Thomas Christiano
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198297475
- eISBN:
- 9780191716867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297475.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense ...
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This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense in which democracy is intrinsically just, while preserving the idea that democracy serves important purposes that are independent of it and it helps us understand the reasons for equality of citizenship. It also sets the stage for the later chapters on the authority of democracy and its limits. This chapter explores the implications of this grounding of democracy in equality for representative democracy and political equality across age groups and shows how the fairness of democratic procedures is distinct from fair lotteries. It responds to two major objections to democracy: the objection that power ought to be apportioned to knowledge and the objection that power ought to be decentralized rather than democratized.Less
This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense in which democracy is intrinsically just, while preserving the idea that democracy serves important purposes that are independent of it and it helps us understand the reasons for equality of citizenship. It also sets the stage for the later chapters on the authority of democracy and its limits. This chapter explores the implications of this grounding of democracy in equality for representative democracy and political equality across age groups and shows how the fairness of democratic procedures is distinct from fair lotteries. It responds to two major objections to democracy: the objection that power ought to be apportioned to knowledge and the objection that power ought to be decentralized rather than democratized.
Anne Phillips
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294153
- eISBN:
- 9780191600098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294158.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Considers whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of ...
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Considers whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of political equality and popular control. It argues that it is necessary to move beyond these to an alternative justification grounded in existing structures of political exclusion. Four key arguments are explored: the importance of symbolic representation; the need to tackle the exclusions inherent in the party‐political packaging of ideas; the need for more vigorous advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged groups; and the importance of a politics of presence in opening up a wider range of policy options.Less
Considers whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of political equality and popular control. It argues that it is necessary to move beyond these to an alternative justification grounded in existing structures of political exclusion. Four key arguments are explored: the importance of symbolic representation; the need to tackle the exclusions inherent in the party‐political packaging of ideas; the need for more vigorous advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged groups; and the importance of a politics of presence in opening up a wider range of policy options.
Wojciech Sadurski
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545179
- eISBN:
- 9780191719905
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545179.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
It is often claimed — correctly, in the opinion of the author of this book — that a legitimate government must treat all citizens not just with a measure of concern but with equal concern. This ...
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It is often claimed — correctly, in the opinion of the author of this book — that a legitimate government must treat all citizens not just with a measure of concern but with equal concern. This contention links two major legal and philosophical concepts — legitimacy and equality — by making the former dependent on the latter. The book examines this connection in detail. It aims to explain the relationship between the idea of legitimacy of law in a democratic system and equality, in three dimensions: political, legal, and social. Exploring the constituent elements of the concept of legitimacy and the specific requirements of political, legal, and social equality, the book seeks to demonstrate how a conception of democratic legitimacy is necessary for understanding and reconciling equality and legitimacy.Less
It is often claimed — correctly, in the opinion of the author of this book — that a legitimate government must treat all citizens not just with a measure of concern but with equal concern. This contention links two major legal and philosophical concepts — legitimacy and equality — by making the former dependent on the latter. The book examines this connection in detail. It aims to explain the relationship between the idea of legitimacy of law in a democratic system and equality, in three dimensions: political, legal, and social. Exploring the constituent elements of the concept of legitimacy and the specific requirements of political, legal, and social equality, the book seeks to demonstrate how a conception of democratic legitimacy is necessary for understanding and reconciling equality and legitimacy.
Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Completes the second part of the book, and relies on the conception of political legitimacy delineated in Ch. 5 to advance a justice‐based, rather than a consent‐based, account of system legitimacy: ...
