Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1986
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198274322
- eISBN:
- 9780191599330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198274327.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses British liberalism from 1914 to 1939. It argues that liberalism was not dormant between the wars, nor was it a failure. It contends that some major British socialist thinkers ...
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This chapter discusses British liberalism from 1914 to 1939. It argues that liberalism was not dormant between the wars, nor was it a failure. It contends that some major British socialist thinkers were at times within the left-liberal tradition, and that the Labour party hosted left-liberal beliefs which overlapped with some of the socialist components of Labour ideology. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This chapter discusses British liberalism from 1914 to 1939. It argues that liberalism was not dormant between the wars, nor was it a failure. It contends that some major British socialist thinkers were at times within the left-liberal tradition, and that the Labour party hosted left-liberal beliefs which overlapped with some of the socialist components of Labour ideology. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
John T. Jost, Aaron C. Kay, and Hulda Thorisdottir (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195320916
- eISBN:
- 9780199869541
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320916.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This volume both reflects and exemplifies the recent resurgence of interest in the social and psychological characteristics and processes that give rise to ideological forms. Ideology is an elusive, ...
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This volume both reflects and exemplifies the recent resurgence of interest in the social and psychological characteristics and processes that give rise to ideological forms. Ideology is an elusive, multifaceted construct that can usefully be analyzed in terms of “top-down” processes related to the social construction and dissemination of ideology, as well as to “bottom-up” processes, including dispositional and situational factors, that make certain ideological outcomes more likely than others. The twenty chapters of this volume focus on the cognitive and motivational antecedents and consequences of adopting specific ideologies, the functions served by those ideologies, and the myriad ways in which people accept and justify (versus reject) aspects of the social and political worlds they inhabit. Current challenges and future directions for the study of ideology and system justification are also discussed in several chapters. The volume represents a wide variety of research traditions bearing on the social and psychological bases of ideology and system justification. These traditions include (a) the study of attitudes, social cognition, and information processing at both conscious and nonconscious levels of awareness, (b) theories of motivated reasoning and goal-directed cognition, (c) research on personality and dispositional correlates of political orientation, (d) work on social justice and the origins of moral values, (e) the myriad ways in which social and political opinions are shaped by local situations and environments, and (f) studies of stereotyping, prejudice, and the ideological correlates of intergroup attitudes.Less
This volume both reflects and exemplifies the recent resurgence of interest in the social and psychological characteristics and processes that give rise to ideological forms. Ideology is an elusive, multifaceted construct that can usefully be analyzed in terms of “top-down” processes related to the social construction and dissemination of ideology, as well as to “bottom-up” processes, including dispositional and situational factors, that make certain ideological outcomes more likely than others. The twenty chapters of this volume focus on the cognitive and motivational antecedents and consequences of adopting specific ideologies, the functions served by those ideologies, and the myriad ways in which people accept and justify (versus reject) aspects of the social and political worlds they inhabit. Current challenges and future directions for the study of ideology and system justification are also discussed in several chapters. The volume represents a wide variety of research traditions bearing on the social and psychological bases of ideology and system justification. These traditions include (a) the study of attitudes, social cognition, and information processing at both conscious and nonconscious levels of awareness, (b) theories of motivated reasoning and goal-directed cognition, (c) research on personality and dispositional correlates of political orientation, (d) work on social justice and the origins of moral values, (e) the myriad ways in which social and political opinions are shaped by local situations and environments, and (f) studies of stereotyping, prejudice, and the ideological correlates of intergroup attitudes.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1986
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198274322
- eISBN:
- 9780191599330
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198274327.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book explores liberalism in Britain from 1914 to 1939. It looks at the impact of the war and post-war period on liberalist thought. It contends that major British socialist thinkers such as ...
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This book explores liberalism in Britain from 1914 to 1939. It looks at the impact of the war and post-war period on liberalist thought. It contends that major British socialist thinkers such as Laski and Tawney were at times within the left-liberal tradition, while the Labour party hosted left-liberal beliefs in terms of personnel and ideas. It discusses the success of the Liberal Summer School in the 1920s, and role of liberalism in buttressing democracy in the 1930s.Less
This book explores liberalism in Britain from 1914 to 1939. It looks at the impact of the war and post-war period on liberalist thought. It contends that major British socialist thinkers such as Laski and Tawney were at times within the left-liberal tradition, while the Labour party hosted left-liberal beliefs in terms of personnel and ideas. It discusses the success of the Liberal Summer School in the 1920s, and role of liberalism in buttressing democracy in the 1930s.
