Thomas Christiano
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198297475
- eISBN:
- 9780191716867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297475.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense ...
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This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense in which democracy is intrinsically just, while preserving the idea that democracy serves important purposes that are independent of it and it helps us understand the reasons for equality of citizenship. It also sets the stage for the later chapters on the authority of democracy and its limits. This chapter explores the implications of this grounding of democracy in equality for representative democracy and political equality across age groups and shows how the fairness of democratic procedures is distinct from fair lotteries. It responds to two major objections to democracy: the objection that power ought to be apportioned to knowledge and the objection that power ought to be decentralized rather than democratized.Less
This chapter argues that democracy is grounded in the principle of public equality defended in the first two chapters. Thinking of the grounds of democracy in this way helps us understand the sense in which democracy is intrinsically just, while preserving the idea that democracy serves important purposes that are independent of it and it helps us understand the reasons for equality of citizenship. It also sets the stage for the later chapters on the authority of democracy and its limits. This chapter explores the implications of this grounding of democracy in equality for representative democracy and political equality across age groups and shows how the fairness of democratic procedures is distinct from fair lotteries. It responds to two major objections to democracy: the objection that power ought to be apportioned to knowledge and the objection that power ought to be decentralized rather than democratized.
Anne Phillips
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294153
- eISBN:
- 9780191600098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294158.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Considers whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of ...
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Considers whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of political equality and popular control. It argues that it is necessary to move beyond these to an alternative justification grounded in existing structures of political exclusion. Four key arguments are explored: the importance of symbolic representation; the need to tackle the exclusions inherent in the party‐political packaging of ideas; the need for more vigorous advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged groups; and the importance of a politics of presence in opening up a wider range of policy options.Less
Considers whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of political equality and popular control. It argues that it is necessary to move beyond these to an alternative justification grounded in existing structures of political exclusion. Four key arguments are explored: the importance of symbolic representation; the need to tackle the exclusions inherent in the party‐political packaging of ideas; the need for more vigorous advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged groups; and the importance of a politics of presence in opening up a wider range of policy options.
Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Completes the second part of the book, and relies on the conception of political legitimacy delineated in Ch. 5 to advance a justice‐based, rather than a consent‐based, account of system legitimacy: ...
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Completes the second part of the book, and relies on the conception of political legitimacy delineated in Ch. 5 to advance a justice‐based, rather than a consent‐based, account of system legitimacy: a set of criteria that the international legal system would have to meet in order to be legitimate. Building on groundwork already laid in Chs 1 and 5, it is shown why, contrary to the dominant view among international lawyers, the consent of states cannot confer legitimacy on the international legal system. In addition, it is argued that it is a mistake to assume that political equality among states is a necessary condition for system legitimacy, and that the international legal system, like any system for the exercise of political power, ought to be democratic. It is also shown that the idea of democratizing the international legal system is an ambiguous one and should not be equated with increasing state majoritarianism in the workings of the system; the charge that the international legal system has a “democratic deficit” is valid, but it is a mistake to assume that the remedy is to make the system conform more closely to the ideal of democracy as state majoritarianism. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. The Question of System Legitimacy; II. The Case for Having an International Legal System; III. A Justice‐Based Conception of System Legitimacy; IV. The Consent Theory of System Legitimacy; I. Moral Minimalism and the Consent Theory of System Legitimacy. VI. The Instrumental Argument for State Consent as a Necessary Condition for System Legitimacy; VII. Is Democracy a Necessary Condition of System Legitimacy?; and VIII. The Pursuit of Justice in an Imperfect System.Less
Completes the second part of the book, and relies on the conception of political legitimacy delineated in Ch. 5 to advance a justice‐based, rather than a consent‐based, account of system legitimacy: a set of criteria that the international legal system would have to meet in order to be legitimate. Building on groundwork already laid in Chs 1 and 5, it is shown why, contrary to the dominant view among international lawyers, the consent of states cannot confer legitimacy on the international legal system. In addition, it is argued that it is a mistake to assume that political equality among states is a necessary condition for system legitimacy, and that the international legal system, like any system for the exercise of political power, ought to be democratic. It is also shown that the idea of democratizing the international legal system is an ambiguous one and should not be equated with increasing state majoritarianism in the workings of the system; the charge that the international legal system has a “democratic deficit” is valid, but it is a mistake to assume that the remedy is to make the system conform more closely to the ideal of democracy as state majoritarianism. The eight sections of the chapter are: I. The Question of System Legitimacy; II. The Case for Having an International Legal System; III. A Justice‐Based Conception of System Legitimacy; IV. The Consent Theory of System Legitimacy; I. Moral Minimalism and the Consent Theory of System Legitimacy. VI. The Instrumental Argument for State Consent as a Necessary Condition for System Legitimacy; VII. Is Democracy a Necessary Condition of System Legitimacy?; and VIII. The Pursuit of Justice in an Imperfect System.
