in fact be complimentary. Lastly, taking the lead from C Wright Mills’ work on ‘the sociological imagination’, it argues for a little more ‘big thinking’ in the social sciences, and the development of a ‘political imagination’.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226832
- eISBN:
- 9780191710261
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226832.003.0015
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This concluding chapter summarizes and brings together the book's central argument for a lex pacificatoria as a new law of the peacemakers. It proposes an ambivalent response to the new lex, and ...
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This concluding chapter summarizes and brings together the book's central argument for a lex pacificatoria as a new law of the peacemakers. It proposes an ambivalent response to the new lex, and concludes by suggesting a concept of law that is necessary to ‘doing good’ in peace negotiations and when working to implement peace agreements. This concept of law involves six key commitments: to legal pluralism, constitutional pluralism, to recognition of law's performative dimension, to negotiated justice, complex accountability, and to enabling moral and political imagination.Less
This concluding chapter summarizes and brings together the book's central argument for a lex pacificatoria as a new law of the peacemakers. It proposes an ambivalent response to the new lex, and concludes by suggesting a concept of law that is necessary to ‘doing good’ in peace negotiations and when working to implement peace agreements. This concept of law involves six key commitments: to legal pluralism, constitutional pluralism, to recognition of law's performative dimension, to negotiated justice, complex accountability, and to enabling moral and political imagination.
Joy Connolly
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199212989
- eISBN:
- 9780191594205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199212989.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter examines classical rhetoric's central role in the formation of early American cultural identity. It surveys classical education in eighteenth‐ and early nineteenth‐century America, ...
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This chapter examines classical rhetoric's central role in the formation of early American cultural identity. It surveys classical education in eighteenth‐ and early nineteenth‐century America, focusing on the way claims about the universalist appeal of eloquence and certain habits of elocution transformed the exemplary tradition of civic republican virtue into a lived stylistics of democracy. Inculcating a personal style of classical ‘simplicity’ and ‘naturalness’, classical rhetoric both reinforced notions of white male superiority and (through its own universalist claims) opened a way for women and people of colour to claim roles in civic life. In concluding, it argues that, like the imperfect or suicidal heroes dear to colonial and revolutionary Americans, rhetoric's status as an ethically and epistemologically suspect discourse reveals the dissonances and compromises resting at the heart of republican culture.Less
This chapter examines classical rhetoric's central role in the formation of early American cultural identity. It surveys classical education in eighteenth‐ and early nineteenth‐century America, focusing on the way claims about the universalist appeal of eloquence and certain habits of elocution transformed the exemplary tradition of civic republican virtue into a lived stylistics of democracy. Inculcating a personal style of classical ‘simplicity’ and ‘naturalness’, classical rhetoric both reinforced notions of white male superiority and (through its own universalist claims) opened a way for women and people of colour to claim roles in civic life. In concluding, it argues that, like the imperfect or suicidal heroes dear to colonial and revolutionary Americans, rhetoric's status as an ethically and epistemologically suspect discourse reveals the dissonances and compromises resting at the heart of republican culture.
Alyssa Ayres
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198078012
- eISBN:
- 9780199080984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198078012.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
A movement to ‘revive’ the spirit of the Punjabi language, the Punjabiyat movement, has been catalyzed from within Pakistan — raising intriguing questions about language, nationalism, and the ...
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A movement to ‘revive’ the spirit of the Punjabi language, the Punjabiyat movement, has been catalyzed from within Pakistan — raising intriguing questions about language, nationalism, and the cultural basis of the nation-state. Although the Punjabiyat movement bears the surface features of a classical nationalist formation — insistence upon recovering an unfairly oppressed history and literature, one unique on earth and uniquely imbued with the spirit of the local people and the local land — its structural features differ markedly. Pakistan’s Punjab has long functioned as an ethnic hegemon, the centre against which other regions struggle in a search for power. Yet the Punjabiyat movement presents Punjab as an oppressed victim of Pakistan’s troubled search for national identity. This essay argues that a theory of symbolic capital best explains this otherwise peculiar inversion of perceived and actual power, and underscores culture’s critical role in the nation’s political imagination.Less
A movement to ‘revive’ the spirit of the Punjabi language, the Punjabiyat movement, has been catalyzed from within Pakistan — raising intriguing questions about language, nationalism, and the cultural basis of the nation-state. Although the Punjabiyat movement bears the surface features of a classical nationalist formation — insistence upon recovering an unfairly oppressed history and literature, one unique on earth and uniquely imbued with the spirit of the local people and the local land — its structural features differ markedly. Pakistan’s Punjab has long functioned as an ethnic hegemon, the centre against which other regions struggle in a search for power. Yet the Punjabiyat movement presents Punjab as an oppressed victim of Pakistan’s troubled search for national identity. This essay argues that a theory of symbolic capital best explains this otherwise peculiar inversion of perceived and actual power, and underscores culture’s critical role in the nation’s political imagination.