Richard Gunther and Kuan Hsin-chi
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199202836
- eISBN:
- 9780191695452
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202836.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter tries to map the attitudinal underpinnings of partisan preference in seven countries, based on a multidimensional and cross-nationally comparable battery of questions regarding ...
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This chapter tries to map the attitudinal underpinnings of partisan preference in seven countries, based on a multidimensional and cross-nationally comparable battery of questions regarding socio-political values. It examines the distribution of the value orientations and the extent to which value cleavages are linked to individual self-placement on the left-right continuum. They also offer a speculative theoretical framework linking the stages of analysis, and explaining why specific value cleavages emerge in some countries: it involves the dissemination and perpetuation over time of these value cleavages through information channels with systemic partisan biases. The chapter concludes that value orientations become closely intertwined with political ideology and with partisanship in a manner that is significantly affected by the images and strategies of the political elites and their parties.Less
This chapter tries to map the attitudinal underpinnings of partisan preference in seven countries, based on a multidimensional and cross-nationally comparable battery of questions regarding socio-political values. It examines the distribution of the value orientations and the extent to which value cleavages are linked to individual self-placement on the left-right continuum. They also offer a speculative theoretical framework linking the stages of analysis, and explaining why specific value cleavages emerge in some countries: it involves the dissemination and perpetuation over time of these value cleavages through information channels with systemic partisan biases. The chapter concludes that value orientations become closely intertwined with political ideology and with partisanship in a manner that is significantly affected by the images and strategies of the political elites and their parties.
Richard Coopey (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199241057
- eISBN:
- 9780191714290
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241057.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Information Technology
Information Technology (IT) has become symbolic of modernity and progress almost since its inception. The nature and boundaries of IT have also meant that it has shaped, or become embedded within, a ...
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Information Technology (IT) has become symbolic of modernity and progress almost since its inception. The nature and boundaries of IT have also meant that it has shaped, or become embedded within, a wide range of other scientific, technological, and economic developments. Governments, from the outset, saw the computer as a strategic technology, a keystone of economic development, and an area where technology policy should be targeted. This was true for those economies interested in maintaining their technological and economic leadership, but also figured strongly in the developmental programmes of those seeking to modernize or catch up. So strong was this notion that predominant political economic ideologies have frequently been subverted or distorted to allow for special efforts to promote either the production or use of IT. This book brings together country-based studies to examine in depth the nature and extent of IT policies, as they have evolved from a complex historical interaction of politics, technology, institutions, and social and cultural factors. In doing so, many key questions are critically examined. Where can we find successful examples of IT policy? Who has shaped policy? Who did governments turn to for advice in framing policy? Several chapters outline the impact of military influence on IT. What is the precise nature of this influence on IT development? How closely were industry leaders linked to government programmes and to what extent were these programmes, particularly those aimed at the generation of ‘national champions’, misconceived through undue special pleading? How effective were government personnel and politicians in assessing the merits of programmes predicated on technological trajectories extrapolated from increasingly complex and specialised information?Less
Information Technology (IT) has become symbolic of modernity and progress almost since its inception. The nature and boundaries of IT have also meant that it has shaped, or become embedded within, a wide range of other scientific, technological, and economic developments. Governments, from the outset, saw the computer as a strategic technology, a keystone of economic development, and an area where technology policy should be targeted. This was true for those economies interested in maintaining their technological and economic leadership, but also figured strongly in the developmental programmes of those seeking to modernize or catch up. So strong was this notion that predominant political economic ideologies have frequently been subverted or distorted to allow for special efforts to promote either the production or use of IT. This book brings together country-based studies to examine in depth the nature and extent of IT policies, as they have evolved from a complex historical interaction of politics, technology, institutions, and social and cultural factors. In doing so, many key questions are critically examined. Where can we find successful examples of IT policy? Who has shaped policy? Who did governments turn to for advice in framing policy? Several chapters outline the impact of military influence on IT. What is the precise nature of this influence on IT development? How closely were industry leaders linked to government programmes and to what extent were these programmes, particularly those aimed at the generation of ‘national champions’, misconceived through undue special pleading? How effective were government personnel and politicians in assessing the merits of programmes predicated on technological trajectories extrapolated from increasingly complex and specialised information?