Russell J. Dalton, Bruce E. Cain, and Susan E. Scarrow
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199264995
- eISBN:
- 9780191603259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199264996.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter evaluates the evidence of institutional change presented in previous chapters in terms of Robert Dahl’s criteria for judging democracy: inclusion, political equality, enlightened ...
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This chapter evaluates the evidence of institutional change presented in previous chapters in terms of Robert Dahl’s criteria for judging democracy: inclusion, political equality, enlightened understanding, control of the agenda, and effective participation. This discussion concludes that the sum of the changes across multiple governmental arenas does constitute a significant change in policy processes and in assumptions about who should be included in policy decisions. This still-changing relationship between citizens and the democratic state creates risks as well as benefits, placing new demands on both citizens and those who seek to represent them.Less
This chapter evaluates the evidence of institutional change presented in previous chapters in terms of Robert Dahl’s criteria for judging democracy: inclusion, political equality, enlightened understanding, control of the agenda, and effective participation. This discussion concludes that the sum of the changes across multiple governmental arenas does constitute a significant change in policy processes and in assumptions about who should be included in policy decisions. This still-changing relationship between citizens and the democratic state creates risks as well as benefits, placing new demands on both citizens and those who seek to represent them.
Wojciech Sadurski
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545179
- eISBN:
- 9780191719905
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545179.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
It is often claimed — correctly, in the opinion of the author of this book — that a legitimate government must treat all citizens not just with a measure of concern but with equal concern. This ...
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It is often claimed — correctly, in the opinion of the author of this book — that a legitimate government must treat all citizens not just with a measure of concern but with equal concern. This contention links two major legal and philosophical concepts — legitimacy and equality — by making the former dependent on the latter. The book examines this connection in detail. It aims to explain the relationship between the idea of legitimacy of law in a democratic system and equality, in three dimensions: political, legal, and social. Exploring the constituent elements of the concept of legitimacy and the specific requirements of political, legal, and social equality, the book seeks to demonstrate how a conception of democratic legitimacy is necessary for understanding and reconciling equality and legitimacy.Less
It is often claimed — correctly, in the opinion of the author of this book — that a legitimate government must treat all citizens not just with a measure of concern but with equal concern. This contention links two major legal and philosophical concepts — legitimacy and equality — by making the former dependent on the latter. The book examines this connection in detail. It aims to explain the relationship between the idea of legitimacy of law in a democratic system and equality, in three dimensions: political, legal, and social. Exploring the constituent elements of the concept of legitimacy and the specific requirements of political, legal, and social equality, the book seeks to demonstrate how a conception of democratic legitimacy is necessary for understanding and reconciling equality and legitimacy.
Kristin Shrader‐Frechette
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195152036
- eISBN:
- 9780199833665
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195152034.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Using case studies focusing on offshore oil development, especially in siting decisions, the chapter analyzes and defends the concept of prima facie political equality. It shows how threats to ...
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Using case studies focusing on offshore oil development, especially in siting decisions, the chapter analyzes and defends the concept of prima facie political equality. It shows how threats to equality and informed consent underlie violations of environmental justice. After analyzing historical, ethical, and economic explanations for how particular groups of people have been victimized in environmental decision making, the book shows the strengths and weaknesses of federalism versus localism, in decision making. It argues that federalism ought not be used to justify imposition of inequitable risks on poor people and minorities.Less
Using case studies focusing on offshore oil development, especially in siting decisions, the chapter analyzes and defends the concept of prima facie political equality. It shows how threats to equality and informed consent underlie violations of environmental justice. After analyzing historical, ethical, and economic explanations for how particular groups of people have been victimized in environmental decision making, the book shows the strengths and weaknesses of federalism versus localism, in decision making. It argues that federalism ought not be used to justify imposition of inequitable risks on poor people and minorities.