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Completes the second part of the book, and relies on the conception of political legitimacy delineated in Ch. 5 to advance a justice‐based, rather than a consent‐based, account of system legitimacy: a set of criteria that the international legal system would have to meet in order to be legitimate. Building on groundwork already laid in Chs 1 and 5, it is shown why, contrary to the dominant view among international lawyers, the consent of states cannot confer legitimacy on the international legal system. In addition, it is argued that it is a mistake to assume that political equality among states is a necessary condition for system legitimacy, and that the international legal system, like any system for the exercise of political power, ought to be democratic. It is also shown that the idea of democratizing the international legal system is an ambiguous one and should not be equated with increasing state majoritarianism in the workings of the system; the charge that the international legal system has a “democratic deficit” is valid, but it is a mistake to assume that the remedy is to make the system conform more closely to the ideal of democracy as state majoritarianism. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. The Question of System Legitimacy; II. The Case for Having an International Legal System; III. A Justice‐Based Conception of System Legitimacy; IV. The Consent Theory of System Legitimacy; I. Moral Minimalism and the Consent Theory of System Legitimacy. VI. The Instrumental Argument for State Consent as a Necessary Condition for System Legitimacy; VII. Is Democracy a Necessary Condition of System Legitimacy?; and VIII. The Pursuit of Justice in an Imperfect System.Less
Completes the second part of the book, and relies on the conception of political legitimacy delineated in Ch. 5 to advance a justice‐based, rather than a consent‐based, account of system legitimacy: a set of criteria that the international legal system would have to meet in order to be legitimate. Building on groundwork already laid in Chs 1 and 5, it is shown why, contrary to the dominant view among international lawyers, the consent of states cannot confer legitimacy on the international legal system. In addition, it is argued that it is a mistake to assume that political equality among states is a necessary condition for system legitimacy, and that the international legal system, like any system for the exercise of political power, ought to be democratic. It is also shown that the idea of democratizing the international legal system is an ambiguous one and should not be equated with increasing state majoritarianism in the workings of the system; the charge that the international legal system has a “democratic deficit” is valid, but it is a mistake to assume that the remedy is to make the system conform more closely to the ideal of democracy as state majoritarianism. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. The Question of System Legitimacy; II. The Case for Having an International Legal System; III. A Justice‐Based Conception of System Legitimacy; IV. The Consent Theory of System Legitimacy; I. Moral Minimalism and the Consent Theory of System Legitimacy. VI. The Instrumental Argument for State Consent as a Necessary Condition for System Legitimacy; VII. Is Democracy a Necessary Condition of System Legitimacy?; and VIII. The Pursuit of Justice in an Imperfect System.
Russell J. Dalton, Bruce E. Cain, and Susan E. Scarrow
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199264995
- eISBN:
- 9780191603259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199264996.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter evaluates the evidence of institutional change presented in previous chapters in terms of Robert Dahl’s criteria for judging democracy: inclusion, political equality, enlightened ...
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This chapter evaluates the evidence of institutional change presented in previous chapters in terms of Robert Dahl’s criteria for judging democracy: inclusion, political equality, enlightened understanding, control of the agenda, and effective participation. This discussion concludes that the sum of the changes across multiple governmental arenas does constitute a significant change in policy processes and in assumptions about who should be included in policy decisions. This still-changing relationship between citizens and the democratic state creates risks as well as benefits, placing new demands on both citizens and those who seek to represent them.Less
This chapter evaluates the evidence of institutional change presented in previous chapters in terms of Robert Dahl’s criteria for judging democracy: inclusion, political equality, enlightened understanding, control of the agenda, and effective participation. This discussion concludes that the sum of the changes across multiple governmental arenas does constitute a significant change in policy processes and in assumptions about who should be included in policy decisions. This still-changing relationship between citizens and the democratic state creates risks as well as benefits, placing new demands on both citizens and those who seek to represent them.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter identifies what it means to enjoy specifically political equality. To affirm equal political status is to recognize each citizen as equally entitled to render authoritative judgments as ...