F. Rosen
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198200789
- eISBN:
- 9780191674778
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198200789.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This book is a study of British political ideas in the early 19th century. It deals specifically with the British involvement in the struggle for Greek independence roughly between 1821 and 1827. The ...
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This book is a study of British political ideas in the early 19th century. It deals specifically with the British involvement in the struggle for Greek independence roughly between 1821 and 1827. The ideas are examined, such as the evolution of constitutional thought from Montesquieu, the emergence of liberalism as a political ideology against a background of Whig and radical political ideas, and the response in Britain to movements towards national independence in the Mediterranean basin. Some of the characters that appear here, like Jeremy Bentham and Lord Byron, will be familiar, though they will not be presented in familiar ways. Others, like Edward Blaquiere and Leicester Stanhope, will be virtually unknown, and their importance to this study will surprise some readers. Still other members of the dramatis personae, like John Bowring, Joseph Hume, and John Cam Hobhouse, will be well known to historians of 19th-century for reform movements.Less
This book is a study of British political ideas in the early 19th century. It deals specifically with the British involvement in the struggle for Greek independence roughly between 1821 and 1827. The ideas are examined, such as the evolution of constitutional thought from Montesquieu, the emergence of liberalism as a political ideology against a background of Whig and radical political ideas, and the response in Britain to movements towards national independence in the Mediterranean basin. Some of the characters that appear here, like Jeremy Bentham and Lord Byron, will be familiar, though they will not be presented in familiar ways. Others, like Edward Blaquiere and Leicester Stanhope, will be virtually unknown, and their importance to this study will surprise some readers. Still other members of the dramatis personae, like John Bowring, Joseph Hume, and John Cam Hobhouse, will be well known to historians of 19th-century for reform movements.
T. P. Wiseman
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199239764
- eISBN:
- 9780191716836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239764.003.0002
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
In the Roman republic, only the People could make laws and elect politicians to office; the word respublica means ‘The People's business’. So why is it always assumed that the republic was an ...
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In the Roman republic, only the People could make laws and elect politicians to office; the word respublica means ‘The People's business’. So why is it always assumed that the republic was an oligarchy? The reading of late-republican politics as a non-ideological competition for office was created by Gelzer in 1912 in reaction against the ‘party-political’ model presupposed by Mommsen; reinforced by Münzer (1920) and Syme (1939), it was enshrined as accepted doctrine in ‘Paully-Wissowa’. This chapter argues that the Gelzer model relies on the misinterpretation of a key text, that close reading of the contemporary sources reveals far more ideological conflict than the Gelzer model allows, and that one of the results of assuming its truth has been a failure to appreciate the political background of the historian Licinius Macer.Less
In the Roman republic, only the People could make laws and elect politicians to office; the word respublica means ‘The People's business’. So why is it always assumed that the republic was an oligarchy? The reading of late-republican politics as a non-ideological competition for office was created by Gelzer in 1912 in reaction against the ‘party-political’ model presupposed by Mommsen; reinforced by Münzer (1920) and Syme (1939), it was enshrined as accepted doctrine in ‘Paully-Wissowa’. This chapter argues that the Gelzer model relies on the misinterpretation of a key text, that close reading of the contemporary sources reveals far more ideological conflict than the Gelzer model allows, and that one of the results of assuming its truth has been a failure to appreciate the political background of the historian Licinius Macer.
Gary Blasi and John T. Jost
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199737512
- eISBN:
- 9780199918638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199737512.003.0003
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter reviews theory and research on System Justification Theory (SJT) and summarizes key implications for law, lawyers, and social justice advocacy. According to SJT, lawyers should attend to ...
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This chapter reviews theory and research on System Justification Theory (SJT) and summarizes key implications for law, lawyers, and social justice advocacy. According to SJT, lawyers should attend to all relevant social orders and implicit as well as explicit biases in selecting jurors and developing advocacy strategies. The theory identifies important obstacles to social change, including changes in the law and legal scholarship. This chapter highlights some of the ways in which system justification motives result in behaviors that are unanticipated by current models of legal thinking. It discusses the persuasive power of “reframing,” whereby advocates can deploy narrative to exacerbate or diminish the system-justifying motives of legal and public policy decision-makers.Less
This chapter reviews theory and research on System Justification Theory (SJT) and summarizes key implications for law, lawyers, and social justice advocacy. According to SJT, lawyers should attend to all relevant social orders and implicit as well as explicit biases in selecting jurors and developing advocacy strategies. The theory identifies important obstacles to social change, including changes in the law and legal scholarship. This chapter highlights some of the ways in which system justification motives result in behaviors that are unanticipated by current models of legal thinking. It discusses the persuasive power of “reframing,” whereby advocates can deploy narrative to exacerbate or diminish the system-justifying motives of legal and public policy decision-makers.
