Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter discusses the shortcomings of the term “civic engagement” and argues that it must be reconceptualized as its constituent parts: political, social, and moral engagement—concepts that are ...
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This chapter discusses the shortcomings of the term “civic engagement” and argues that it must be reconceptualized as its constituent parts: political, social, and moral engagement—concepts that are better equipped to clarify and enhance our discourse about making democracy work. It shows how and why the term “civic engagement” quickly rose to prominence, illustrating its meteoric rise and the confusion that accompanies its widespread use. It contends that civic engagement has remained popular, influential, and ultimately misleading, in part due to the word “engagement,” which entails a combination of activity and attention, an investment of energy and a consciousness of purpose. The chapter also distinguishes among political engagement, social engagement, and moral engagement—distinctions that tend to be neglected in civic engagement scholarship—and provides examples of each type. Finally, it differentiates among engagement undertaken at the local, national, and international level, each of which involves unique challenges, commitments, and rewards.Less
This chapter discusses the shortcomings of the term “civic engagement” and argues that it must be reconceptualized as its constituent parts: political, social, and moral engagement—concepts that are better equipped to clarify and enhance our discourse about making democracy work. It shows how and why the term “civic engagement” quickly rose to prominence, illustrating its meteoric rise and the confusion that accompanies its widespread use. It contends that civic engagement has remained popular, influential, and ultimately misleading, in part due to the word “engagement,” which entails a combination of activity and attention, an investment of energy and a consciousness of purpose. The chapter also distinguishes among political engagement, social engagement, and moral engagement—distinctions that tend to be neglected in civic engagement scholarship—and provides examples of each type. Finally, it differentiates among engagement undertaken at the local, national, and international level, each of which involves unique challenges, commitments, and rewards.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the most prominent arguments for political engagement's importance to democratic polities, including those put forward by Alexis de Tocqueville, and shows that each presents ...
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This chapter examines the most prominent arguments for political engagement's importance to democratic polities, including those put forward by Alexis de Tocqueville, and shows that each presents circumstantial and ultimately inconclusive evidence. It first considers the benefits that political engagement offers to individuals and communities before discussing how essential those benefits are to the health of liberal democracy. It then evaluates defenses of political engagement's intrinsic and instrumental value and proceeds to build a case for the importance of political engagement that can stand up to critical scrutiny. It contends that were should avoid very low political engagement because it might badly undermine a democracy's claims to political legitimacy. Instead, we should care about the increased, voluntary political engagement that might ensue if political institutions were more responsive, political education were more effective, and if our attention deficit democracy could be treated through liberal means.Less
This chapter examines the most prominent arguments for political engagement's importance to democratic polities, including those put forward by Alexis de Tocqueville, and shows that each presents circumstantial and ultimately inconclusive evidence. It first considers the benefits that political engagement offers to individuals and communities before discussing how essential those benefits are to the health of liberal democracy. It then evaluates defenses of political engagement's intrinsic and instrumental value and proceeds to build a case for the importance of political engagement that can stand up to critical scrutiny. It contends that were should avoid very low political engagement because it might badly undermine a democracy's claims to political legitimacy. Instead, we should care about the increased, voluntary political engagement that might ensue if political institutions were more responsive, political education were more effective, and if our attention deficit democracy could be treated through liberal means.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book examines what it calls democracy's political attention deficit and the paradox of civic engagement. It calls for an end to the umbrella term “civic engagement,” arguing that it confuses ...
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This book examines what it calls democracy's political attention deficit and the paradox of civic engagement. It calls for an end to the umbrella term “civic engagement,” arguing that it confuses more than it illuminates. More specifically, it contends that we should put civic to rest while coming to grips with engagement. Civic simply means that a subject pertains to citizenship or a city, so it can easily be subsumed under the rubric of political without any loss of conceptual clarity. Engagement entails a combination of attention and energy (or activity), the two primary components of political governance. While seeking to consign the phrase “civic engagement” to exile or obsolescence, the book stresses the value of political engagement by drawing on the views of Hannah Arendt and Alexis de Tocqueville. Prescriptions for pragmatic democratic reform are given; for example, reforming our political institutions so that they channel existing political attention and energy more efficiently.Less
This book examines what it calls democracy's political attention deficit and the paradox of civic engagement. It calls for an end to the umbrella term “civic engagement,” arguing that it confuses more than it illuminates. More specifically, it contends that we should put civic to rest while coming to grips with engagement. Civic simply means that a subject pertains to citizenship or a city, so it can easily be subsumed under the rubric of political without any loss of conceptual clarity. Engagement entails a combination of attention and energy (or activity), the two primary components of political governance. While seeking to consign the phrase “civic engagement” to exile or obsolescence, the book stresses the value of political engagement by drawing on the views of Hannah Arendt and Alexis de Tocqueville. Prescriptions for pragmatic democratic reform are given; for example, reforming our political institutions so that they channel existing political attention and energy more efficiently.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines Alexis de Tocqueville's defense of political engagement as instrumental good. Tocqueville's insights on attention and energy and their importance for sustainable self-government ...