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This chapter identifies what it means to enjoy specifically political equality. To affirm equal political status is to recognize each citizen as equally entitled to render authoritative judgments as to how to organize and regulate all citizens' common life. Citizens have equal political status when common institutions and practices reflect and express the idea that they each have the capacity to judge matters of justice and political morality, and the entitlement to exercise that capacity by rendering judgments that have public authority on equal terms with others. Admitting citizens into the common project of political rule—to a share in the regime—respects them, by granting authority to their political judgment. A politically egalitarian society, then, regulates matters of common concern through decision-making processes that respect equally each citizen's authority, or jurisdiction.Less
This chapter identifies what it means to enjoy specifically political equality. To affirm equal political status is to recognize each citizen as equally entitled to render authoritative judgments as to how to organize and regulate all citizens' common life. Citizens have equal political status when common institutions and practices reflect and express the idea that they each have the capacity to judge matters of justice and political morality, and the entitlement to exercise that capacity by rendering judgments that have public authority on equal terms with others. Admitting citizens into the common project of political rule—to a share in the regime—respects them, by granting authority to their political judgment. A politically egalitarian society, then, regulates matters of common concern through decision-making processes that respect equally each citizen's authority, or jurisdiction.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter discusses how the ideal of equal status connects to democratic aspirations, and why people should take that ideal seriously. Equality of status constitutes, and is constituted by, ...
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This chapter discusses how the ideal of equal status connects to democratic aspirations, and why people should take that ideal seriously. Equality of status constitutes, and is constituted by, relations of an egalitarian kind. When people mutually recognize one another's equal status, they put themselves in an egalitarian relation. However, there are further connections between status equality and egalitarian relations, in that the recognition of equal status in various respects helps promote relationships among citizens free of hierarchy, domination, servility, and the like. These further connections are contingent, depending upon truths of empirical sociology and psychology—about how, in fact, humans tend to respond to certain social conditions, like material or political inequality. A similar structure holds for the ideal of political equality. The shared status of “democratic citizen” is constituted by a range of expectations that regulate institutions and individual practices. That status is properly recognized when institutions and practices meet those expectations. When citizens mutually recognize one another's status, they thereby engage in, and promote, valuable egalitarian political relations.Less
This chapter discusses how the ideal of equal status connects to democratic aspirations, and why people should take that ideal seriously. Equality of status constitutes, and is constituted by, relations of an egalitarian kind. When people mutually recognize one another's equal status, they put themselves in an egalitarian relation. However, there are further connections between status equality and egalitarian relations, in that the recognition of equal status in various respects helps promote relationships among citizens free of hierarchy, domination, servility, and the like. These further connections are contingent, depending upon truths of empirical sociology and psychology—about how, in fact, humans tend to respond to certain social conditions, like material or political inequality. A similar structure holds for the ideal of political equality. The shared status of “democratic citizen” is constituted by a range of expectations that regulate institutions and individual practices. That status is properly recognized when institutions and practices meet those expectations. When citizens mutually recognize one another's status, they thereby engage in, and promote, valuable egalitarian political relations.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter addresses what is probably the most common and most influential view of political equality: the view that political equality requires institutions that guarantee citizens equality of ...