Paul J. E. Kershaw
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208709
- eISBN:
- 9780191594731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208709.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
What did early medieval authors think about when they thought about peace? Early medieval political culture is impossible to understand without a full awareness of the foundations upon which it was ...
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What did early medieval authors think about when they thought about peace? Early medieval political culture is impossible to understand without a full awareness of the foundations upon which it was constructed, and the inherited thought and imagery with which it was built. Briefly discussing the linguistic issues involved in the subject, this chapter uses Bede's famous image of the peace of King Edwin of Northumbria's reign as a means to explore the various currents that fed into the early medieval political imagination. Biblical material, and the forms of its re‐use in early medieval culture is addressed — with emphasis upon the treatment of Solomon — as is the legacy of antiquity through an examination of the late history of the ara pacis of Augustus and the reconfiguration of Rome's central precincts. Byzantine, Augustinian, early Irish, and ‘Germanic’ notions of peace also come under scrutiny.Less
What did early medieval authors think about when they thought about peace? Early medieval political culture is impossible to understand without a full awareness of the foundations upon which it was constructed, and the inherited thought and imagery with which it was built. Briefly discussing the linguistic issues involved in the subject, this chapter uses Bede's famous image of the peace of King Edwin of Northumbria's reign as a means to explore the various currents that fed into the early medieval political imagination. Biblical material, and the forms of its re‐use in early medieval culture is addressed — with emphasis upon the treatment of Solomon — as is the legacy of antiquity through an examination of the late history of the ara pacis of Augustus and the reconfiguration of Rome's central precincts. Byzantine, Augustinian, early Irish, and ‘Germanic’ notions of peace also come under scrutiny.
Luciano Canfora
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
This book is a profile of an extraordinary man, and a new interpretation of one of the most controversial figures in history. Julius Caesar played a leading role in the politics and culture of a ...
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This book is a profile of an extraordinary man, and a new interpretation of one of the most controversial figures in history. Julius Caesar played a leading role in the politics and culture of a world empire, dwarfing his contemporaries in ambition, achievement, and appetite. For that, he has occupied a central place in the political imagination of Europe ever since. Yet he remains something of an enigma, struck down by his own lieutenants because he could be neither comprehended nor contained. In surviving evidence, he emerges as incommensurate and nonpareil, just beyond the horizons of contemporary political thought and understanding. The result of the author's many years of research is a portrait of the Roman dictator that combines the evidence of political history and psychology. The product of a comprehensive study of the ancient sources, it paints a detailed portrait of a complex personality whose mission of ‘Romanisation’ lies at the root of modern Europe.Less
This book is a profile of an extraordinary man, and a new interpretation of one of the most controversial figures in history. Julius Caesar played a leading role in the politics and culture of a world empire, dwarfing his contemporaries in ambition, achievement, and appetite. For that, he has occupied a central place in the political imagination of Europe ever since. Yet he remains something of an enigma, struck down by his own lieutenants because he could be neither comprehended nor contained. In surviving evidence, he emerges as incommensurate and nonpareil, just beyond the horizons of contemporary political thought and understanding. The result of the author's many years of research is a portrait of the Roman dictator that combines the evidence of political history and psychology. The product of a comprehensive study of the ancient sources, it paints a detailed portrait of a complex personality whose mission of ‘Romanisation’ lies at the root of modern Europe.
Sorin Radu Cucu
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780823254347
- eISBN:
- 9780823260997
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823254347.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This book argues that, during the Cold War, modern political imagination was held captive by the split between two visions of universality — freedom in the West versus social justice in the East — ...