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This chapter examines Alexis de Tocqueville's defense of political engagement as instrumental good. Tocqueville's insights on attention and energy and their importance for sustainable self-government comprise one of his more original—and overlooked—contributions to political theory. Tocqueville actually distinguishes between political and social engagement, explains why political attention and energy will probably founder in most liberal democracies, and proposes a number of avenues for resisting those tendencies. The chapter analyzes Tocqueville's views on political engagement and the obstacles it faces when citizens are free to invest their time and resources as they like. Drawing mostly from his book Democracy in America, the discussion focuses on his arguments regarding citizens' energies, individual and collective energy, the “doctrine of self-interest well understood,” political attention, township administration, and political and civil associations.Less
This chapter examines Alexis de Tocqueville's defense of political engagement as instrumental good. Tocqueville's insights on attention and energy and their importance for sustainable self-government comprise one of his more original—and overlooked—contributions to political theory. Tocqueville actually distinguishes between political and social engagement, explains why political attention and energy will probably founder in most liberal democracies, and proposes a number of avenues for resisting those tendencies. The chapter analyzes Tocqueville's views on political engagement and the obstacles it faces when citizens are free to invest their time and resources as they like. Drawing mostly from his book Democracy in America, the discussion focuses on his arguments regarding citizens' energies, individual and collective energy, the “doctrine of self-interest well understood,” political attention, township administration, and political and civil associations.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book has argued that civic engagement is a hopelessly confusing term and therefore should give way to political, social, and moral engagement. It has also critiqued idealistic conceptions of ...
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This book has argued that civic engagement is a hopelessly confusing term and therefore should give way to political, social, and moral engagement. It has also critiqued idealistic conceptions of participatory democracy for aiming for the Full Monty: high and widespread political engagement among all citizens, all (or much) of the time, in spite of citizens' long-standing inclinations toward the opposite. Some idealistic theories of democracy, the Full Monty versions, have asked too much of citizens' tastes, attention, and energy. This concluding chapter proposes three approaches to improving democracy that conform to Alexis de Tocqueville's premises and insights: changing our approach to politics and political mobilization, changing ourselves, and changing our institutions.Less
This book has argued that civic engagement is a hopelessly confusing term and therefore should give way to political, social, and moral engagement. It has also critiqued idealistic conceptions of participatory democracy for aiming for the Full Monty: high and widespread political engagement among all citizens, all (or much) of the time, in spite of citizens' long-standing inclinations toward the opposite. Some idealistic theories of democracy, the Full Monty versions, have asked too much of citizens' tastes, attention, and energy. This concluding chapter proposes three approaches to improving democracy that conform to Alexis de Tocqueville's premises and insights: changing our approach to politics and political mobilization, changing ourselves, and changing our institutions.
Miki Caul Kittilson and Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199608607
- eISBN:
- 9780191745799
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608607.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
In most countries around the world, women continue to lag behind men in an array of political orientations and activities. Understanding why this is the case and why some countries have been more ...