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This chapter addresses what is probably the most common and most influential view of political equality: the view that political equality requires institutions that guarantee citizens equality of power over common decisions. This view implies that rule according to majority vote of all citizens is necessary and sufficient to satisfy the demands of political equality. The chapter argues that this position focuses too narrowly on one moment of the decision-making process: the moment of translating citizens' judgments into legislative outcomes. As a result, it neglects the need for fair processes both preceding legislative votes—processes of agenda setting, deliberation, and representation, for instance—and succeeding those votes; for instance, in administrative procedure. It also fails to respond to the need to secure political equality over multiple iterations of collective decision making. Instead of the equal-power view, then, there is a need for a conception of political equality that reflects the democratic demand for equal political status over time.Less
This chapter addresses what is probably the most common and most influential view of political equality: the view that political equality requires institutions that guarantee citizens equality of power over common decisions. This view implies that rule according to majority vote of all citizens is necessary and sufficient to satisfy the demands of political equality. The chapter argues that this position focuses too narrowly on one moment of the decision-making process: the moment of translating citizens' judgments into legislative outcomes. As a result, it neglects the need for fair processes both preceding legislative votes—processes of agenda setting, deliberation, and representation, for instance—and succeeding those votes; for instance, in administrative procedure. It also fails to respond to the need to secure political equality over multiple iterations of collective decision making. Instead of the equal-power view, then, there is a need for a conception of political equality that reflects the democratic demand for equal political status over time.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This introductory chapter provides an overview of democracy. Democracy draws much of its political and philosophical support from its claim to be the form of government in which citizens rule ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of democracy. Democracy draws much of its political and philosophical support from its claim to be the form of government in which citizens rule equally. It has long been associated, however imperfectly and incompletely, with political equality of citizens. Indeed, the greatest and most profound advances of democracy have been rejections of political inequalities: the demand that the “common born,” the propertyless, and the poor; racial minorities; and women were among those with whom citizens were obliged to share in rule equally. Democracy's claim to moral superiority as a regime draws from its claim to be the political reflection and expression of this equality among citizens. This book then offers a full account of political equality: an account that can help guide people's choices between electoral and law-making institutions and practices.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of democracy. Democracy draws much of its political and philosophical support from its claim to be the form of government in which citizens rule equally. It has long been associated, however imperfectly and incompletely, with political equality of citizens. Indeed, the greatest and most profound advances of democracy have been rejections of political inequalities: the demand that the “common born,” the propertyless, and the poor; racial minorities; and women were among those with whom citizens were obliged to share in rule equally. Democracy's claim to moral superiority as a regime draws from its claim to be the political reflection and expression of this equality among citizens. This book then offers a full account of political equality: an account that can help guide people's choices between electoral and law-making institutions and practices.
Kristin Shrader‐Frechette
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195152036
- eISBN:
- 9780199833665
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195152034.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Using case studies focusing on offshore oil development, especially in siting decisions, the chapter analyzes and defends the concept of prima facie political equality. It shows how threats to ...
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Using case studies focusing on offshore oil development, especially in siting decisions, the chapter analyzes and defends the concept of prima facie political equality. It shows how threats to equality and informed consent underlie violations of environmental justice. After analyzing historical, ethical, and economic explanations for how particular groups of people have been victimized in environmental decision making, the book shows the strengths and weaknesses of federalism versus localism, in decision making. It argues that federalism ought not be used to justify imposition of inequitable risks on poor people and minorities.Less
Using case studies focusing on offshore oil development, especially in siting decisions, the chapter analyzes and defends the concept of prima facie political equality. It shows how threats to equality and informed consent underlie violations of environmental justice. After analyzing historical, ethical, and economic explanations for how particular groups of people have been victimized in environmental decision making, the book shows the strengths and weaknesses of federalism versus localism, in decision making. It argues that federalism ought not be used to justify imposition of inequitable risks on poor people and minorities.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter examines how the requirement of appropriate consideration regulates institutions and practices of political deliberation. These institutions and practices do not directly determine what ...