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This book argues that, during the Cold War, modern political imagination was held captive by the split between two visions of universality — freedom in the West versus social justice in the East — and by a culture of secrecy that tied national identity to national security. Examining post-1945 American and Eastern European interpretive novels in dialogue with each other and with post-foundational democratic theory, the book brings to light the ideas, forces, and circumstances that shattered modernity's promises (such as secularization, autonomy, and rights) on both sides of the Iron Curtain. In this context, literary fictions by Kundera and Roth, Popescu and Coover, Kis and DeLillo become global as they reveal the trials of popular sovereignty in the “fog of the Cold War” and trace the elements around which its world discourse or global picture is constructed: the atom bomb, Stalinist show trials, anticommunist propaganda, totalitarian terror, secret military operations, and political targeting.Less
This book argues that, during the Cold War, modern political imagination was held captive by the split between two visions of universality — freedom in the West versus social justice in the East — and by a culture of secrecy that tied national identity to national security. Examining post-1945 American and Eastern European interpretive novels in dialogue with each other and with post-foundational democratic theory, the book brings to light the ideas, forces, and circumstances that shattered modernity's promises (such as secularization, autonomy, and rights) on both sides of the Iron Curtain. In this context, literary fictions by Kundera and Roth, Popescu and Coover, Kis and DeLillo become global as they reveal the trials of popular sovereignty in the “fog of the Cold War” and trace the elements around which its world discourse or global picture is constructed: the atom bomb, Stalinist show trials, anticommunist propaganda, totalitarian terror, secret military operations, and political targeting.
HAROLD LOVE
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199255610
- eISBN:
- 9780191719622
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199255610.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This chapter begins with a description of George Villiers, second Duke of Buckingham and how his life as it is told today is essentially one that has been compiled from satires. It argues that the ...
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This chapter begins with a description of George Villiers, second Duke of Buckingham and how his life as it is told today is essentially one that has been compiled from satires. It argues that the ‘Buckingham’created by the satirists is a fascinating figure in its own right, and one that reveals a great deal about the dreams and nightmares of the Restoration political imagination. The modes and origins of clandestine satire are discussed.Less
This chapter begins with a description of George Villiers, second Duke of Buckingham and how his life as it is told today is essentially one that has been compiled from satires. It argues that the ‘Buckingham’created by the satirists is a fascinating figure in its own right, and one that reveals a great deal about the dreams and nightmares of the Restoration political imagination. The modes and origins of clandestine satire are discussed.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804763301
- eISBN:
- 9780804774659
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804763301.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter relocates Antigone within the ancient sphere of democracy, calling upon some of the text's political conditions of production as well as upon the mysterious success of Antigone's ...
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This chapter relocates Antigone within the ancient sphere of democracy, calling upon some of the text's political conditions of production as well as upon the mysterious success of Antigone's performance in fifth-century Athens, to open up new dialogues between the tragedy's political imagination and our own. The (tragic) interpretation of context is aligned with that of the “new democratic school,” which sees continuities between ancient tragedy and ancient, as well as modern, political thought and practice. It is argued that the tragedy stages a political paradox, which modernity reformulated as it appropriated for itself the principle of equality. Antigone exposes a constitutive question for the ancient revolutionary invention of democracy, a question that invariably resurfaces regardless of how often it is suppressed: who constituted the body politic, and by which rituals was this determination made?Less
This chapter relocates Antigone within the ancient sphere of democracy, calling upon some of the text's political conditions of production as well as upon the mysterious success of Antigone's performance in fifth-century Athens, to open up new dialogues between the tragedy's political imagination and our own. The (tragic) interpretation of context is aligned with that of the “new democratic school,” which sees continuities between ancient tragedy and ancient, as well as modern, political thought and practice. It is argued that the tragedy stages a political paradox, which modernity reformulated as it appropriated for itself the principle of equality. Antigone exposes a constitutive question for the ancient revolutionary invention of democracy, a question that invariably resurfaces regardless of how often it is suppressed: who constituted the body politic, and by which rituals was this determination made?