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In most countries around the world, women continue to lag behind men in an array of political orientations and activities. Understanding why this is the case and why some countries have been more successful than others at moderating gender gaps in political involvement is imperative for producing stronger and more representative democracies. Cultural, socioeconomic, and political factors explain some of the gender gaps in political involvement, but not all of them. In this book, the authors argue that electoral institutions attenuate gender gaps in mass political engagement and participation by drawing women, an “undertapped” constituency, into the democratic process. Using cross-national and country-specific analyses, the authors show that electoral institutions play a complementary and significant role in reducing gender gaps in political involvement. The cross-national analyses draw on comparative survey data from a wide range and large number of countries. The cases draw out the processes underlying changes in political attitudes and behaviors with evidence from four country studies: New Zealand, Russia, France, and Uruguay. All four countries have altered their electoral institutions, either through large-scale reform of the electoral system itself or adopting gender quotas, allowing the authors to examine patterns of political involvement pre- and post-reform. The book finds that inclusive electoral systems that produce more proportional electoral outcomes have larger effects on women’s political engagement and participation than on men’s. Gender quotas also mediate women’s engagement and participation, but to a lesser degree. On the whole, the book concludes that electoral rules designed to promote social inclusion in parliament are critical for promoting social group inclusion among the electorate.Less
In most countries around the world, women continue to lag behind men in an array of political orientations and activities. Understanding why this is the case and why some countries have been more successful than others at moderating gender gaps in political involvement is imperative for producing stronger and more representative democracies. Cultural, socioeconomic, and political factors explain some of the gender gaps in political involvement, but not all of them. In this book, the authors argue that electoral institutions attenuate gender gaps in mass political engagement and participation by drawing women, an “undertapped” constituency, into the democratic process. Using cross-national and country-specific analyses, the authors show that electoral institutions play a complementary and significant role in reducing gender gaps in political involvement. The cross-national analyses draw on comparative survey data from a wide range and large number of countries. The cases draw out the processes underlying changes in political attitudes and behaviors with evidence from four country studies: New Zealand, Russia, France, and Uruguay. All four countries have altered their electoral institutions, either through large-scale reform of the electoral system itself or adopting gender quotas, allowing the authors to examine patterns of political involvement pre- and post-reform. The book finds that inclusive electoral systems that produce more proportional electoral outcomes have larger effects on women’s political engagement and participation than on men’s. Gender quotas also mediate women’s engagement and participation, but to a lesser degree. On the whole, the book concludes that electoral rules designed to promote social inclusion in parliament are critical for promoting social group inclusion among the electorate.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines Hannah Arendt's views on the intrinsic value of political engagement as well as her attitude toward moral engagement. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's visionary political ...
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This chapter examines Hannah Arendt's views on the intrinsic value of political engagement as well as her attitude toward moral engagement. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's visionary political theory: her ideals of a free political realm, the politically engaged life, and the associated rewards of public freedom, public happiness, earthly immortality, and glory. It then considers Arendt's cautionary political theory: her warnings against the rampant materialism and deadly totalitarianism that threaten her ideals. It also explores Arendt's association of the social, marginalization, enslavement, and totalitarian domination with the concepts and metaphors of isolation, darkness, invisibility, bodily needs, and the eternal nothingness of oblivion. Finally, it points out some logical inconsistencies in Arendt's defense of political engagement as intrinsic good while acknowledging her many other insights on politics.Less
This chapter examines Hannah Arendt's views on the intrinsic value of political engagement as well as her attitude toward moral engagement. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's visionary political theory: her ideals of a free political realm, the politically engaged life, and the associated rewards of public freedom, public happiness, earthly immortality, and glory. It then considers Arendt's cautionary political theory: her warnings against the rampant materialism and deadly totalitarianism that threaten her ideals. It also explores Arendt's association of the social, marginalization, enslavement, and totalitarian domination with the concepts and metaphors of isolation, darkness, invisibility, bodily needs, and the eternal nothingness of oblivion. Finally, it points out some logical inconsistencies in Arendt's defense of political engagement as intrinsic good while acknowledging her many other insights on politics.
Cliff Zukin, Scott Keeter, Molly Andolina, Krista Jenkins, and Michael X. Delli Carpini
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195183177
- eISBN:
- 9780199850822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183177.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter illustrates the complete array of current citizen engagement by presenting a lay-of-the-land exposition of what people do across a wide variety of behavioral and cognitive indicators. It ...
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This chapter illustrates the complete array of current citizen engagement by presenting a lay-of-the-land exposition of what people do across a wide variety of behavioral and cognitive indicators. It discusses political engagement, civic engagement, cognitive engagement, and public voice. It also describes the patterns of involvement found among these four cohorts, finding sharp differences in political and cognitive engagement, but greater similarity in civic work and the expression of public voice. The wide range of ways citizens can participate in public life is captured. A surprising finding of the study is that nearly half of Americans report having engaged in some form of consumer activism in the past year.Less
This chapter illustrates the complete array of current citizen engagement by presenting a lay-of-the-land exposition of what people do across a wide variety of behavioral and cognitive indicators. It discusses political engagement, civic engagement, cognitive engagement, and public voice. It also describes the patterns of involvement found among these four cohorts, finding sharp differences in political and cognitive engagement, but greater similarity in civic work and the expression of public voice. The wide range of ways citizens can participate in public life is captured. A surprising finding of the study is that nearly half of Americans report having engaged in some form of consumer activism in the past year.