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This chapter examines how the requirement of appropriate consideration regulates institutions and practices of political deliberation. These institutions and practices do not directly determine what the political community will do, as legislation does, but they shape the character of these decisions. Accordingly, they determine in significant part whether the regime is truly democratic. The chapter also critiques a family of views that claim fair deliberation requires equality of influence among citizens. The most basic problem with these views is their narrow conception of citizens' interests in fair deliberation. This narrowness leads the views to largely ignore a variety of affective, unconscious, arbitrary, and discriminatory ways in which citizens respond to efforts at influence. By contrast, the appropriate-consideration conception of political equality properly responds to the plurality of citizens' deliberative interests. The chapter then suggests what appropriate consideration requires of common deliberation, and how people should vary the scope and character of the consideration granted to different citizen judgments under different circumstances. These requirements attend both to individuals' claims for direct hearings for their views, and to broader concerns about a fair structure for synthesizing the various and conflicting judgments rendered by different citizens.Less
This chapter examines how the requirement of appropriate consideration regulates institutions and practices of political deliberation. These institutions and practices do not directly determine what the political community will do, as legislation does, but they shape the character of these decisions. Accordingly, they determine in significant part whether the regime is truly democratic. The chapter also critiques a family of views that claim fair deliberation requires equality of influence among citizens. The most basic problem with these views is their narrow conception of citizens' interests in fair deliberation. This narrowness leads the views to largely ignore a variety of affective, unconscious, arbitrary, and discriminatory ways in which citizens respond to efforts at influence. By contrast, the appropriate-consideration conception of political equality properly responds to the plurality of citizens' deliberative interests. The chapter then suggests what appropriate consideration requires of common deliberation, and how people should vary the scope and character of the consideration granted to different citizen judgments under different circumstances. These requirements attend both to individuals' claims for direct hearings for their views, and to broader concerns about a fair structure for synthesizing the various and conflicting judgments rendered by different citizens.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0011
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter discusses how the influence of wealth in political processes undermines democracy—despite formal equality in voting rights—by promoting the deliberative neglect of poorer citizens. This ...
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This chapter discusses how the influence of wealth in political processes undermines democracy—despite formal equality in voting rights—by promoting the deliberative neglect of poorer citizens. This conflict between the disproportionate influence of the rich and the appropriate consideration of the poor and economically middling results from general conditions of deliberative scarcity. In these conditions, more speech for some—or, more precisely, more consideration for some, provoked by certain kinds of speech—really does come at the expense of consideration for others. Political equality requires a fair division of responsibility among advocates and listeners for ensuring this consideration is granted. Wealth inequality threatens such fairness. The chapter then defends a reformist response to this oligarchic threat in the form of policy solutions aimed at limiting the use of wealth for political power. The difficulty of truly severing economic and political power, however, suggests that political equality may, as a practical matter, be incompatible with great economic inequality, whatever the formal nature of democratic institutions. When one views democracy as primarily about the distribution of formal political power one ignores this practical incompatibility.Less
This chapter discusses how the influence of wealth in political processes undermines democracy—despite formal equality in voting rights—by promoting the deliberative neglect of poorer citizens. This conflict between the disproportionate influence of the rich and the appropriate consideration of the poor and economically middling results from general conditions of deliberative scarcity. In these conditions, more speech for some—or, more precisely, more consideration for some, provoked by certain kinds of speech—really does come at the expense of consideration for others. Political equality requires a fair division of responsibility among advocates and listeners for ensuring this consideration is granted. Wealth inequality threatens such fairness. The chapter then defends a reformist response to this oligarchic threat in the form of policy solutions aimed at limiting the use of wealth for political power. The difficulty of truly severing economic and political power, however, suggests that political equality may, as a practical matter, be incompatible with great economic inequality, whatever the formal nature of democratic institutions. When one views democracy as primarily about the distribution of formal political power one ignores this practical incompatibility.
Alison Kesby
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199600823
- eISBN:
- 9780191738272
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600823.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Chapter 3 examines the right to have rights in terms of citizenship: membership of the political community. Arendt’s conception of citizenship forms the starting point of the analysis, and the ...
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Chapter 3 examines the right to have rights in terms of citizenship: membership of the political community. Arendt’s conception of citizenship forms the starting point of the analysis, and the disenfranchisement of convicted prisoners furnishes its context. It is argued that the political equality posited by international law remains tenuous at best—a precarious citizenship of potential internal exiles. Drawing on the work of the sociologists Loïc Wacquant and Margaret Somers, the final sections of the chapter examine the intersection of criminality, ‘race’, and social exclusion, and call into question legal and Arendtian analyses which privilege political membership and inclusion for the protection and recognition of rightsLess
Chapter 3 examines the right to have rights in terms of citizenship: membership of the political community. Arendt’s conception of citizenship forms the starting point of the analysis, and the disenfranchisement of convicted prisoners furnishes its context. It is argued that the political equality posited by international law remains tenuous at best—a precarious citizenship of potential internal exiles. Drawing on the work of the sociologists Loïc Wacquant and Margaret Somers, the final sections of the chapter examine the intersection of criminality, ‘race’, and social exclusion, and call into question legal and Arendtian analyses which privilege political membership and inclusion for the protection and recognition of rights
Joseph Chan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158617
- eISBN:
- 9781400848690
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158617.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method ...