Gene Andrew Jarrett
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814743386
- eISBN:
- 9780814743874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814743386.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the political value of African American literature through an examination of Thomas Jefferson and Barack Obama. Prior to their careers as elected ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the political value of African American literature through an examination of Thomas Jefferson and Barack Obama. Prior to their careers as elected officials, both men wrote books that had been influential in shaping public opinion on the nation's democratic potential as well as on their own personal, political, and presidential qualifications. In 1776, Jefferson coauthored the Declaration of Independence, and in 1787, he published an authoritative ethnography of early America. Meanwhile, Obama released three bestselling books of autobiographical nonfiction and public policy. Evidently, African American literature fueled their political imaginations. Thus, this book looks at African American literature's role in political imagination and political action—to the extent that it can facilitate social change—and political action's role in the African American literary imagination.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the political value of African American literature through an examination of Thomas Jefferson and Barack Obama. Prior to their careers as elected officials, both men wrote books that had been influential in shaping public opinion on the nation's democratic potential as well as on their own personal, political, and presidential qualifications. In 1776, Jefferson coauthored the Declaration of Independence, and in 1787, he published an authoritative ethnography of early America. Meanwhile, Obama released three bestselling books of autobiographical nonfiction and public policy. Evidently, African American literature fueled their political imaginations. Thus, this book looks at African American literature's role in political imagination and political action—to the extent that it can facilitate social change—and political action's role in the African American literary imagination.
Svjetlana Nedimović
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781474400404
- eISBN:
- 9781474412476
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474400404.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines recent debates about transitional justice and argues against attempts at ‘overcoming the past’ or ‘settling the past’. Drawing on Cornelius Castoriadis's theory of the ...
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This chapter examines recent debates about transitional justice and argues against attempts at ‘overcoming the past’ or ‘settling the past’. Drawing on Cornelius Castoriadis's theory of the social-historical, it shows that engaging with the past is an inescapable dimension of societal existence and its self-creative process. It contends that such past is not necessarily a burden but can become a political resource in the (re)construction of political community. The resourcefulness of the past, however, is contingent upon standing or permanent political institutions and normative frameworks. The unsettled past, the chapter suggests, becomes a valuable political resource only if it remains unsettled and, as such, a vital part and live matter of everyday political processes through the interconnected workings of collective political responsibility and political imagination.Less
This chapter examines recent debates about transitional justice and argues against attempts at ‘overcoming the past’ or ‘settling the past’. Drawing on Cornelius Castoriadis's theory of the social-historical, it shows that engaging with the past is an inescapable dimension of societal existence and its self-creative process. It contends that such past is not necessarily a burden but can become a political resource in the (re)construction of political community. The resourcefulness of the past, however, is contingent upon standing or permanent political institutions and normative frameworks. The unsettled past, the chapter suggests, becomes a valuable political resource only if it remains unsettled and, as such, a vital part and live matter of everyday political processes through the interconnected workings of collective political responsibility and political imagination.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226887517
- eISBN:
- 9780226887531
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226887531.003.0017
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Theory and Practice
This chapter suggests that the political purpose of refunctioned ethnography could be to provide some intellectual purchase on the imaginations that are only superficially expressed as rational ...
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This chapter suggests that the political purpose of refunctioned ethnography could be to provide some intellectual purchase on the imaginations that are only superficially expressed as rational arguments through which orphans of the Enlightenment persist in pretending politics proceeds. This purpose may be divided into three basic activities: (1) mapping the political imagination, (2) reflection, and (3) intervention. Ethnography for present situations takes a stance toward politics quite different from the stance taken by classical, or indeed much contemporary, cultural anthropology. If the navigator wishes to be political in a serious sense, then they must learn about the swirls and assemblages of this world, which cannot really be done from outside.Less
This chapter suggests that the political purpose of refunctioned ethnography could be to provide some intellectual purchase on the imaginations that are only superficially expressed as rational arguments through which orphans of the Enlightenment persist in pretending politics proceeds. This purpose may be divided into three basic activities: (1) mapping the political imagination, (2) reflection, and (3) intervention. Ethnography for present situations takes a stance toward politics quite different from the stance taken by classical, or indeed much contemporary, cultural anthropology. If the navigator wishes to be political in a serious sense, then they must learn about the swirls and assemblages of this world, which cannot really be done from outside.
Pablo Gilabert
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190280598
- eISBN:
- 9780190280628
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190280598.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
It is common in political theory and practice to challenge normatively ambitious proposals by saying that their fulfillment is not feasible. But there has been insufficient conceptual exploration of ...