Cliff Zukin, Scott Keeter, Molly Andolina, Krista Jenkins, and Michael X. Delli Carpini
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195183177
- eISBN:
- 9780199850822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183177.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter provides a detailed look at the process of engagement, beginning with an overview of the ways a host of resources are linked to participation. Next, it builds a model of citizen ...
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This chapter provides a detailed look at the process of engagement, beginning with an overview of the ways a host of resources are linked to participation. Next, it builds a model of citizen engagement that illustrates how a plethora of conditions, attitudes, and orientations come together to influence participation. It also takes a closer look at what young people are currently doing in their own environments (in and out of school), the ways their engagement is being spurred, and how these positive influences might account for the divide between the civic and political participation of this cohort. Furthermore, it notices the ways individuals, institutions, and organizations are currently shaping the activism of this youngest cohort, and point to how these various influences may be favoring civic, as opposed to political, engagement. The data from the models suggests that there is no “silver bullet” antidote to apathy and disengagement, but also that widening the many narrow pathways can help more young people find their way to active citizenship and public life.Less
This chapter provides a detailed look at the process of engagement, beginning with an overview of the ways a host of resources are linked to participation. Next, it builds a model of citizen engagement that illustrates how a plethora of conditions, attitudes, and orientations come together to influence participation. It also takes a closer look at what young people are currently doing in their own environments (in and out of school), the ways their engagement is being spurred, and how these positive influences might account for the divide between the civic and political participation of this cohort. Furthermore, it notices the ways individuals, institutions, and organizations are currently shaping the activism of this youngest cohort, and point to how these various influences may be favoring civic, as opposed to political, engagement. The data from the models suggests that there is no “silver bullet” antidote to apathy and disengagement, but also that widening the many narrow pathways can help more young people find their way to active citizenship and public life.
Cliff Zukin, Scott Keeter, Molly Andolina, Krista Jenkins, and Michael X. Delli Carpini
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195183177
- eISBN:
- 9780199850822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183177.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses the remixing of citizen engagement in United States. It also looks on the implications on what it means if current trends continue and how things might be different if a larger ...
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This chapter discusses the remixing of citizen engagement in United States. It also looks on the implications on what it means if current trends continue and how things might be different if a larger group and variety of citizens were to become engaged, or become engaged in a different way. It is also believed that the research provides some possible avenues for improving those areas where the democratic ideal is come short. It is stated that the current and future contours of citizen participation in the United States are changing, largely because members of different generations differ not only in their willingness or ability to participate but also in the types of activities they perform, and that these choices often cluster, even if imperfectly, between involvement in the civic and political realms.Less
This chapter discusses the remixing of citizen engagement in United States. It also looks on the implications on what it means if current trends continue and how things might be different if a larger group and variety of citizens were to become engaged, or become engaged in a different way. It is also believed that the research provides some possible avenues for improving those areas where the democratic ideal is come short. It is stated that the current and future contours of citizen participation in the United States are changing, largely because members of different generations differ not only in their willingness or ability to participate but also in the types of activities they perform, and that these choices often cluster, even if imperfectly, between involvement in the civic and political realms.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Handwringing about political apathy is as old as democracy itself. As early as 425 BC, the playwright Aristophanes ridiculed his fellow Athenians for gossiping in the market instead of voting. In ...