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Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method of governance that can retain the spirit of the Confucian ideal while tackling problems arising from nonideal modern situations. The best way to meet this challenge, this book argues, is to adopt liberal democratic institutions that are shaped by the Confucian conception of the good rather than the liberal conception of the right. The book examines and reconstructs both Confucian political thought and liberal democratic institutions, blending them to form a new Confucian political philosophy. The book decouples liberal democratic institutions from their popular liberal philosophical foundations in fundamental moral rights, such as popular sovereignty, political equality, and individual sovereignty. Instead, it grounds them on Confucian principles and redefines their roles and functions, thus mixing Confucianism with liberal democratic institutions in a way that strengthens both. The book then explores the implications of this new yet traditional political philosophy for fundamental issues in modern politics, including authority, democracy, human rights, civil liberties, and social justice. The book critically reconfigures the Confucian political philosophy of the classical period for the contemporary era.Less
Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method of governance that can retain the spirit of the Confucian ideal while tackling problems arising from nonideal modern situations. The best way to meet this challenge, this book argues, is to adopt liberal democratic institutions that are shaped by the Confucian conception of the good rather than the liberal conception of the right. The book examines and reconstructs both Confucian political thought and liberal democratic institutions, blending them to form a new Confucian political philosophy. The book decouples liberal democratic institutions from their popular liberal philosophical foundations in fundamental moral rights, such as popular sovereignty, political equality, and individual sovereignty. Instead, it grounds them on Confucian principles and redefines their roles and functions, thus mixing Confucianism with liberal democratic institutions in a way that strengthens both. The book then explores the implications of this new yet traditional political philosophy for fundamental issues in modern politics, including authority, democracy, human rights, civil liberties, and social justice. The book critically reconfigures the Confucian political philosophy of the classical period for the contemporary era.
Todd May
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748635320
- eISBN:
- 9780748671922
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748635320.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter turns toward the political situation, asking what contribution this new idea of political equality can make in thinking about and acting in the state of the current world. The theory of ...
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This chapter turns toward the political situation, asking what contribution this new idea of political equality can make in thinking about and acting in the state of the current world. The theory of democratic politics turns its back on those who benefit from the inequalities of the police order. Distributive theories of justice can provide people nothing more than the obligations of others. Passivity, even when it is passive equality, is a thin reed upon which to balance the prospect of hope. Humanitarian assistance is profoundly apolitical. It is a counter-movement to democratic politics. Democratic politics is a recipe for disinvestment. Rancière's thought provides a sketch of a politics that responds to the passivity of the current politics. Thought alone does not organize politics, but politics without thought is as dangerous an endeavor as can be imagined.Less
This chapter turns toward the political situation, asking what contribution this new idea of political equality can make in thinking about and acting in the state of the current world. The theory of democratic politics turns its back on those who benefit from the inequalities of the police order. Distributive theories of justice can provide people nothing more than the obligations of others. Passivity, even when it is passive equality, is a thin reed upon which to balance the prospect of hope. Humanitarian assistance is profoundly apolitical. It is a counter-movement to democratic politics. Democratic politics is a recipe for disinvestment. Rancière's thought provides a sketch of a politics that responds to the passivity of the current politics. Thought alone does not organize politics, but politics without thought is as dangerous an endeavor as can be imagined.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Democracy establishes relationships of political equality, ones in which citizens equally share authority over what they do together and respect one another as equals. But in today's divided public ...