Nadia Ramsis Farah
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162176
- eISBN:
- 9781617970337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162176.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter deals with the relationship between development and religion. A renewed interest in religion has spurred a spate of research that tries to establish a causal relationship between the two ...
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This chapter deals with the relationship between development and religion. A renewed interest in religion has spurred a spate of research that tries to establish a causal relationship between the two phenomena. In the case of Egypt, which was once ruled by the caliphate on a religious-political basis, the separation between religion and state has always been tenuous. Since the emergence of the modern state in the early 19th century, all political regimes in Egypt have used religion either as a dominant ideology and source for legislation or as a sub-ideology in periods when more secular regimes emerged. Egypt seems to be unable to decide which ideology and which form of state it should have. The vacillation between semi-secular and semi-religious state has been and still is a dominant characteristic of the Egyptian polity, although dominant power relations and the struggle between different factions of elites mostly determine this vacillation. The last thirty-five years have been marked by a strident religious ideology designed to justify the abolition of the Nasserist system and the reintegration of Egypt into the international economic system. The alliances between the state and Islamist political groups during the 1970s created the conditions for the disappearance of the secular nationalist trend that emerged with the 'Urabi revolt in the 1880s. During the last few years the regime has been attempting to curb the power of the Islamist groups, but still maintains religion as a political ideology in the face of mounting pressures from within and without to liberalize the political system. As long as the state is unable to steer the political ideology to secularism, the crisis between the state and the Islamists will continue, with dire consequences for the country as a whole.Less
This chapter deals with the relationship between development and religion. A renewed interest in religion has spurred a spate of research that tries to establish a causal relationship between the two phenomena. In the case of Egypt, which was once ruled by the caliphate on a religious-political basis, the separation between religion and state has always been tenuous. Since the emergence of the modern state in the early 19th century, all political regimes in Egypt have used religion either as a dominant ideology and source for legislation or as a sub-ideology in periods when more secular regimes emerged. Egypt seems to be unable to decide which ideology and which form of state it should have. The vacillation between semi-secular and semi-religious state has been and still is a dominant characteristic of the Egyptian polity, although dominant power relations and the struggle between different factions of elites mostly determine this vacillation. The last thirty-five years have been marked by a strident religious ideology designed to justify the abolition of the Nasserist system and the reintegration of Egypt into the international economic system. The alliances between the state and Islamist political groups during the 1970s created the conditions for the disappearance of the secular nationalist trend that emerged with the 'Urabi revolt in the 1880s. During the last few years the regime has been attempting to curb the power of the Islamist groups, but still maintains religion as a political ideology in the face of mounting pressures from within and without to liberalize the political system. As long as the state is unable to steer the political ideology to secularism, the crisis between the state and the Islamists will continue, with dire consequences for the country as a whole.
Stephen J. Kunitz
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195308075
- eISBN:
- 9780199863846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195308075.003.16
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the three issues addressed in this book: (i) the way inherited ideas about industrial growth, economic expansion, social change, and causes of ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the three issues addressed in this book: (i) the way inherited ideas about industrial growth, economic expansion, social change, and causes of disease have shaped explanations of the health of populations; (ii) the ways in which these inherited ideas have become assimilated to political ideologies that influence how epidemiologic and demographic data are understood, causal inferences made, anomalies ignored, and abstractions drawn; and (iii) the importance of understanding the social context of the populations whose health we study and hope to improve. It then considers two revolutions that have shaped the ways in which the health of populations is usually understood. An overview of the two parts of the book is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the three issues addressed in this book: (i) the way inherited ideas about industrial growth, economic expansion, social change, and causes of disease have shaped explanations of the health of populations; (ii) the ways in which these inherited ideas have become assimilated to political ideologies that influence how epidemiologic and demographic data are understood, causal inferences made, anomalies ignored, and abstractions drawn; and (iii) the importance of understanding the social context of the populations whose health we study and hope to improve. It then considers two revolutions that have shaped the ways in which the health of populations is usually understood. An overview of the two parts of the book is presented.
