Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This concluding chapter reviews the overall predicaments of the European dilemma as the EU faces the dual challenge of national-ethnic diversity and social crisis. It focuses on the issues of ...
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This concluding chapter reviews the overall predicaments of the European dilemma as the EU faces the dual challenge of national-ethnic diversity and social crisis. It focuses on the issues of European moral-political identity and the future of a multinational-multi-ethnic democracy. It asks which moral-political values and institutional strategies may actually guide the future integration of one of the world’s most powerful economic and political blocs. The discussion reconnects with the overall issue of the dual crisis of the welfare state and the nation, contending that the dual crisis needs to be restated as also encompassing a crisis for the EU-European supra-nation. With the character of currently dominant EU policies and the emergent ‘post-national workfare regime’ of the Union in mind, the authors elaborate on the potential capacity of the European supra-nation to offer a viable and democratic alternative. They question today’s strong tendency to seek solutions to an apparent crisis of neo-liberal strategies in stringent immigration and asylum measures, and retrograde policies of ethno-cultural entrenchment. This serves to highlight the crucial question as to which moral-political ‘creed’ will actually prevail in the 21st century.Less
This concluding chapter reviews the overall predicaments of the European dilemma as the EU faces the dual challenge of national-ethnic diversity and social crisis. It focuses on the issues of European moral-political identity and the future of a multinational-multi-ethnic democracy. It asks which moral-political values and institutional strategies may actually guide the future integration of one of the world’s most powerful economic and political blocs. The discussion reconnects with the overall issue of the dual crisis of the welfare state and the nation, contending that the dual crisis needs to be restated as also encompassing a crisis for the EU-European supra-nation. With the character of currently dominant EU policies and the emergent ‘post-national workfare regime’ of the Union in mind, the authors elaborate on the potential capacity of the European supra-nation to offer a viable and democratic alternative. They question today’s strong tendency to seek solutions to an apparent crisis of neo-liberal strategies in stringent immigration and asylum measures, and retrograde policies of ethno-cultural entrenchment. This serves to highlight the crucial question as to which moral-political ‘creed’ will actually prevail in the 21st century.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is continuities, changes, and the vulnerability of the party in western Europe, and the aim is to ...
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This is the first of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is continuities, changes, and the vulnerability of the party in western Europe, and the aim is to emphasize the link between party organization or styles of organizational intervention and electoral (de)stabilization. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) What Parties Are and What Parties Do –– respectively, their historic political identity and their contemporary appeals, with the latter often bearing little relation to historic identities; (2) Left, Right, and Policy Competition; (3) Left, Right, and Voter Alignments; (4) A Crisis of Party? (5) Catch-All Politics and Party Vulnerability; (6) Organizational Change and Electoral Change; and (7) Organizational Change: A Research Agenda.Less
This is the first of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is continuities, changes, and the vulnerability of the party in western Europe, and the aim is to emphasize the link between party organization or styles of organizational intervention and electoral (de)stabilization. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) What Parties Are and What Parties Do –– respectively, their historic political identity and their contemporary appeals, with the latter often bearing little relation to historic identities; (2) Left, Right, and Policy Competition; (3) Left, Right, and Voter Alignments; (4) A Crisis of Party? (5) Catch-All Politics and Party Vulnerability; (6) Organizational Change and Electoral Change; and (7) Organizational Change: A Research Agenda.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the ...