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Democracy establishes relationships of political equality, ones in which citizens equally share authority over what they do together and respect one another as equals. But in today's divided public square, democracy is challenged by political thinkers who disagree about how democratic institutions should be organized, and by antidemocratic politicians who exploit uncertainties about what democracy requires and why it matters. This book mounts a bold and persuasive defense of democracy as a way of making collective decisions, showing how equality of authority is essential to relating equally as citizens. The book explains why the US Senate and Electoral College are urgently in need of reform, why proportional representation is not a universal requirement of democracy, how to identify racial vote dilution and gerrymandering in electoral districting, how to respond to threats to democracy posed by wealth inequality, and how judicial review could be more compatible with the democratic ideal. What emerges is an emphatic call to action to reinvigorate our ailing democracies, and a road map for widespread institutional reform. The book highlights the importance of diverse forms of authority in democratic deliberation and electoral and representative processes—and demonstrates how that authority rests equally with each citizen in a democracy.Less
Democracy establishes relationships of political equality, ones in which citizens equally share authority over what they do together and respect one another as equals. But in today's divided public square, democracy is challenged by political thinkers who disagree about how democratic institutions should be organized, and by antidemocratic politicians who exploit uncertainties about what democracy requires and why it matters. This book mounts a bold and persuasive defense of democracy as a way of making collective decisions, showing how equality of authority is essential to relating equally as citizens. The book explains why the US Senate and Electoral College are urgently in need of reform, why proportional representation is not a universal requirement of democracy, how to identify racial vote dilution and gerrymandering in electoral districting, how to respond to threats to democracy posed by wealth inequality, and how judicial review could be more compatible with the democratic ideal. What emerges is an emphatic call to action to reinvigorate our ailing democracies, and a road map for widespread institutional reform. The book highlights the importance of diverse forms of authority in democratic deliberation and electoral and representative processes—and demonstrates how that authority rests equally with each citizen in a democracy.
Nicholas Carnes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182001
- eISBN:
- 9780691184203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182001.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses the growing body of research on the oversized political influence of the upper class in American politics and the somewhat checkered recent history of conventional political ...
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This chapter discusses the growing body of research on the oversized political influence of the upper class in American politics and the somewhat checkered recent history of conventional political equality reforms like campaign finance laws, lobbying regulations, and programs to increase voter turnout. Whereas these kinds of programs have encountered numerous practical and political roadblocks, pilot efforts to recruit and support working-class candidates have been remarkably successful. Activists who want to give the less fortunate more of a say in American politics have always had a curious blind spot when it comes to helping the less fortunate hold office. It may be time for that to change. If reformers want to continue moving the needle on the problem of political inequality, one of their best bets may be to start paying attention to America's cash ceiling.Less
This chapter discusses the growing body of research on the oversized political influence of the upper class in American politics and the somewhat checkered recent history of conventional political equality reforms like campaign finance laws, lobbying regulations, and programs to increase voter turnout. Whereas these kinds of programs have encountered numerous practical and political roadblocks, pilot efforts to recruit and support working-class candidates have been remarkably successful. Activists who want to give the less fortunate more of a say in American politics have always had a curious blind spot when it comes to helping the less fortunate hold office. It may be time for that to change. If reformers want to continue moving the needle on the problem of political inequality, one of their best bets may be to start paying attention to America's cash ceiling.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter explains what it is to have authority in general, and why authority claims are the relevant subject matter of a theory of political equality. This requires a different conception of ...
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This chapter explains what it is to have authority in general, and why authority claims are the relevant subject matter of a theory of political equality. This requires a different conception of authority from that often used by political philosophers when discussing a different species of authority—that is, the authority of a state or government over its citizens. The conception of authority must recognize diverse ways in which one can obligate others to deliberate and act in response to one's own judgments about what to do. The chapter then introduces claims to consideration as constituting a form of authority of this flexible kind, and describes the different forms consideration can take. It then illustrates why people should see a demand for consideration as an appropriate expression of citizens' authority, or as a form of respect for citizens' political jurisdiction.Less
This chapter explains what it is to have authority in general, and why authority claims are the relevant subject matter of a theory of political equality. This requires a different conception of authority from that often used by political philosophers when discussing a different species of authority—that is, the authority of a state or government over its citizens. The conception of authority must recognize diverse ways in which one can obligate others to deliberate and act in response to one's own judgments about what to do. The chapter then introduces claims to consideration as constituting a form of authority of this flexible kind, and describes the different forms consideration can take. It then illustrates why people should see a demand for consideration as an appropriate expression of citizens' authority, or as a form of respect for citizens' political jurisdiction.