Alison Kesby
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199600823
- eISBN:
- 9780191738272
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600823.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Chapter 3 examines the right to have rights in terms of citizenship: membership of the political community. Arendt’s conception of citizenship forms the starting point of the analysis, and the ...
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Chapter 3 examines the right to have rights in terms of citizenship: membership of the political community. Arendt’s conception of citizenship forms the starting point of the analysis, and the disenfranchisement of convicted prisoners furnishes its context. It is argued that the political equality posited by international law remains tenuous at best—a precarious citizenship of potential internal exiles. Drawing on the work of the sociologists Loïc Wacquant and Margaret Somers, the final sections of the chapter examine the intersection of criminality, ‘race’, and social exclusion, and call into question legal and Arendtian analyses which privilege political membership and inclusion for the protection and recognition of rightsLess
Chapter 3 examines the right to have rights in terms of citizenship: membership of the political community. Arendt’s conception of citizenship forms the starting point of the analysis, and the disenfranchisement of convicted prisoners furnishes its context. It is argued that the political equality posited by international law remains tenuous at best—a precarious citizenship of potential internal exiles. Drawing on the work of the sociologists Loïc Wacquant and Margaret Somers, the final sections of the chapter examine the intersection of criminality, ‘race’, and social exclusion, and call into question legal and Arendtian analyses which privilege political membership and inclusion for the protection and recognition of rights
Joseph Chan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158617
- eISBN:
- 9781400848690
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158617.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method ...
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Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method of governance that can retain the spirit of the Confucian ideal while tackling problems arising from nonideal modern situations. The best way to meet this challenge, this book argues, is to adopt liberal democratic institutions that are shaped by the Confucian conception of the good rather than the liberal conception of the right. The book examines and reconstructs both Confucian political thought and liberal democratic institutions, blending them to form a new Confucian political philosophy. The book decouples liberal democratic institutions from their popular liberal philosophical foundations in fundamental moral rights, such as popular sovereignty, political equality, and individual sovereignty. Instead, it grounds them on Confucian principles and redefines their roles and functions, thus mixing Confucianism with liberal democratic institutions in a way that strengthens both. The book then explores the implications of this new yet traditional political philosophy for fundamental issues in modern politics, including authority, democracy, human rights, civil liberties, and social justice. The book critically reconfigures the Confucian political philosophy of the classical period for the contemporary era.Less
Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method of governance that can retain the spirit of the Confucian ideal while tackling problems arising from nonideal modern situations. The best way to meet this challenge, this book argues, is to adopt liberal democratic institutions that are shaped by the Confucian conception of the good rather than the liberal conception of the right. The book examines and reconstructs both Confucian political thought and liberal democratic institutions, blending them to form a new Confucian political philosophy. The book decouples liberal democratic institutions from their popular liberal philosophical foundations in fundamental moral rights, such as popular sovereignty, political equality, and individual sovereignty. Instead, it grounds them on Confucian principles and redefines their roles and functions, thus mixing Confucianism with liberal democratic institutions in a way that strengthens both. The book then explores the implications of this new yet traditional political philosophy for fundamental issues in modern politics, including authority, democracy, human rights, civil liberties, and social justice. The book critically reconfigures the Confucian political philosophy of the classical period for the contemporary era.
Todd May
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748635320
- eISBN:
- 9780748671922
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748635320.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter turns toward the political situation, asking what contribution this new idea of political equality can make in thinking about and acting in the state of the current world. The theory of ...
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This chapter turns toward the political situation, asking what contribution this new idea of political equality can make in thinking about and acting in the state of the current world. The theory of democratic politics turns its back on those who benefit from the inequalities of the police order. Distributive theories of justice can provide people nothing more than the obligations of others. Passivity, even when it is passive equality, is a thin reed upon which to balance the prospect of hope. Humanitarian assistance is profoundly apolitical. It is a counter-movement to democratic politics. Democratic politics is a recipe for disinvestment. Rancière's thought provides a sketch of a politics that responds to the passivity of the current politics. Thought alone does not organize politics, but politics without thought is as dangerous an endeavor as can be imagined.Less
This chapter turns toward the political situation, asking what contribution this new idea of political equality can make in thinking about and acting in the state of the current world. The theory of democratic politics turns its back on those who benefit from the inequalities of the police order. Distributive theories of justice can provide people nothing more than the obligations of others. Passivity, even when it is passive equality, is a thin reed upon which to balance the prospect of hope. Humanitarian assistance is profoundly apolitical. It is a counter-movement to democratic politics. Democratic politics is a recipe for disinvestment. Rancière's thought provides a sketch of a politics that responds to the passivity of the current politics. Thought alone does not organize politics, but politics without thought is as dangerous an endeavor as can be imagined.