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Handwringing about political apathy is as old as democracy itself. As early as 425 BC, the playwright Aristophanes ridiculed his fellow Athenians for gossiping in the market instead of voting. In more recent decades, calls for greater civic engagement as a democratic cure-all have met with widespread agreement. But how realistic, or helpful, is it to expect citizens to devote more attention and energy to politics? This book provides a surprising new perspective on the problem of civic engagement, challenging idealists who aspire to revolutionize democracies and their citizens, but also taking issue with cynics who think that citizens cannot, and need not, do better. “Civic engagement” has become an unwieldy and confusing catchall, the book argues. We should talk instead of political, social, and moral engagement, figuring out which kinds of engagement make democracy work better, and how we might promote them. Focusing on political engagement and taking Alexis de Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt as guides, the book identifies ways to achieve the political engagement we want and need without resorting to coercive measures such as compulsory national service or mandatory voting. By providing a realistic account of the value of political engagement and practical strategies for improving it, while avoiding proposals we can never hope to achieve, the book makes a persuasive case for a public philosophy that much of the public can actually endorse.Less
Handwringing about political apathy is as old as democracy itself. As early as 425 BC, the playwright Aristophanes ridiculed his fellow Athenians for gossiping in the market instead of voting. In more recent decades, calls for greater civic engagement as a democratic cure-all have met with widespread agreement. But how realistic, or helpful, is it to expect citizens to devote more attention and energy to politics? This book provides a surprising new perspective on the problem of civic engagement, challenging idealists who aspire to revolutionize democracies and their citizens, but also taking issue with cynics who think that citizens cannot, and need not, do better. “Civic engagement” has become an unwieldy and confusing catchall, the book argues. We should talk instead of political, social, and moral engagement, figuring out which kinds of engagement make democracy work better, and how we might promote them. Focusing on political engagement and taking Alexis de Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt as guides, the book identifies ways to achieve the political engagement we want and need without resorting to coercive measures such as compulsory national service or mandatory voting. By providing a realistic account of the value of political engagement and practical strategies for improving it, while avoiding proposals we can never hope to achieve, the book makes a persuasive case for a public philosophy that much of the public can actually endorse.
David Sanders and Paolo Bellucci
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199602339
- eISBN:
- 9780199949908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602339.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on European citizens’ informal engagement with politics by considering the extent to which they discuss politics with other people and/or attempt to persuade them to change their ...
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This chapter focuses on European citizens’ informal engagement with politics by considering the extent to which they discuss politics with other people and/or attempt to persuade them to change their political views. It uses Eurobarometer and European Social Survey data from 1975 to 2007 to explore the individual-level and macro-structural determinants of people’s informal engagement with the political process. Although there has been a clear decline in voter turnout in national elections across the EU since the early 1960s, citizens in many EU countries have, if anything, become more engaged in informal political activity. The empirical results reported show that at the individual level informal political engagement is strongly affected by gender, labour market position, and left-right ideology. In terms of macro-level effects, engagement is affected by the condition of the domestic economy, by the quality of the domestic democratic process, and by the size of the EU’s net contributions to the respondent’s country. The reported results also show that large-scale changes in the international system can invoke a temporary but significant increase in informal political engagement among mass publics. Controlling for a wide range other factors, the end of the Cold War appears to have produced a discernable increase in political discussion and persuasion between 1990 and 1993.Less
This chapter focuses on European citizens’ informal engagement with politics by considering the extent to which they discuss politics with other people and/or attempt to persuade them to change their political views. It uses Eurobarometer and European Social Survey data from 1975 to 2007 to explore the individual-level and macro-structural determinants of people’s informal engagement with the political process. Although there has been a clear decline in voter turnout in national elections across the EU since the early 1960s, citizens in many EU countries have, if anything, become more engaged in informal political activity. The empirical results reported show that at the individual level informal political engagement is strongly affected by gender, labour market position, and left-right ideology. In terms of macro-level effects, engagement is affected by the condition of the domestic economy, by the quality of the domestic democratic process, and by the size of the EU’s net contributions to the respondent’s country. The reported results also show that large-scale changes in the international system can invoke a temporary but significant increase in informal political engagement among mass publics. Controlling for a wide range other factors, the end of the Cold War appears to have produced a discernable increase in political discussion and persuasion between 1990 and 1993.
Miki Caul Kittilson and Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199608607
- eISBN:
- 9780191745799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608607.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Chapter 3 presents cross-national statistical analyses that assess the effect of institutions and outcomes on political engagement across a wide range of democracies. Widely varying gender gaps exist ...