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This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the context of the chapter, noting first that the competition to be investigated is inter-party competition, which will arise when parties have a market in which to compete (i.e. when there are voters in competition), and is at least in part a function of the size of the electoral market. Second, it notes that when parties confront an electoral market, they have a choice of two not necessarily exclusive strategies –– defensive or expansive; and third, that the size of the markets in general, and the degree of electoral availability, is largely a function of the strength and pervasiveness of the relevant political identities. The first section of the chapter, Developments and Contrasts in Western Europe, looks at the history of the development of political parties in western Europe as a history of attempts to narrow the electoral market through the promotion and inculcation of mass political identities; it concludes that, other things being equal, polities characterized by the presence of strong identities are likely to be less competitive than those where they are not, and will, more precisely, tend to be more consensual. The next section of the chapter, ‘Electoral Markets and Consociational Democracy’, leads on naturally to a discussion of consociational democracies (which are plural societies) in western Europe, and this is followed. in ‘Small States and Large States’, by an examination of the differences in policy style in small states (which are largely consensual) and large states (which are adversarial, with high electoral volatility). The last section ‘Some Implications for the New East European Democracies’, applies the previous discussion to eastern Europe.Less
This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the context of the chapter, noting first that the competition to be investigated is inter-party competition, which will arise when parties have a market in which to compete (i.e. when there are voters in competition), and is at least in part a function of the size of the electoral market. Second, it notes that when parties confront an electoral market, they have a choice of two not necessarily exclusive strategies –– defensive or expansive; and third, that the size of the markets in general, and the degree of electoral availability, is largely a function of the strength and pervasiveness of the relevant political identities. The first section of the chapter, Developments and Contrasts in Western Europe, looks at the history of the development of political parties in western Europe as a history of attempts to narrow the electoral market through the promotion and inculcation of mass political identities; it concludes that, other things being equal, polities characterized by the presence of strong identities are likely to be less competitive than those where they are not, and will, more precisely, tend to be more consensual. The next section of the chapter, ‘Electoral Markets and Consociational Democracy’, leads on naturally to a discussion of consociational democracies (which are plural societies) in western Europe, and this is followed. in ‘Small States and Large States’, by an examination of the differences in policy style in small states (which are largely consensual) and large states (which are adversarial, with high electoral volatility). The last section ‘Some Implications for the New East European Democracies’, applies the previous discussion to eastern Europe.
Denis Lacorne
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Draws an analogy between the threats posed by social heterogeneity in the USA and the threats posed by differing national allegiances in the EU. The author reminds USA that core political identities ...
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Draws an analogy between the threats posed by social heterogeneity in the USA and the threats posed by differing national allegiances in the EU. The author reminds USA that core political identities can vary over time and that early conceptions of citizenship in the USA focussed almost exclusively on state, not federal, citizenship; in his view, within unitary states communities of identity are fine so long as individuals do not conflate these with their core political identity. In a federal system, the problem or challenge is exactly that of belonging to several political communities. Lacorne argues that pure constitutional patriotism will not suffice, since individuals require a substantial citizenship; what is needed instead are ‘common and concrete political experiences’ that would give rise to ‘a new European ethics of responsibility’. The two sections of the chapter are: The Irrelevance of the American Model of Federal Citizenship; and The Relevance of the American Multicultural Model.Less
Draws an analogy between the threats posed by social heterogeneity in the USA and the threats posed by differing national allegiances in the EU. The author reminds USA that core political identities can vary over time and that early conceptions of citizenship in the USA focussed almost exclusively on state, not federal, citizenship; in his view, within unitary states communities of identity are fine so long as individuals do not conflate these with their core political identity. In a federal system, the problem or challenge is exactly that of belonging to several political communities. Lacorne argues that pure constitutional patriotism will not suffice, since individuals require a substantial citizenship; what is needed instead are ‘common and concrete political experiences’ that would give rise to ‘a new European ethics of responsibility’. The two sections of the chapter are: The Irrelevance of the American Model of Federal Citizenship; and The Relevance of the American Multicultural Model.
Deborah Tannen, Shari Kendall, and Cynthia Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195313895
- eISBN:
- 9780199871940
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195313895.003.0000
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
Researchers have suggested that family discourse can work toward socializing children into the political beliefs of their parents, thereby “reproducing” political values and behaviors across ...
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Researchers have suggested that family discourse can work toward socializing children into the political beliefs of their parents, thereby “reproducing” political values and behaviors across generations of the same family. This chapter shows that a family's political identity can be a fundamental component of family identity. It considers how members of one family construct a family identity based on their support of Democratic Party presidential candidate Al Gore. The chapter illustrates how family members use language during conversations to create a group, rather than individual, identity and how political socialization is multidirectional in the family context, where all family members play a role in constructing the family identity. It also contributes to research in political socialization, wherein researchers have previously claimed that the family is of great importance in this process but have relied on interviews and surveys.Less
Researchers have suggested that family discourse can work toward socializing children into the political beliefs of their parents, thereby “reproducing” political values and behaviors across generations of the same family. This chapter shows that a family's political identity can be a fundamental component of family identity. It considers how members of one family construct a family identity based on their support of Democratic Party presidential candidate Al Gore. The chapter illustrates how family members use language during conversations to create a group, rather than individual, identity and how political socialization is multidirectional in the family context, where all family members play a role in constructing the family identity. It also contributes to research in political socialization, wherein researchers have previously claimed that the family is of great importance in this process but have relied on interviews and surveys.