Nicholas Carnes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182001
- eISBN:
- 9780691184203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182001.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses the growing body of research on the oversized political influence of the upper class in American politics and the somewhat checkered recent history of conventional political ...
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This chapter discusses the growing body of research on the oversized political influence of the upper class in American politics and the somewhat checkered recent history of conventional political equality reforms like campaign finance laws, lobbying regulations, and programs to increase voter turnout. Whereas these kinds of programs have encountered numerous practical and political roadblocks, pilot efforts to recruit and support working-class candidates have been remarkably successful. Activists who want to give the less fortunate more of a say in American politics have always had a curious blind spot when it comes to helping the less fortunate hold office. It may be time for that to change. If reformers want to continue moving the needle on the problem of political inequality, one of their best bets may be to start paying attention to America's cash ceiling.Less
This chapter discusses the growing body of research on the oversized political influence of the upper class in American politics and the somewhat checkered recent history of conventional political equality reforms like campaign finance laws, lobbying regulations, and programs to increase voter turnout. Whereas these kinds of programs have encountered numerous practical and political roadblocks, pilot efforts to recruit and support working-class candidates have been remarkably successful. Activists who want to give the less fortunate more of a say in American politics have always had a curious blind spot when it comes to helping the less fortunate hold office. It may be time for that to change. If reformers want to continue moving the needle on the problem of political inequality, one of their best bets may be to start paying attention to America's cash ceiling.
Seyla Benhabib
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691167251
- eISBN:
- 9780691184234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This concluding chapter discusses how the increasing socioeconomic inequality in the last twenty years has resulted in a negative redistribution of wealth from the bottom to the top. Along with the ...
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This concluding chapter discusses how the increasing socioeconomic inequality in the last twenty years has resulted in a negative redistribution of wealth from the bottom to the top. Along with the erosion of socioeconomic equality, political equality and reciprocal respect has also eroded. The fragmentation resulting from the rise of the new social media as well as the spread of some of the more insular forms of identity politics have done serious damage to the cultivation of enlarged mentality among the citizens and to their capacity and willingness to take the standpoint of the others. However, the chapter shows that such fragmentation is not wholly negative, in that it has also given rise to “counter-publics” by oppositional groups that had not enjoyed their own public voices and media.Less
This concluding chapter discusses how the increasing socioeconomic inequality in the last twenty years has resulted in a negative redistribution of wealth from the bottom to the top. Along with the erosion of socioeconomic equality, political equality and reciprocal respect has also eroded. The fragmentation resulting from the rise of the new social media as well as the spread of some of the more insular forms of identity politics have done serious damage to the cultivation of enlarged mentality among the citizens and to their capacity and willingness to take the standpoint of the others. However, the chapter shows that such fragmentation is not wholly negative, in that it has also given rise to “counter-publics” by oppositional groups that had not enjoyed their own public voices and media.
Daniel Viehoff
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- August 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198841425
- eISBN:
- 9780191876943
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198841425.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Several democratic theorists have recently sought to vindicate the ideal of equal political power (“political equality”) by tying it to the non-derivative value of egalitarian relationships. This ...