David P. Auerswald and Stephen M. Saideman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159386
- eISBN:
- 9781400848676
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159386.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter draws on a variety of literatures to model the national determinants of military behavior during multilateral interventions. Theories of principal-agent relations point to the importance ...
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This chapter draws on a variety of literatures to model the national determinants of military behavior during multilateral interventions. Theories of principal-agent relations point to the importance of knowing who are the ultimate decision units having the power to determine how military forces behave when deployed. One cannot know who those ultimate decision makers are without first understanding the domestic political institutions of the relevant nations. Domestic political institutions can either empower a single individual, as is the case with presidential or single-party parliamentary governments, or they can empower a collective body to make decisions, as is the case in parliamentary coalition governments. However, to understand the preferences of various principals requires understanding either their political ideology (in the case of collective principals) or how their previous experiences shape their current and future behaviors (in the case of single principals).Less
This chapter draws on a variety of literatures to model the national determinants of military behavior during multilateral interventions. Theories of principal-agent relations point to the importance of knowing who are the ultimate decision units having the power to determine how military forces behave when deployed. One cannot know who those ultimate decision makers are without first understanding the domestic political institutions of the relevant nations. Domestic political institutions can either empower a single individual, as is the case with presidential or single-party parliamentary governments, or they can empower a collective body to make decisions, as is the case in parliamentary coalition governments. However, to understand the preferences of various principals requires understanding either their political ideology (in the case of collective principals) or how their previous experiences shape their current and future behaviors (in the case of single principals).
Lily Geismer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157238
- eISBN:
- 9781400852420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157238.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter shows how structural processes, policies, and national trends intersected with the particular history, geography, and reputation of the Boston area to produce the set of ...
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This chapter shows how structural processes, policies, and national trends intersected with the particular history, geography, and reputation of the Boston area to produce the set of juxtapositions—between history and progress, tradition and technology, open-mindedness and exclusivity, meritocracy and equality—that characterized the physical landscape and political culture of the Route 128 suburbs and the political ideology of many of their residents. It reveals that homeowners' view of themselves in rural Lincoln and cosmopolitan Newton fueled grassroots activism on a range of liberal issues. This sense of individual and collective distinctiveness simultaneously made many residents see themselves as separate from, and not responsible for, many of the consequences of suburban growth and the forms of inequality and segregation that suburban development fortified.Less
This chapter shows how structural processes, policies, and national trends intersected with the particular history, geography, and reputation of the Boston area to produce the set of juxtapositions—between history and progress, tradition and technology, open-mindedness and exclusivity, meritocracy and equality—that characterized the physical landscape and political culture of the Route 128 suburbs and the political ideology of many of their residents. It reveals that homeowners' view of themselves in rural Lincoln and cosmopolitan Newton fueled grassroots activism on a range of liberal issues. This sense of individual and collective distinctiveness simultaneously made many residents see themselves as separate from, and not responsible for, many of the consequences of suburban growth and the forms of inequality and segregation that suburban development fortified.
Michael Rush
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198275770
- eISBN:
- 9780191684142
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198275770.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the political context within which Parliament operates. Topics covered include the growth of government in the 19th and 20th centuries, the origins and development of the party ...
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This chapter discusses the political context within which Parliament operates. Topics covered include the growth of government in the 19th and 20th centuries, the origins and development of the party system, the growth of party organization, and the development of party cohesion. Contextually, by 1900 all was in place: British politics was dominated by two, ideologically-divided parties; collectivist demands, significantly tempered by libertarian concerns, had resulted in an expansion of government, and the state now intervened in areas which were beyond the ideological pale a hundred years before; the governmental machine had expanded accordingly, with an increase in the number ministers and civil servants; and the House of Commons, the key part of the legislative machine, was controlled by party.Less
This chapter discusses the political context within which Parliament operates. Topics covered include the growth of government in the 19th and 20th centuries, the origins and development of the party system, the growth of party organization, and the development of party cohesion. Contextually, by 1900 all was in place: British politics was dominated by two, ideologically-divided parties; collectivist demands, significantly tempered by libertarian concerns, had resulted in an expansion of government, and the state now intervened in areas which were beyond the ideological pale a hundred years before; the governmental machine had expanded accordingly, with an increase in the number ministers and civil servants; and the House of Commons, the key part of the legislative machine, was controlled by party.