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Chapter 3 presents cross-national statistical analyses that assess the effect of institutions and outcomes on political engagement across a wide range of democracies. Widely varying gender gaps exist across countries along several dimensions of political engagement. Electoral institutions and the outcomes they produce explain to some extent varying gender gaps in political interest, political discussion, attention to political news, and political knowledge. However, they do so to different degrees for different forms of engagement. Electoral proportionality offers the most consistent and prominent explanation for gender gaps in nearly all forms of political engagement.Less
Chapter 3 presents cross-national statistical analyses that assess the effect of institutions and outcomes on political engagement across a wide range of democracies. Widely varying gender gaps exist across countries along several dimensions of political engagement. Electoral institutions and the outcomes they produce explain to some extent varying gender gaps in political interest, political discussion, attention to political news, and political knowledge. However, they do so to different degrees for different forms of engagement. Electoral proportionality offers the most consistent and prominent explanation for gender gaps in nearly all forms of political engagement.
Cliff Zukin, Scott Keeter, Molly Andolina, Krista Jenkins, and Michael X. Delli Carpini
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195183177
- eISBN:
- 9780199850822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183177.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book describes levels and patterns of political and civic participation, and the variety of ways people make their voices heard in the political arena. It conducts examination through the prism ...
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This book describes levels and patterns of political and civic participation, and the variety of ways people make their voices heard in the political arena. It conducts examination through the prism of generational differences among those living in the United States today. It also argues that citizens are participating in a different mix of activities from in the past, and that this is due largely to the process of generational replacement. In addition, it is believed the volume of citizen engagement has not declined so much as it has spread to a wider variety of channels. The implications of longer term trends in the mix of civic and political engagement for the health of American democracy is emphasized, the impact of generational replacement is of particular relevance.Less
This book describes levels and patterns of political and civic participation, and the variety of ways people make their voices heard in the political arena. It conducts examination through the prism of generational differences among those living in the United States today. It also argues that citizens are participating in a different mix of activities from in the past, and that this is due largely to the process of generational replacement. In addition, it is believed the volume of citizen engagement has not declined so much as it has spread to a wider variety of channels. The implications of longer term trends in the mix of civic and political engagement for the health of American democracy is emphasized, the impact of generational replacement is of particular relevance.
Nina Eliasoph
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691147093
- eISBN:
- 9781400838820
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691147093.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This chapter opens with a passionate dream of many organizers: to encourage youth volunteers to care about politics and “the big picture.” Doing so would require discussion and possibly lead to ...
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This chapter opens with a passionate dream of many organizers: to encourage youth volunteers to care about politics and “the big picture.” Doing so would require discussion and possibly lead to conflict, which most organizers consider depressing and difficult, not inspiring and easy. Yet there is hardly enough time for reflective discussions anyway. As such, the youth programs all merely conduct projects with which no humane person can disagree—gathering mittens and cans of tuna for the poor, but not asking why there is hunger, for example—thus severing any connection between civic volunteering and political engagement, and tending to breed, paradoxically, hopelessness about finding any solutions beyond one mitten at a time.Less
This chapter opens with a passionate dream of many organizers: to encourage youth volunteers to care about politics and “the big picture.” Doing so would require discussion and possibly lead to conflict, which most organizers consider depressing and difficult, not inspiring and easy. Yet there is hardly enough time for reflective discussions anyway. As such, the youth programs all merely conduct projects with which no humane person can disagree—gathering mittens and cans of tuna for the poor, but not asking why there is hunger, for example—thus severing any connection between civic volunteering and political engagement, and tending to breed, paradoxically, hopelessness about finding any solutions beyond one mitten at a time.
Pär Zetterberg
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199830091
- eISBN:
- 9780199932924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199830091.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores whether the legislative quota in Mexico has altered the attitudes and behaviors of ordinary citizens. Using mass survey data from the federal and state levels, Pär Zetterberg ...
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This chapter explores whether the legislative quota in Mexico has altered the attitudes and behaviors of ordinary citizens. Using mass survey data from the federal and state levels, Pär Zetterberg tests whether the quota has increased women’s political engagement or enhanced citizens’ positive valuation of, or confidence in, democratic institutions. The findings are inconclusive. While the analysis reveals that the period during which the quota has been implemented corresponds to a decrease in rates of men’s and women’s political participation, this relationship may be spurious. A myriad of other factors, including allegations of electoral fraud and an economic crisis, may also account for political disenchantment among Mexicans. The absence of more conclusive findings in this case draws attention to a key methodological challenge—namely, using secondary surveys to establish a direct, causal link between quotas and trends in women’s political engagement and public attitudes.Less
This chapter explores whether the legislative quota in Mexico has altered the attitudes and behaviors of ordinary citizens. Using mass survey data from the federal and state levels, Pär Zetterberg tests whether the quota has increased women’s political engagement or enhanced citizens’ positive valuation of, or confidence in, democratic institutions. The findings are inconclusive. While the analysis reveals that the period during which the quota has been implemented corresponds to a decrease in rates of men’s and women’s political participation, this relationship may be spurious. A myriad of other factors, including allegations of electoral fraud and an economic crisis, may also account for political disenchantment among Mexicans. The absence of more conclusive findings in this case draws attention to a key methodological challenge—namely, using secondary surveys to establish a direct, causal link between quotas and trends in women’s political engagement and public attitudes.