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Several democratic theorists have recently sought to vindicate the ideal of equal political power (“political equality”) by tying it to the non-derivative value of egalitarian relationships. This chapter critically discusses such arguments. It clarifies what it takes to vindicate the ideal of political equality, and distinguishes different versions of the relational egalitarian argument for it. Some such arguments appeal to the example of a society without social status inequality (such as caste or class structures); others to personal relationships among equals, like friendship. Each strategy faces problems. After discussing what social status consists in, the chapter argues that social status equality does not require an equal distribution of power, but only that unequal distributions are not justified on grounds incompatible with the citizens’ fundamental equal moral standing. By contrast, personal relationships among equals do require equal power; but establishing that their norms apply to our political community is challenging.Less
Several democratic theorists have recently sought to vindicate the ideal of equal political power (“political equality”) by tying it to the non-derivative value of egalitarian relationships. This chapter critically discusses such arguments. It clarifies what it takes to vindicate the ideal of political equality, and distinguishes different versions of the relational egalitarian argument for it. Some such arguments appeal to the example of a society without social status inequality (such as caste or class structures); others to personal relationships among equals, like friendship. Each strategy faces problems. After discussing what social status consists in, the chapter argues that social status equality does not require an equal distribution of power, but only that unequal distributions are not justified on grounds incompatible with the citizens’ fundamental equal moral standing. By contrast, personal relationships among equals do require equal power; but establishing that their norms apply to our political community is challenging.
Henry Phelps Brown
- Published in print:
- 1988
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198286486
- eISBN:
- 9780191596773
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198286481.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
By the time of the revolutions in America and France, and of the rapid development in the British economy, changes of outlook had been brought about that prepared influential sectors of society for ...
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By the time of the revolutions in America and France, and of the rapid development in the British economy, changes of outlook had been brought about that prepared influential sectors of society for some measures of practical egalitarianism. However, that application was not to come for another hundred years. The purpose of this chapter is to consider the forces that supervened to delay action on egalitarian principles when it seemed that these had gained sufficient acceptance. The discussion is mainly with respect to Britain, and the two sections discuss the obstacles to redistribution, and early socialism––which was not primarily egalitarian in that it advocated political equality (in relation to production, class, and competition) over economic equality.Less
By the time of the revolutions in America and France, and of the rapid development in the British economy, changes of outlook had been brought about that prepared influential sectors of society for some measures of practical egalitarianism. However, that application was not to come for another hundred years. The purpose of this chapter is to consider the forces that supervened to delay action on egalitarian principles when it seemed that these had gained sufficient acceptance. The discussion is mainly with respect to Britain, and the two sections discuss the obstacles to redistribution, and early socialism––which was not primarily egalitarian in that it advocated political equality (in relation to production, class, and competition) over economic equality.
Neera Chandhoke and Rajesh Kumar
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198084952
- eISBN:
- 9780199082414
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198084952.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Based on a review of literature written in the first decade of the twenty-first century until the 1990s, this chapter examines the factors that contributed to the success of democracy in India. It ...
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Based on a review of literature written in the first decade of the twenty-first century until the 1990s, this chapter examines the factors that contributed to the success of democracy in India. It highlights the achievement of Indian democracy in institutionalizing political equality and in defying Western democratic theories that require certain preconditions like high levels of income and social homogeneity. It also argues that political scientists need to take up the issue of India’s unfinished democratic revolution with renewed seriousness and work on theorizing the preconditions and the nature of substantive democracy.Less
Based on a review of literature written in the first decade of the twenty-first century until the 1990s, this chapter examines the factors that contributed to the success of democracy in India. It highlights the achievement of Indian democracy in institutionalizing political equality and in defying Western democratic theories that require certain preconditions like high levels of income and social homogeneity. It also argues that political scientists need to take up the issue of India’s unfinished democratic revolution with renewed seriousness and work on theorizing the preconditions and the nature of substantive democracy.
Ferdinand Mount
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847424099
- eISBN:
- 9781447301981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847424099.003.0016
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter's author caused a stir with his 2004 book Mind the gap, which acknowledged widening social inequalities. The chapter progresses the argument by suggesting that although strides were made ...
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This chapter's author caused a stir with his 2004 book Mind the gap, which acknowledged widening social inequalities. The chapter progresses the argument by suggesting that although strides were made towards more equal opportunities in the first three quarters of the twentieth century, it came to a halt through failure to address other inequalities that cause estrangement and resentment in society. In addition, income inequalities and unequal access to opportunities for social advancement are discussed, highlighting ‘inequality of treatment’. Equality is divided into five rough types: political equality, equality of outcome or result, equality of opportunity, equality of treatment and equality of membership in society. These types of equality are described separately. Both ideological wings fail to grasp that inequality is a complex evil. There are other sorts of fairness that must be addressed, the chapter ends by stating.Less
This chapter's author caused a stir with his 2004 book Mind the gap, which acknowledged widening social inequalities. The chapter progresses the argument by suggesting that although strides were made towards more equal opportunities in the first three quarters of the twentieth century, it came to a halt through failure to address other inequalities that cause estrangement and resentment in society. In addition, income inequalities and unequal access to opportunities for social advancement are discussed, highlighting ‘inequality of treatment’. Equality is divided into five rough types: political equality, equality of outcome or result, equality of opportunity, equality of treatment and equality of membership in society. These types of equality are described separately. Both ideological wings fail to grasp that inequality is a complex evil. There are other sorts of fairness that must be addressed, the chapter ends by stating.