Margaret Litvin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137803
- eISBN:
- 9781400840106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter explores Hamlet's meaning in today's Arabic political vocabulary. Hamlet has been invoked in reference to nearly every major and minor political crisis touching the Arab world in the ...
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This chapter explores Hamlet's meaning in today's Arabic political vocabulary. Hamlet has been invoked in reference to nearly every major and minor political crisis touching the Arab world in the past decade. Analyzing his function in recent polemical writings such as newspaper columns, speeches, and sermons, this chapter shows how Arab writers read “to be or not to be” not as a meditation on the individual's place in the world but as an argument about collective political identity. Other themes from Hamlet—words/deeds, sleep/waking, madness/wholeness—help reinforce the urgency of the crisis. However, these cries of outrage and alarm are not the only approach to the issue of historical agency. As a counterpoint the chapter offers an instance of Hamlet rewriting by the important Palestinian–Iraqi writer Jabra Ibrahim Jabra.Less
This chapter explores Hamlet's meaning in today's Arabic political vocabulary. Hamlet has been invoked in reference to nearly every major and minor political crisis touching the Arab world in the past decade. Analyzing his function in recent polemical writings such as newspaper columns, speeches, and sermons, this chapter shows how Arab writers read “to be or not to be” not as a meditation on the individual's place in the world but as an argument about collective political identity. Other themes from Hamlet—words/deeds, sleep/waking, madness/wholeness—help reinforce the urgency of the crisis. However, these cries of outrage and alarm are not the only approach to the issue of historical agency. As a counterpoint the chapter offers an instance of Hamlet rewriting by the important Palestinian–Iraqi writer Jabra Ibrahim Jabra.
Andrew Hurrell
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233106
- eISBN:
- 9780191716287
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233106.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book provides an introduction to the analysis of global political order — how patterns of governance and institutionalization in world politics have already changed; what the most important ...
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This book provides an introduction to the analysis of global political order — how patterns of governance and institutionalization in world politics have already changed; what the most important challenges are; and what the way forward might look like. The first section develops three analytical frameworks: a world of sovereign states capable of only limited cooperation; a world of ever-denser international institutions embodying the idea of an international community; and a world in which global governance moves beyond the state and into the realms of markets, civil society, and networks. Part II examines five of the most important issues facing contemporary international society: nationalism and the politics of identity; human rights and democracy; war, violence, and collective security; the ecological challenge; and the management of economic globalization in a highly unequal world. Part III considers the idea of an emerging multi-regional system; and the picture of global order built around US empire. The conclusion looks at the normative implications. If international society has indeed been changing in the ways discussed in this book, what ought we to do? And, still more crucially, who is the ‘we’ that is to be at the centre of this drive to create a morally better world? This book is concerned with the fate of international society in an era of globalization and the ability of the inherited society of sovereign states to provide a practically viable and normatively acceptable framework for global political order. It lays particular emphasis on the different forms of global inequality and the problems of legitimacy that these create, and on the challenges posed by cultural diversity and value conflict.Less
This book provides an introduction to the analysis of global political order — how patterns of governance and institutionalization in world politics have already changed; what the most important challenges are; and what the way forward might look like. The first section develops three analytical frameworks: a world of sovereign states capable of only limited cooperation; a world of ever-denser international institutions embodying the idea of an international community; and a world in which global governance moves beyond the state and into the realms of markets, civil society, and networks. Part II examines five of the most important issues facing contemporary international society: nationalism and the politics of identity; human rights and democracy; war, violence, and collective security; the ecological challenge; and the management of economic globalization in a highly unequal world. Part III considers the idea of an emerging multi-regional system; and the picture of global order built around US empire. The conclusion looks at the normative implications. If international society has indeed been changing in the ways discussed in this book, what ought we to do? And, still more crucially, who is the ‘we’ that is to be at the centre of this drive to create a morally better world? This book is concerned with the fate of international society in an era of globalization and the ability of the inherited society of sovereign states to provide a practically viable and normatively acceptable framework for global political order. It lays particular emphasis on the different forms of global inequality and the problems of legitimacy that these create, and on the challenges posed by cultural diversity and value conflict.
Lam Wai-man
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789888139477
- eISBN:
- 9789882208681
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139477.003.0010
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter traces the development of specific features of the political identity, culture, and participation in Hong Kong. It highlights the conflicting readings on these areas offered by scholars ...