James Lindley Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190914
- eISBN:
- 9780691194141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0012
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter assesses whether judicial review of legislation is compatible with political equality. Judicial review typically involves the right of some group of judges—often with very distant, if ...
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This chapter assesses whether judicial review of legislation is compatible with political equality. Judicial review typically involves the right of some group of judges—often with very distant, if any, electoral authorization—to overturn acts of elected legislative authorities. In empowering the unelected over the elected, many lawyers, philosophers, and ordinary citizens believe that such review is undemocratic. The chapter argues that a well-designed system of judicial review could be compatible with political equality, despite the institutional inequalities it involves, if such review reliably promotes the consideration of citizens' judgments that would otherwise be neglected by the legislative process. Notably, this is not an argument that judicial review is justified because it protects individual rights from democratic abuse. It is an argument that judicial review is justified because it contributes to a regime that as a whole better instantiates political equality than would a regime without such review. However, the systems of judicial review in place in the United States and elsewhere likely require reform if they are to meet this standard.Less
This chapter assesses whether judicial review of legislation is compatible with political equality. Judicial review typically involves the right of some group of judges—often with very distant, if any, electoral authorization—to overturn acts of elected legislative authorities. In empowering the unelected over the elected, many lawyers, philosophers, and ordinary citizens believe that such review is undemocratic. The chapter argues that a well-designed system of judicial review could be compatible with political equality, despite the institutional inequalities it involves, if such review reliably promotes the consideration of citizens' judgments that would otherwise be neglected by the legislative process. Notably, this is not an argument that judicial review is justified because it protects individual rights from democratic abuse. It is an argument that judicial review is justified because it contributes to a regime that as a whole better instantiates political equality than would a regime without such review. However, the systems of judicial review in place in the United States and elsewhere likely require reform if they are to meet this standard.
Danielle Allen
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780226681191
- eISBN:
- 9780226681368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226681368.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In this chapter, the ideal of nondomination provides the core of a theory of justice that starts by repudiating the liberal habit of separating basic rights into positive and negative liberties. ...
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In this chapter, the ideal of nondomination provides the core of a theory of justice that starts by repudiating the liberal habit of separating basic rights into positive and negative liberties. Positive liberties are those involved in the freedom to participate in political life; negative liberties are those securing freedom from interference (e.g., freedom of religion, expression, personal property). Counter a main line of liberalism and following Amartya Sen, Allen insists on the nonseparability of these two categories of rights and, as a corollary, on the nonsacrificeability of positive to negative liberties. The result is a framework for a theory of justice that prioritizes democracy and political equality and that seeks to measure injustice by looking for failures of empowerment and instances of domination. The view generates a new principle, “difference without domination,” for guiding policy analysis.Less
In this chapter, the ideal of nondomination provides the core of a theory of justice that starts by repudiating the liberal habit of separating basic rights into positive and negative liberties. Positive liberties are those involved in the freedom to participate in political life; negative liberties are those securing freedom from interference (e.g., freedom of religion, expression, personal property). Counter a main line of liberalism and following Amartya Sen, Allen insists on the nonseparability of these two categories of rights and, as a corollary, on the nonsacrificeability of positive to negative liberties. The result is a framework for a theory of justice that prioritizes democracy and political equality and that seeks to measure injustice by looking for failures of empowerment and instances of domination. The view generates a new principle, “difference without domination,” for guiding policy analysis.