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It is common in political theory and practice to challenge normatively ambitious proposals by saying that their fulfillment is not feasible. But there has been insufficient conceptual exploration of what feasibility is, and very little substantive inquiry into why and how it matters for thinking about social justice. This paper provides one of the first systematic treatments of these issues, and proposes a dynamic approach to the relation between justice and feasibility that illuminates the importance of political imagination and dynamic duties to expand agents’ power to fulfill ambitious principles of justice. Agents can use their political imagination to envisage alternative ways to fulfill principles in different contexts, and recognize dynamic duties to expand their ability to fulfill those principles over time.Less
It is common in political theory and practice to challenge normatively ambitious proposals by saying that their fulfillment is not feasible. But there has been insufficient conceptual exploration of what feasibility is, and very little substantive inquiry into why and how it matters for thinking about social justice. This paper provides one of the first systematic treatments of these issues, and proposes a dynamic approach to the relation between justice and feasibility that illuminates the importance of political imagination and dynamic duties to expand agents’ power to fulfill ambitious principles of justice. Agents can use their political imagination to envisage alternative ways to fulfill principles in different contexts, and recognize dynamic duties to expand their ability to fulfill those principles over time.
Serhiy Bilenky
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804778060
- eISBN:
- 9780804780568
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804778060.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book explores the political imagination of Eastern Europe in the 1830s and 1840s, when Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian intellectuals came to identify themselves as belonging to communities known ...
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This book explores the political imagination of Eastern Europe in the 1830s and 1840s, when Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian intellectuals came to identify themselves as belonging to communities known as nations or nationalities. The author approaches this topic from a transnational perspective, revealing the ways in which modern Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian nationalities were formed and refashioned through the challenges they presented to one another, both as neighboring communities and as minorities within a given community. Further, all three nations defined themselves as a result of their interactions with the Russian and Austrian empires. Fueled by the Romantic search for national roots, they developed a number of separate yet often overlapping and inclusive senses of national identity, thereby producing myriad versions of Russianness, Polishness, and Ukrainianness.Less
This book explores the political imagination of Eastern Europe in the 1830s and 1840s, when Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian intellectuals came to identify themselves as belonging to communities known as nations or nationalities. The author approaches this topic from a transnational perspective, revealing the ways in which modern Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian nationalities were formed and refashioned through the challenges they presented to one another, both as neighboring communities and as minorities within a given community. Further, all three nations defined themselves as a result of their interactions with the Russian and Austrian empires. Fueled by the Romantic search for national roots, they developed a number of separate yet often overlapping and inclusive senses of national identity, thereby producing myriad versions of Russianness, Polishness, and Ukrainianness.
Catherine Needham
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847427601
- eISBN:
- 9781447302957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847427601.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Organizations
This chapter focuses on the people and organisations that have promoted personalisation and established its strong hold on the political imagination. It traces the history of personalised approaches ...
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This chapter focuses on the people and organisations that have promoted personalisation and established its strong hold on the political imagination. It traces the history of personalised approaches within social care and the role of different actors, including disability activists and politicians, in bringing personalisation into the policy mainstream. The chapter also highlights the importance of the broader sociopolitical context, in which new configurations of individuals and communities, and new participative technologies, have reshaped the citizen's engagement with the state. It goes on to consider the mechanisms and dialogues through which the personalisation narrative has migrated from social care into other service areas. Drawing on interviews with civil servants and analysis of speeches and government documents, the chapter applies the theory of policy translation to the personalisation case.Less
This chapter focuses on the people and organisations that have promoted personalisation and established its strong hold on the political imagination. It traces the history of personalised approaches within social care and the role of different actors, including disability activists and politicians, in bringing personalisation into the policy mainstream. The chapter also highlights the importance of the broader sociopolitical context, in which new configurations of individuals and communities, and new participative technologies, have reshaped the citizen's engagement with the state. It goes on to consider the mechanisms and dialogues through which the personalisation narrative has migrated from social care into other service areas. Drawing on interviews with civil servants and analysis of speeches and government documents, the chapter applies the theory of policy translation to the personalisation case.
John M. Meyer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780262028905
- eISBN:
- 9780262327107
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262028905.001.0001
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
Addresses a central dilemma facing efforts to promote environmental sustainability: while environmental challenges including climate change threaten the very fabric of our lives, ambitious efforts to ...