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This chapter traces the development of specific features of the political identity, culture, and participation in Hong Kong. It highlights the conflicting readings on these areas offered by scholars notably for the period before the 1990s. The dominant view that in Hong Kong a culture of political apathy prevailed was not seriously challenged until the late 1990s, when scholars re-examined the definition of political participation and the related evidence. After the 1997 handover, the different interpretations of the political culture and participation in Hong Kong among scholars have gradually been reconciled. Political activism has surged and political participation has also been on the rise. People have continued to seek to influence the government through various means including innovative non-institutional means.Less
This chapter traces the development of specific features of the political identity, culture, and participation in Hong Kong. It highlights the conflicting readings on these areas offered by scholars notably for the period before the 1990s. The dominant view that in Hong Kong a culture of political apathy prevailed was not seriously challenged until the late 1990s, when scholars re-examined the definition of political participation and the related evidence. After the 1997 handover, the different interpretations of the political culture and participation in Hong Kong among scholars have gradually been reconciled. Political activism has surged and political participation has also been on the rise. People have continued to seek to influence the government through various means including innovative non-institutional means.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In March 1923, Philip Snowden rose in the Commons to propose a motion whose terms demonstrated that, in the complex political arguments and alignments of the 1920s in Britain, socialism and the ...
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In March 1923, Philip Snowden rose in the Commons to propose a motion whose terms demonstrated that, in the complex political arguments and alignments of the 1920s in Britain, socialism and the supercession of capitalism was a major theme. Snowden was supported by other senior figures within the Parliamentary Labour Party: Ramsay MacDonald, J. C. Clynes, and Arthur Henderson. Their presentations offered a significant statement of Labour's political identity as perceived by its most authoritative figures. Snowden's lengthy and characteristically lucid indictment of capitalism was in terms of efficiency and morality. The cumulative consequence was an unintended shift from pure capitalism towards socialism. The belief in evolutionary change was complemented by a confidence in the moral superiority of socialist politics. Those who became socialists were not just perceptive; they had made an ethical choice. Commendations of ethical and evolutionary socialism were supported frequently by claims of British exceptionalism.Less
In March 1923, Philip Snowden rose in the Commons to propose a motion whose terms demonstrated that, in the complex political arguments and alignments of the 1920s in Britain, socialism and the supercession of capitalism was a major theme. Snowden was supported by other senior figures within the Parliamentary Labour Party: Ramsay MacDonald, J. C. Clynes, and Arthur Henderson. Their presentations offered a significant statement of Labour's political identity as perceived by its most authoritative figures. Snowden's lengthy and characteristically lucid indictment of capitalism was in terms of efficiency and morality. The cumulative consequence was an unintended shift from pure capitalism towards socialism. The belief in evolutionary change was complemented by a confidence in the moral superiority of socialist politics. Those who became socialists were not just perceptive; they had made an ethical choice. Commendations of ethical and evolutionary socialism were supported frequently by claims of British exceptionalism.
Annmarie Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639816
- eISBN:
- 9780748653522
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639816.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This book offers a unique contribution to gender and Scottish history breaking new ground on several fronts: there is no history of inter-war women in Scotland, very little labour or popular ...
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This book offers a unique contribution to gender and Scottish history breaking new ground on several fronts: there is no history of inter-war women in Scotland, very little labour or popular political history, and virtually nothing published on women, the home, and family. This book is a history of women in the period that integrates class and gender history as well as linking the public and private spheres. Using a gendered approach to history it transforms and shifts our knowledge of the Scottish past, unearthing the previously unexplored role that women played in inter-war socialist politics, the General Strike, and popular political protest. It re-evaluates these areas and demonstrates the ways in which gender shaped the experience of class and class struggle. Importantly, the book also explores the links between the public and private spheres and addresses the concept of masculinity as well as femininity and pays particular reference to domestic violence. The books illuminates the complex interconnections of culture and economic and social structure. Although the research is based on Scottish evidence, the book also uses material to address key debates in gender history and labour history that have wider relevance and will appeal to gender historians, labour historians, and social and cultural historians as well as social scientists.Less
This book offers a unique contribution to gender and Scottish history breaking new ground on several fronts: there is no history of inter-war women in Scotland, very little labour or popular political history, and virtually nothing published on women, the home, and family. This book is a history of women in the period that integrates class and gender history as well as linking the public and private spheres. Using a gendered approach to history it transforms and shifts our knowledge of the Scottish past, unearthing the previously unexplored role that women played in inter-war socialist politics, the General Strike, and popular political protest. It re-evaluates these areas and demonstrates the ways in which gender shaped the experience of class and class struggle. Importantly, the book also explores the links between the public and private spheres and addresses the concept of masculinity as well as femininity and pays particular reference to domestic violence. The books illuminates the complex interconnections of culture and economic and social structure. Although the research is based on Scottish evidence, the book also uses material to address key debates in gender history and labour history that have wider relevance and will appeal to gender historians, labour historians, and social and cultural historians as well as social scientists.