Robert Rohrschneider and Stephen Whitefield
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199652785
- eISBN:
- 9780191744907
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199652785.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The main aim of the book is to assess and explain the extent to which political parties across Europe as a whole succeed in representing diverse voters. We note two important features of the European ...
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The main aim of the book is to assess and explain the extent to which political parties across Europe as a whole succeed in representing diverse voters. We note two important features of the European political landscape that complicate the task of assessing party representation and that require its reassessment. First, the emergence of new democracies in post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe point to the possibility that representation is not only differentially achieved in West and East but may also be attained by different mechanisms. Second, parties in both West and East must now seek to represent voters that are increasingly diverse, specifically between partisan and independent supporters. We refer to the challenges of representation of diverse voters as the strain of representation’. The evidential basis for the empirical analysis are expert surveys that were conducted in 24 European countries on party positions that were merged with other available data on voters, party characteristics, and country conditions. The results point to both the representational capacities of parties in West and East and to the strain that parties face in representing diverse voters.Less
The main aim of the book is to assess and explain the extent to which political parties across Europe as a whole succeed in representing diverse voters. We note two important features of the European political landscape that complicate the task of assessing party representation and that require its reassessment. First, the emergence of new democracies in post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe point to the possibility that representation is not only differentially achieved in West and East but may also be attained by different mechanisms. Second, parties in both West and East must now seek to represent voters that are increasingly diverse, specifically between partisan and independent supporters. We refer to the challenges of representation of diverse voters as the strain of representation’. The evidential basis for the empirical analysis are expert surveys that were conducted in 24 European countries on party positions that were merged with other available data on voters, party characteristics, and country conditions. The results point to both the representational capacities of parties in West and East and to the strain that parties face in representing diverse voters.
Mark Juergensmeyer (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520098701
- eISBN:
- 9780520943797
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520098701.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
The United States have been regarded as the source of an oppressive secular political ideology that elicited religious as well as political responses. Even though this was most evident after the ...
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The United States have been regarded as the source of an oppressive secular political ideology that elicited religious as well as political responses. Even though this was most evident after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, this was not a new development. The global post-Cold War encounter between religious and secular politics was characterized by a strident anti-Americanism that developed in the last decades of the twentieth century and continued into the twenty-first, culminating in the events of 9/11. This chapter explores some of the reasons for the religious animosity towards the United States. Many who attacked it were incensed by what they regarded as economic, cultural, and political oppression under the “new world order” of a secular, America-dominated, post-Cold War world. The United States' economic interests in the oil reserves of the Middle East, and its unchallenged cultural and political influence in a post-Cold War world led many Muslim activists to see America as a global bully, a worthy target of their religious and political anger. America became an enemy in large part because of policies that made it appear as if it was indeed the enemy that some religious radicals imagined.Less
The United States have been regarded as the source of an oppressive secular political ideology that elicited religious as well as political responses. Even though this was most evident after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, this was not a new development. The global post-Cold War encounter between religious and secular politics was characterized by a strident anti-Americanism that developed in the last decades of the twentieth century and continued into the twenty-first, culminating in the events of 9/11. This chapter explores some of the reasons for the religious animosity towards the United States. Many who attacked it were incensed by what they regarded as economic, cultural, and political oppression under the “new world order” of a secular, America-dominated, post-Cold War world. The United States' economic interests in the oil reserves of the Middle East, and its unchallenged cultural and political influence in a post-Cold War world led many Muslim activists to see America as a global bully, a worthy target of their religious and political anger. America became an enemy in large part because of policies that made it appear as if it was indeed the enemy that some religious radicals imagined.
Rychetta Watkins
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617031618
- eISBN:
- 9781621031451
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617031618.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
Images of upraised fists, afros, and dashikis have long dominated the collective memory of Black Power and its proponents. The “guerilla” figure—taking the form of the black-leather-clad ...