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Addresses a central dilemma facing efforts to promote environmental sustainability: while environmental challenges including climate change threaten the very fabric of our lives, ambitious efforts to address these rarely resonate with the everyday concerns and ideas most pressing to citizens. The book analyzes both the opportunities and constraints facing such efforts to promote environmental sustainability. It first theorizes an approach to “contested materiality” and then draw upon this to engage values embedded in everyday material practices – including land use, automobility, and householding – in affluent postindustrial societies. The aim is to open up new ways of thinking about property, freedom, and citizenship that might foster a more resonant and expansive political imagination, while also modeling a distinctive approach to environmental political theory.Less
Addresses a central dilemma facing efforts to promote environmental sustainability: while environmental challenges including climate change threaten the very fabric of our lives, ambitious efforts to address these rarely resonate with the everyday concerns and ideas most pressing to citizens. The book analyzes both the opportunities and constraints facing such efforts to promote environmental sustainability. It first theorizes an approach to “contested materiality” and then draw upon this to engage values embedded in everyday material practices – including land use, automobility, and householding – in affluent postindustrial societies. The aim is to open up new ways of thinking about property, freedom, and citizenship that might foster a more resonant and expansive political imagination, while also modeling a distinctive approach to environmental political theory.
Adam I. P. Smith (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195379112
- eISBN:
- 9780190254643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780195379112.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the perception of Abraham Lincoln in English political and cultural imagination. It explains that Lincoln had a varied career in the English imagination in the century or so ...
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This chapter examines the perception of Abraham Lincoln in English political and cultural imagination. It explains that Lincoln had a varied career in the English imagination in the century or so after his death and that the salience and political content of his image shifted according to the context. It discusses how Lincoln was invoked by supporters and the opponents of Irish Home Rule and suggests that the interwar years were the high-water mark for Lincoln in England. This chapter also describes the 1941 documentary film “Words for Battle,” directed by Humphrey Jennings which featured a statue of Lincoln in front of the Houses of Parliament and suggests that the film hints at the role of Lincoln in the evolving language of democratic English culture.Less
This chapter examines the perception of Abraham Lincoln in English political and cultural imagination. It explains that Lincoln had a varied career in the English imagination in the century or so after his death and that the salience and political content of his image shifted according to the context. It discusses how Lincoln was invoked by supporters and the opponents of Irish Home Rule and suggests that the interwar years were the high-water mark for Lincoln in England. This chapter also describes the 1941 documentary film “Words for Battle,” directed by Humphrey Jennings which featured a statue of Lincoln in front of the Houses of Parliament and suggests that the film hints at the role of Lincoln in the evolving language of democratic English culture.
Gerard J. Libaridian
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195393743
- eISBN:
- 9780190254315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780195393743.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Armenian political parties were founded at the end of the nineteenth century to give a new direction to their Armenian constituents. They spoke, negotiated, and made decisions on behalf of the ...
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Armenian political parties were founded at the end of the nineteenth century to give a new direction to their Armenian constituents. They spoke, negotiated, and made decisions on behalf of the Armenians; and they sought to dominate the Armenians' cultural and religious institutions while transforming their collective identity. These parties were also active players in Ottoman political life, so active, in fact, that by 1908 they were widely considered as having replaced the church as the main intermediary between the Ottoman authorities and their Armenian subjects. This chapter does not aim to present a history of the revolutionary parties; nor is it a history of their relations with the Ottoman state. Rather, it attempts to delineate boundaries of political imagination developed by Armenian revolutionary organizations at their inception, boundaries created and crossed by ideology and praxis.Less
Armenian political parties were founded at the end of the nineteenth century to give a new direction to their Armenian constituents. They spoke, negotiated, and made decisions on behalf of the Armenians; and they sought to dominate the Armenians' cultural and religious institutions while transforming their collective identity. These parties were also active players in Ottoman political life, so active, in fact, that by 1908 they were widely considered as having replaced the church as the main intermediary between the Ottoman authorities and their Armenian subjects. This chapter does not aim to present a history of the revolutionary parties; nor is it a history of their relations with the Ottoman state. Rather, it attempts to delineate boundaries of political imagination developed by Armenian revolutionary organizations at their inception, boundaries created and crossed by ideology and praxis.