Uday Singh Mehta
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264393
- eISBN:
- 9780191734571
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264393.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Decolonization of the European empires in the twentieth century was spurred by the colonized based on two purposes: the desire for independence, and the desire to build a sovereign political ...
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Decolonization of the European empires in the twentieth century was spurred by the colonized based on two purposes: the desire for independence, and the desire to build a sovereign political identity. The most obvious feature of the first intention was the formation of anti-imperialist movements, organised under the banner ‘they must leave’. The latter was characterized by the establishment of constitutional government, which highlighted the identity of a novice country in a political and unified form and which featured a central source of power. These two purposes share a complex relationship. For power to be sovereign, independence must be gained first. Power cannot be obligated to the wishes of another power or constrained by the laws of another regime. The struggle for independence of European empires did not readily create the conditions for the exercise of a sovereign power. It was elusive at the moment of independence. This chapter discusses some of the implications of these two purposes, with emphasis on the second purpose and the Indian experience. It addresses questions such as: what is the meaning of collective identity to those newly independent countries in the context of politics; what were the pressures on the claims to political identity and unity; how did these pressures encourage a revolutionary mindset in the conceptualization of constitutional provisions and political power; and how does the struggle for political identity relate to the history of nation and its struggle for independence?Less
Decolonization of the European empires in the twentieth century was spurred by the colonized based on two purposes: the desire for independence, and the desire to build a sovereign political identity. The most obvious feature of the first intention was the formation of anti-imperialist movements, organised under the banner ‘they must leave’. The latter was characterized by the establishment of constitutional government, which highlighted the identity of a novice country in a political and unified form and which featured a central source of power. These two purposes share a complex relationship. For power to be sovereign, independence must be gained first. Power cannot be obligated to the wishes of another power or constrained by the laws of another regime. The struggle for independence of European empires did not readily create the conditions for the exercise of a sovereign power. It was elusive at the moment of independence. This chapter discusses some of the implications of these two purposes, with emphasis on the second purpose and the Indian experience. It addresses questions such as: what is the meaning of collective identity to those newly independent countries in the context of politics; what were the pressures on the claims to political identity and unity; how did these pressures encourage a revolutionary mindset in the conceptualization of constitutional provisions and political power; and how does the struggle for political identity relate to the history of nation and its struggle for independence?
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Will Lawther, active in the Durham Miners' Association (DMA) since 1907, was a leading and gaoled member of Red Chopwell's Council of Action during the General Strike. Within the DMA in the 1920s, he ...
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Will Lawther, active in the Durham Miners' Association (DMA) since 1907, was a leading and gaoled member of Red Chopwell's Council of Action during the General Strike. Within the DMA in the 1920s, he was associated with the Left; appropriately and controversially the Chopwell Lodge banner was decorated with images of Keir Hardie, Karl Marx, and Nikolai Lenin. As a Left activist, Lawther had political ambitions, and in 1929 he was elected Labour Member for Barnard Castle. Two years later, he addressed a May Day rally in the Durham coalfield. Oswald Mosley's New Party was two months old; the collapse of the second Labour Government was less than four months away. Lawther's speech remembered the 1926 stoppage selectively and developed a contrast that would become central to the Labour Party's political identity.Less
Will Lawther, active in the Durham Miners' Association (DMA) since 1907, was a leading and gaoled member of Red Chopwell's Council of Action during the General Strike. Within the DMA in the 1920s, he was associated with the Left; appropriately and controversially the Chopwell Lodge banner was decorated with images of Keir Hardie, Karl Marx, and Nikolai Lenin. As a Left activist, Lawther had political ambitions, and in 1929 he was elected Labour Member for Barnard Castle. Two years later, he addressed a May Day rally in the Durham coalfield. Oswald Mosley's New Party was two months old; the collapse of the second Labour Government was less than four months away. Lawther's speech remembered the 1926 stoppage selectively and developed a contrast that would become central to the Labour Party's political identity.
Vijayalakshmi Balakrishnan
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198071266
- eISBN:
- 9780199080779
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198071266.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This book aims to expand our understanding of the role of institutions, norms, and key players in shaping the evolution of child rights in India. It traces the evolution of the child rights discourse ...