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Images of upraised fists, afros, and dashikis have long dominated the collective memory of Black Power and its proponents. The “guerilla” figure—taking the form of the black-leather-clad revolutionary within the Black Panther Party—has become an iconic trope in American popular culture. That politically radical figure, however, has been shaped as much by Asian American cultural discourse as by African American political ideology. From the Asian-African Conference held in April of 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia, onward to the present, Afro-Asian political collaboration has been active and influential. This book uses the guerilla figure as a point of departure, and shows how the trope’s rhetoric animates discourses of representation and identity in African American and Asian American literature and culture. In doing so, it examines the notion of “Power” in terms of ethnic political identity, and explores collaborating—and sometimes competing—ethnic interests that have drawn ideas from the concept. The project brings together a range of texts—editorial cartoons, newspaper articles, novels, visual propaganda, and essays—that illustrate the emergence of this subjectivity in Asian American and African American cultural productions during the Power period, roughly 1966 through 1981. After a case study of the cultural politics of academic anthologies and the cooperation between Frank Chin and Ishmael Reed, the book culminates with analyses of this trope in Sam Greenlee’s The Spook Who Sat by the Door, Alice Walker’s Meridian, and John Okada’s No No Boy.Less
Images of upraised fists, afros, and dashikis have long dominated the collective memory of Black Power and its proponents. The “guerilla” figure—taking the form of the black-leather-clad revolutionary within the Black Panther Party—has become an iconic trope in American popular culture. That politically radical figure, however, has been shaped as much by Asian American cultural discourse as by African American political ideology. From the Asian-African Conference held in April of 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia, onward to the present, Afro-Asian political collaboration has been active and influential. This book uses the guerilla figure as a point of departure, and shows how the trope’s rhetoric animates discourses of representation and identity in African American and Asian American literature and culture. In doing so, it examines the notion of “Power” in terms of ethnic political identity, and explores collaborating—and sometimes competing—ethnic interests that have drawn ideas from the concept. The project brings together a range of texts—editorial cartoons, newspaper articles, novels, visual propaganda, and essays—that illustrate the emergence of this subjectivity in Asian American and African American cultural productions during the Power period, roughly 1966 through 1981. After a case study of the cultural politics of academic anthologies and the cooperation between Frank Chin and Ishmael Reed, the book culminates with analyses of this trope in Sam Greenlee’s The Spook Who Sat by the Door, Alice Walker’s Meridian, and John Okada’s No No Boy.
Benjamin Kelly
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199599615
- eISBN:
- 9780191731525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599615.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter is concerned with the impact of the legal system at the level of political ideology. The spectacle of the courtroom and the rhetoric of administrators served to reinforce the majesty and ...
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This chapter is concerned with the impact of the legal system at the level of political ideology. The spectacle of the courtroom and the rhetoric of administrators served to reinforce the majesty and terror of the state. The rhetorical features of petitions also had ideological messages. These include: discourses concerning legal rationality and the rule of law; an image of officials (especially high officials) as euergetai (benefactors); and statements about the punishments inflicted by the laws. Petitions containing threats of flight from fiscal burdens (anachōrēsis) are also discussed.Less
This chapter is concerned with the impact of the legal system at the level of political ideology. The spectacle of the courtroom and the rhetoric of administrators served to reinforce the majesty and terror of the state. The rhetorical features of petitions also had ideological messages. These include: discourses concerning legal rationality and the rule of law; an image of officials (especially high officials) as euergetai (benefactors); and statements about the punishments inflicted by the laws. Petitions containing threats of flight from fiscal burdens (anachōrēsis) are also discussed.
Casper Sylvest
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079092
- eISBN:
- 9781781703151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079092.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter covers the historical components and emergence of liberal internationalism as a political ideology, discussing the Victorian liberalism and the visions of international politics that ...
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This chapter covers the historical components and emergence of liberal internationalism as a political ideology, discussing the Victorian liberalism and the visions of international politics that grew out of and were important for the ascendancy of internationalism. The popularity of Cobdenite ideas is closely related to their compatibility not only with dissent, but also with philosophical radicalism, traditional Whig views about war and peace, and the evangelically inspired, economic arguments in favour of free trade. William Ewart Gladstone argued against Lord Palmerston's meddling foreign policy, his conception of the English as ‘universal schoolmasters’, his ‘insular temper’ and his ‘self-glorifying tendency’. Lord Salisbury provides a helpful contrast to liberal internationalism. Internationalist ideology was underwritten by expectations of intellectual, moral and/or political progress, which would issue in a public morality and the reconciliation of nationalism and internationalism, ensuring the entrenchment of order and justice in international politics.Less
This chapter covers the historical components and emergence of liberal internationalism as a political ideology, discussing the Victorian liberalism and the visions of international politics that grew out of and were important for the ascendancy of internationalism. The popularity of Cobdenite ideas is closely related to their compatibility not only with dissent, but also with philosophical radicalism, traditional Whig views about war and peace, and the evangelically inspired, economic arguments in favour of free trade. William Ewart Gladstone argued against Lord Palmerston's meddling foreign policy, his conception of the English as ‘universal schoolmasters’, his ‘insular temper’ and his ‘self-glorifying tendency’. Lord Salisbury provides a helpful contrast to liberal internationalism. Internationalist ideology was underwritten by expectations of intellectual, moral and/or political progress, which would issue in a public morality and the reconciliation of nationalism and internationalism, ensuring the entrenchment of order and justice in international politics.