Peter Ramsay
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190243098
- eISBN:
- 9780190243104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190243098.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, American Politics
The chapter provides a sketch of a democratic theory of imprisonment. It explains the failure of the liberal idea of proportionality to provide adequate limits on the severity of punishment. It ...
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The chapter provides a sketch of a democratic theory of imprisonment. It explains the failure of the liberal idea of proportionality to provide adequate limits on the severity of punishment. It argues that imprisonment entails a suspension of a citizen’s political equality and a suspension of a citizen’s status as a ruler. It adapts Alan Brudner’s Hegelian penal theory to specify the conditions in which a democracy can suspend a citizen’s political equality consistently with her status as a ruler. It demonstrates the inherent decremental tendency of this democratic retributivism, and argues that recent rising rates of imprisonment in the United States and the United Kingdom are explained by the contemporaneous retreat of political equality. It concludes by considering the punishment of noncitizens under democratic retributivism, the persistent social injustice of democratic state punishment, and the potential of political equality to abolish both the prison and criminal justice.Less
The chapter provides a sketch of a democratic theory of imprisonment. It explains the failure of the liberal idea of proportionality to provide adequate limits on the severity of punishment. It argues that imprisonment entails a suspension of a citizen’s political equality and a suspension of a citizen’s status as a ruler. It adapts Alan Brudner’s Hegelian penal theory to specify the conditions in which a democracy can suspend a citizen’s political equality consistently with her status as a ruler. It demonstrates the inherent decremental tendency of this democratic retributivism, and argues that recent rising rates of imprisonment in the United States and the United Kingdom are explained by the contemporaneous retreat of political equality. It concludes by considering the punishment of noncitizens under democratic retributivism, the persistent social injustice of democratic state punishment, and the potential of political equality to abolish both the prison and criminal justice.
Sarah Holtman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199752232
- eISBN:
- 9780199895342
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199752232.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter focuses on recasting the retributivism of Immanuel Kant, grounding it in his demands for civic respect and political equality. Historically, many have thought of Kant’s account of the ...
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This chapter focuses on recasting the retributivism of Immanuel Kant, grounding it in his demands for civic respect and political equality. Historically, many have thought of Kant’s account of the purpose and justification of punishment for legal offenses as a paradigm example of thoroughgoing retributivism. The chapter offers a detailed examination of the justification Kant provides for legal punishment, the purposes he recognizes, the protections he demands, and the principles he enunciates to guide the structuring of a penal system. What Kant endorses, it suggests, is a modern retributivist penal theory focused on civic respect for persons as citizens, with implications not only for institutions, laws, and policies, but for citizen attitudes and commitments. To illustrate significant differences between this view and classical retributivism, the chapter applies it to the famous Miranda decision and warnings, as well as a recent case of punishment perceived to be overly lenient.Less
This chapter focuses on recasting the retributivism of Immanuel Kant, grounding it in his demands for civic respect and political equality. Historically, many have thought of Kant’s account of the purpose and justification of punishment for legal offenses as a paradigm example of thoroughgoing retributivism. The chapter offers a detailed examination of the justification Kant provides for legal punishment, the purposes he recognizes, the protections he demands, and the principles he enunciates to guide the structuring of a penal system. What Kant endorses, it suggests, is a modern retributivist penal theory focused on civic respect for persons as citizens, with implications not only for institutions, laws, and policies, but for citizen attitudes and commitments. To illustrate significant differences between this view and classical retributivism, the chapter applies it to the famous Miranda decision and warnings, as well as a recent case of punishment perceived to be overly lenient.
Jason K. Duncan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823225125
- eISBN:
- 9780823236930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823225125.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on Catholics' efforts to attain political equality. The intense competition between Republican factions and the growing Catholic population, along with a ...