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This book aims to expand our understanding of the role of institutions, norms, and key players in shaping the evolution of child rights in India. It traces the evolution of the child rights discourse in post-Independence India, suggesting that there are different and political ways of thinking about childhoods. Divided into three parts, the book begins with analyses of the effects of Partition, which while creating new political and cultural identities framed the child-State relationship. The second part further examines the ways in which the multiplicity of discourses during the nationalist struggle gave way to a singular view, seen in later public conversations on children and their rights. The third part explores the narratives of continuity and change, and maps the departures of memory, history, and identity. The book emphasizes the point that more than any other event or process, the violence and fears aroused by Partition have influenced the course of modern child development related policy-making. The relationship between the political and cultural identities of all the actors, who influenced the experience of childhoods, had also been deeply affected by these events.Less
This book aims to expand our understanding of the role of institutions, norms, and key players in shaping the evolution of child rights in India. It traces the evolution of the child rights discourse in post-Independence India, suggesting that there are different and political ways of thinking about childhoods. Divided into three parts, the book begins with analyses of the effects of Partition, which while creating new political and cultural identities framed the child-State relationship. The second part further examines the ways in which the multiplicity of discourses during the nationalist struggle gave way to a singular view, seen in later public conversations on children and their rights. The third part explores the narratives of continuity and change, and maps the departures of memory, history, and identity. The book emphasizes the point that more than any other event or process, the violence and fears aroused by Partition have influenced the course of modern child development related policy-making. The relationship between the political and cultural identities of all the actors, who influenced the experience of childhoods, had also been deeply affected by these events.
Abigail Williams
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199255207
- eISBN:
- 9780191719837
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199255207.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
The argument of this book turns on the paradox that the political victors of the 18th century have been its literary losers. This chapter begins by questioning the discrepancy between the modern ...
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The argument of this book turns on the paradox that the political victors of the 18th century have been its literary losers. This chapter begins by questioning the discrepancy between the modern neglect of Whig verse, and the considerable acclaim that it enjoyed in its own time. It uses Joseph Addison's tribute to the author and statesman Charles Montagu to explore some of the characteristics of Whig poetry, drawing attention to the issues of political engagement, patronage, canonicity, and poetic tradition that are central to the argument of this book. The chapter also provides a brief introduction to Whiggism, and a discussion of the relationship between literature and political identity, considering the extent to which Whig poetry constituted a form of propaganda.Less
The argument of this book turns on the paradox that the political victors of the 18th century have been its literary losers. This chapter begins by questioning the discrepancy between the modern neglect of Whig verse, and the considerable acclaim that it enjoyed in its own time. It uses Joseph Addison's tribute to the author and statesman Charles Montagu to explore some of the characteristics of Whig poetry, drawing attention to the issues of political engagement, patronage, canonicity, and poetic tradition that are central to the argument of this book. The chapter also provides a brief introduction to Whiggism, and a discussion of the relationship between literature and political identity, considering the extent to which Whig poetry constituted a form of propaganda.
PATRICK STEVENSON
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198299707
- eISBN:
- 9780191708053
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198299707.003.0002
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter begins by establishing the historicity of the contentious relationship between language and social and political identities in Germany by taking the debates on language in the first half ...
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This chapter begins by establishing the historicity of the contentious relationship between language and social and political identities in Germany by taking the debates on language in the first half of the 19th century as an illustration of the coincidence of sociopolitical upheavals and linguistic crises, and as a demonstration of how values attached to the ‘national language’ or ‘mother tongue’ at the time foreshadowed many later developments. It then traces the course of the debates, showing how they track the shifting political climate of east-west relations in post-1945 Germany, and examines the links between political and academic agendas. Finally, the chapter discusses language change and language use. It argues that the ideological force of linguistic practices such as naming outweighs the extent of quantitative differences, that the use of key words to construct contexts is more important than the mere existence of distinct lexical sub-sets.Less
This chapter begins by establishing the historicity of the contentious relationship between language and social and political identities in Germany by taking the debates on language in the first half of the 19th century as an illustration of the coincidence of sociopolitical upheavals and linguistic crises, and as a demonstration of how values attached to the ‘national language’ or ‘mother tongue’ at the time foreshadowed many later developments. It then traces the course of the debates, showing how they track the shifting political climate of east-west relations in post-1945 Germany, and examines the links between political and academic agendas. Finally, the chapter discusses language change and language use. It argues that the ideological force of linguistic practices such as naming outweighs the extent of quantitative differences, that the use of key words to construct contexts is more important than the mere existence of distinct lexical sub-sets.