Jacob Copeman and Dwaipayan Banerjee
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501745096
- eISBN:
- 9781501745102
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501745096.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This book is an account of the political economy and cultural meaning of blood in contemporary India. It examines how the giving and receiving of blood has shaped social and political life. The book ...
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This book is an account of the political economy and cultural meaning of blood in contemporary India. It examines how the giving and receiving of blood has shaped social and political life. The book traces how the substance congeals political ideologies, biomedical rationalities, and activist practices. Using examples from anti-colonial appeals to blood sacrifice as a political philosophy to contemporary portraits of political leaders drawn with blood, from the use of the substance by Bhopali children as a material of activism to biomedical anxieties and aporias about the excess and lack of donation, the book broaches how political life in India has been shaped through the use of blood and through contestations about blood. As such, the book offers new entryways into thinking about politics and economy through a “bloodscape of difference:” different sovereignties, different proportionalities, and different temporalities. These entryways allow exploration of the relation between blood's utopic flows and political clottings as it moves through time and space, conjuring new kinds of social collectivities while reanimating older forms, and always in a reflexive relation to norms that guide its proper flow.Less
This book is an account of the political economy and cultural meaning of blood in contemporary India. It examines how the giving and receiving of blood has shaped social and political life. The book traces how the substance congeals political ideologies, biomedical rationalities, and activist practices. Using examples from anti-colonial appeals to blood sacrifice as a political philosophy to contemporary portraits of political leaders drawn with blood, from the use of the substance by Bhopali children as a material of activism to biomedical anxieties and aporias about the excess and lack of donation, the book broaches how political life in India has been shaped through the use of blood and through contestations about blood. As such, the book offers new entryways into thinking about politics and economy through a “bloodscape of difference:” different sovereignties, different proportionalities, and different temporalities. These entryways allow exploration of the relation between blood's utopic flows and political clottings as it moves through time and space, conjuring new kinds of social collectivities while reanimating older forms, and always in a reflexive relation to norms that guide its proper flow.
Fernihough Anne
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198112358
- eISBN:
- 9780191670770
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198112358.003.0012
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
D. H. Lawrence's position as an outsider, socially, geographically, and professionally, meant that he was peculiarly well placed to criticize in terms of broad contours and large principles. He took ...
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D. H. Lawrence's position as an outsider, socially, geographically, and professionally, meant that he was peculiarly well placed to criticize in terms of broad contours and large principles. He took full advantage of his marginality, launching wholesale attacks on movements right across the political spectrum. Lawrence's ‘anti-imperialistic’ aesthetics does not deny the importance (or the inescapability in practice) of political ideologies. Indeed, for Lawrence, art's ‘openness’ is only conceivable as openness by virtue of the meaningful and necessary ideologies both surrounding it and vying for attention within it. Art is seen by Lawrence to be both a site of conflict and the one refuge from instrumentality, the one place in which ideologies can be expressed and tested without the risk of disastrous consequences in the practical world. In recent years, critics have been on their guard against those philosophers who commit the fatal error of aestheticizing reality.Less
D. H. Lawrence's position as an outsider, socially, geographically, and professionally, meant that he was peculiarly well placed to criticize in terms of broad contours and large principles. He took full advantage of his marginality, launching wholesale attacks on movements right across the political spectrum. Lawrence's ‘anti-imperialistic’ aesthetics does not deny the importance (or the inescapability in practice) of political ideologies. Indeed, for Lawrence, art's ‘openness’ is only conceivable as openness by virtue of the meaningful and necessary ideologies both surrounding it and vying for attention within it. Art is seen by Lawrence to be both a site of conflict and the one refuge from instrumentality, the one place in which ideologies can be expressed and tested without the risk of disastrous consequences in the practical world. In recent years, critics have been on their guard against those philosophers who commit the fatal error of aestheticizing reality.