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This chapter focuses on Catholics' efforts to attain political equality. The intense competition between Republican factions and the growing Catholic population, along with a new assertiveness on the part of Catholics themselves, combined to bring the question of Catholic political rights to the forefront of New York politics. Catholics had overcome the ban on their holding state office with the assistance of exiled English and Irish Republicans, most of whom were from the Protestant tradition. They understood the exclusion of Catholics from public office, however, as essentially a secular problem. Their political ethos emphasized the building of a new political order that included a sharp division between church and state, one in which sectarian loyalties would be a private matter.Less
This chapter focuses on Catholics' efforts to attain political equality. The intense competition between Republican factions and the growing Catholic population, along with a new assertiveness on the part of Catholics themselves, combined to bring the question of Catholic political rights to the forefront of New York politics. Catholics had overcome the ban on their holding state office with the assistance of exiled English and Irish Republicans, most of whom were from the Protestant tradition. They understood the exclusion of Catholics from public office, however, as essentially a secular problem. Their political ethos emphasized the building of a new political order that included a sharp division between church and state, one in which sectarian loyalties would be a private matter.
Steven F. Geisz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824839673
- eISBN:
- 9780824868604
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824839673.003.0028
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter examines the ways in which a Confucian valuation of and deference to the elderly might challenge and inform liberal democracy. It first asks whether there is any plausible alternative to ...
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This chapter examines the ways in which a Confucian valuation of and deference to the elderly might challenge and inform liberal democracy. It first asks whether there is any plausible alternative to a standard “all adult citizens have equal political standing” model of democracy that could be drawn from a specifically Confucian valuing of elder members of the community. It then considers what such a plausible alternative might reveal about differences between how liberalism and Confucianism think of human selves as located in time. It also explores what sort of difference it would make if the Confucian valuing of age and aging were implemented via informal social norms, on the one hand, or via explicit institutional mechanisms and procedures, on the other. Finally, it discusses a hypothetical Confucian deliberative democracy that tries to ensure political equality among citizens over the course of an average lifetime, even though it does not treat all adult citizens as political equals at any given time.Less
This chapter examines the ways in which a Confucian valuation of and deference to the elderly might challenge and inform liberal democracy. It first asks whether there is any plausible alternative to a standard “all adult citizens have equal political standing” model of democracy that could be drawn from a specifically Confucian valuing of elder members of the community. It then considers what such a plausible alternative might reveal about differences between how liberalism and Confucianism think of human selves as located in time. It also explores what sort of difference it would make if the Confucian valuing of age and aging were implemented via informal social norms, on the one hand, or via explicit institutional mechanisms and procedures, on the other. Finally, it discusses a hypothetical Confucian deliberative democracy that tries to ensure political equality among citizens over the course of an average lifetime, even though it does not treat all adult citizens as political equals at any given time.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226514543
- eISBN:
- 9780226514567
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226514567.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Women's political equality in terms of their representation as elected leaders in the United States is a serious problem and also a puzzle. In terms of women's political representation, the United ...
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Women's political equality in terms of their representation as elected leaders in the United States is a serious problem and also a puzzle. In terms of women's political representation, the United States is a laggard. Women's mixed identities as hybrid candidates who, as individuals, are the same as men, but who, as maternalists, are different from men, are currently thought to bolster the public's acceptance of women's participation in politics. When it comes to democracies, liberal policies that treat everyone the same in spite of their group differences by sex are necessary for generating a political context supportive of women's access to political leadership. The one exception to America's motherless trajectory occurred in the early decades of the twentieth century, when many states and the federal government briefly adopted welfare provision as a form of state maternalism.Less
Women's political equality in terms of their representation as elected leaders in the United States is a serious problem and also a puzzle. In terms of women's political representation, the United States is a laggard. Women's mixed identities as hybrid candidates who, as individuals, are the same as men, but who, as maternalists, are different from men, are currently thought to bolster the public's acceptance of women's participation in politics. When it comes to democracies, liberal policies that treat everyone the same in spite of their group differences by sex are necessary for generating a political context supportive of women's access to political leadership. The one exception to America's motherless trajectory occurred in the early decades of the twentieth century, when many states and the federal government briefly adopted welfare provision as a form of state maternalism.