Bernard Crick and Andrew Lockyer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638666
- eISBN:
- 9780748671939
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638666.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book gathers a group of political actors and academics who believe that a radically more active citizenship is a worthy aim. They spell out how it can be achieved in their particular area of ...
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This book gathers a group of political actors and academics who believe that a radically more active citizenship is a worthy aim. They spell out how it can be achieved in their particular area of concern, looking at the obstacles and how they might be overcome. Together, they show us how we can realise the dream of a citizen culture and the benefits that it would bring for democracy in the United Kingdom. The first and final chapters set the tone, respectively, on civic republicanism today and political identity. Other chapters consider active citizenship in relation to: Labour government policy; Scottish devolution; public services; gender equality; schools; multiculturalism; integrating immigrants; lifelong learning; Europe and international understanding; young people and Scottish independence.Less
This book gathers a group of political actors and academics who believe that a radically more active citizenship is a worthy aim. They spell out how it can be achieved in their particular area of concern, looking at the obstacles and how they might be overcome. Together, they show us how we can realise the dream of a citizen culture and the benefits that it would bring for democracy in the United Kingdom. The first and final chapters set the tone, respectively, on civic republicanism today and political identity. Other chapters consider active citizenship in relation to: Labour government policy; Scottish devolution; public services; gender equality; schools; multiculturalism; integrating immigrants; lifelong learning; Europe and international understanding; young people and Scottish independence.
Pierangelo Isernia, Irena Fiket, Fabio Serricchio, and Bettina Westle
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199602339
- eISBN:
- 9780199949908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602339.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses three set of issues related to European identity. It first reviews the existing theoretical and empirical literature on European identity, organizing it around two major ...
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This chapter discusses three set of issues related to European identity. It first reviews the existing theoretical and empirical literature on European identity, organizing it around two major perspective, the neofunctionalist and the identitarian one. Second, it discusses the different ways European identity has been measured over time and it traces its evolution, based on different indicators, from the early 1970s up to 2007. The format of the question appears to be the most important element in explaining variation in levels of European identity, followed by the nation and, last, time. Third, the chapter assesses the relative weight the functional and identity models play in explaining variations in levels of European identity cross-nationally and over time. Using a pooled design, the results show that both functional and identity components are important in explaining variation in level of European identity over time and cross-nationally. As to identity, the quality of government index and the percentage of foreign workers are both significantly and negatively related to European identity. While all functional variables point in the right direction, length of duration of EU membership, a controversial and important indicator of the aggregate level of European identification, is found not significantly related with the aggregate level of European identity.Less
This chapter discusses three set of issues related to European identity. It first reviews the existing theoretical and empirical literature on European identity, organizing it around two major perspective, the neofunctionalist and the identitarian one. Second, it discusses the different ways European identity has been measured over time and it traces its evolution, based on different indicators, from the early 1970s up to 2007. The format of the question appears to be the most important element in explaining variation in levels of European identity, followed by the nation and, last, time. Third, the chapter assesses the relative weight the functional and identity models play in explaining variations in levels of European identity cross-nationally and over time. Using a pooled design, the results show that both functional and identity components are important in explaining variation in level of European identity over time and cross-nationally. As to identity, the quality of government index and the percentage of foreign workers are both significantly and negatively related to European identity. While all functional variables point in the right direction, length of duration of EU membership, a controversial and important indicator of the aggregate level of European identification, is found not significantly related with the aggregate level of European identity.
Mabel Berezin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226303987
- eISBN:
- 9780226304007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226304007.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
The collapse of postwar political arrangements in Eastern, and to some extent Western, Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, and Asia in the past decade has re-mapped geopolitical space and ...
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The collapse of postwar political arrangements in Eastern, and to some extent Western, Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, and Asia in the past decade has re-mapped geopolitical space and challenged social science to find new ways to conceptualize cultural and social transformation. The fall of long-established regimes coupled with vast shifts in migration flows have catapulted political identity, with its concomitant issues of nationalism, ethnicity, and citizenship, to the forefront of social scientific research. Macrosociological interest in political identity tends to focus principally upon the legal institution of citizenship, the problem of immigration, and juridical issues of membership and group rights. This chapter recasts citizenship as a cultural as well as legal mode of political incorporation and underscores the symbolic and emotional practices that nation-states marshal to mobilize affection for the polity. Wedding emotion and citizenship expands the concept of membership to include the felt experience of national belonging.Less
The collapse of postwar political arrangements in Eastern, and to some extent Western, Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, and Asia in the past decade has re-mapped geopolitical space and challenged social science to find new ways to conceptualize cultural and social transformation. The fall of long-established regimes coupled with vast shifts in migration flows have catapulted political identity, with its concomitant issues of nationalism, ethnicity, and citizenship, to the forefront of social scientific research. Macrosociological interest in political identity tends to focus principally upon the legal institution of citizenship, the problem of immigration, and juridical issues of membership and group rights. This chapter recasts citizenship as a cultural as well as legal mode of political incorporation and underscores the symbolic and emotional practices that nation-states marshal to mobilize affection for the polity. Wedding emotion and citizenship expands the concept of membership to include the felt experience of national belonging.
Bernard Debarbieux, Gilles Rudaz, and Martin F. Price
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226031118
- eISBN:
- 9780226031255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226031255.003.0006
- Subject:
- Earth Sciences and Geography, Cultural and Historical Geography
Another set of policies adopted an alternative conception of the mountain mobilizing a specific kind of knowledge and practice. In several cases, in fact, without neglecting the national interest ...
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Another set of policies adopted an alternative conception of the mountain mobilizing a specific kind of knowledge and practice. In several cases, in fact, without neglecting the national interest (their primary motivation), they declared objectives relating to the people most affected: the local populations. This second group of public policies was the result of an expansion in the range of objectives the modern state took on in the early twentieth century, which included education, health, and an improved standard of living. They targeted the populations themselves and no longer merely a territory to be controlled or resources to be exploited. With the advent of the welfare state, the mountain was conceived as a collective living environment. The mountain became a territory. The considerable interest that Western societies and nation-states have shown in their mountains and “mountaineers” has radically changed the local populations’ image of themselves. That slow emergence of the mountaineer as a political figure is therefore inseparable from the emergence of the mountain as a political object.Less
Another set of policies adopted an alternative conception of the mountain mobilizing a specific kind of knowledge and practice. In several cases, in fact, without neglecting the national interest (their primary motivation), they declared objectives relating to the people most affected: the local populations. This second group of public policies was the result of an expansion in the range of objectives the modern state took on in the early twentieth century, which included education, health, and an improved standard of living. They targeted the populations themselves and no longer merely a territory to be controlled or resources to be exploited. With the advent of the welfare state, the mountain was conceived as a collective living environment. The mountain became a territory. The considerable interest that Western societies and nation-states have shown in their mountains and “mountaineers” has radically changed the local populations’ image of themselves. That slow emergence of the mountaineer as a political figure is therefore inseparable from the emergence of the mountain as a political object.
Robert Garland
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161051
- eISBN:
- 9781400850259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161051.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This chapter examines the centrality of wandering to the experience of being Greek. From earliest times, the Greeks were in restless movement, propelled from their familiar habitat either by human ...
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This chapter examines the centrality of wandering to the experience of being Greek. From earliest times, the Greeks were in restless movement, propelled from their familiar habitat either by human force or by the exigencies of their environment. Wanderer refers to the tens of thousands of men, women, and children who left their homes without a settled route or fixed destination. A wanderer in this sense was not only apolis (without a city-state), but also aphrêtôr (without a phratry), and anestios (without a hearth). In other words, he or she was stripped not only of civic and political identity, but also, even more fundamentally, of social and familial identity. Without attachment to a phratry, a Greek was denied membership of one of the primary divisions of Greek society, and without attachment to a hearth, he or she was estranged from that most basic unit of Greek life, namely the oikos or oikia (home, household).Less
This chapter examines the centrality of wandering to the experience of being Greek. From earliest times, the Greeks were in restless movement, propelled from their familiar habitat either by human force or by the exigencies of their environment. Wanderer refers to the tens of thousands of men, women, and children who left their homes without a settled route or fixed destination. A wanderer in this sense was not only apolis (without a city-state), but also aphrêtôr (without a phratry), and anestios (without a hearth). In other words, he or she was stripped not only of civic and political identity, but also, even more fundamentally, of social and familial identity. Without attachment to a phratry, a Greek was denied membership of one of the primary divisions of Greek society, and without attachment to a hearth, he or she was estranged from that most basic unit of Greek life, namely the oikos or oikia (home, household).