Kathryn Gleadle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264492
- eISBN:
- 9780191734274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264492.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book has shown how women occupied an enduring but peripheral location within the contemporary political imagination in Britain. Their status within the world of public politics remained ...
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This book has shown how women occupied an enduring but peripheral location within the contemporary political imagination in Britain. Their status within the world of public politics remained problematic throughout this period — even in campaigns apparently deemed suitable for female activism, such as anti-slavery. Family identities, moreover, remained crucial to the positioning of women as political subjects. In the years between the ending of the war with France in 1815 and the second Reform Act in 1867, there were gathering opportunities for female political engagement. However, these shifts occurred in complex ways. although there were many ‘losses’ for women in this period — such as the ending of freewomen's rights, the decline in parochial authority, and the decreasing significance of patronage networks — we have also seen how the seeds of change emerged. Women's political subjectivity was always in the making. Yet women remained borderline citizens whose ability to imagine themselves unambiguously as forthright political actors was continually compromised by the pull of conflicting discursive currents and the instability of their ambivalent political status.Less
This book has shown how women occupied an enduring but peripheral location within the contemporary political imagination in Britain. Their status within the world of public politics remained problematic throughout this period — even in campaigns apparently deemed suitable for female activism, such as anti-slavery. Family identities, moreover, remained crucial to the positioning of women as political subjects. In the years between the ending of the war with France in 1815 and the second Reform Act in 1867, there were gathering opportunities for female political engagement. However, these shifts occurred in complex ways. although there were many ‘losses’ for women in this period — such as the ending of freewomen's rights, the decline in parochial authority, and the decreasing significance of patronage networks — we have also seen how the seeds of change emerged. Women's political subjectivity was always in the making. Yet women remained borderline citizens whose ability to imagine themselves unambiguously as forthright political actors was continually compromised by the pull of conflicting discursive currents and the instability of their ambivalent political status.
Ticktin Miriam
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520269040
- eISBN:
- 9780520950535
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520269040.003.0014
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Medical Anthropology
In making clear how contemporary regimes of care are complicit in furthering the structural inequalities forged by capitalism, this chapter hopes to breathe new life and legitimacy into struggles in ...
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In making clear how contemporary regimes of care are complicit in furthering the structural inequalities forged by capitalism, this chapter hopes to breathe new life and legitimacy into struggles in politics that look beyond the immediate present and that dare to confront the limits of this order. By focusing on the time of emergency, regimes of care render invisible other forms of suffering and violence that extend beyond the immediate present. As such, poverty and other forms of inequality and oppression that are long-term, chronic conditions are not always understood as morally legitimate suffering, worthy of care—and therefore not worthy of political action or redress. Political engagement, compellingly articulated by Jacques Rancière as the participation of those least likely to be political actors, necessarily changes the meaning of political action for everyone.Less
In making clear how contemporary regimes of care are complicit in furthering the structural inequalities forged by capitalism, this chapter hopes to breathe new life and legitimacy into struggles in politics that look beyond the immediate present and that dare to confront the limits of this order. By focusing on the time of emergency, regimes of care render invisible other forms of suffering and violence that extend beyond the immediate present. As such, poverty and other forms of inequality and oppression that are long-term, chronic conditions are not always understood as morally legitimate suffering, worthy of care—and therefore not worthy of political action or redress. Political engagement, compellingly articulated by Jacques Rancière as the participation of those least likely to be political actors, necessarily changes the meaning of political action for everyone.
Susan Franceschet, Mona Lena Krook, and Jennifer M. Piscopo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199830091
- eISBN:
- 9780199932924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199830091.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter sets out the collective theory-building enterprise of the volume. The first section reviews quota policies around the world, as well as research on their introduction and numerical ...
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This chapter sets out the collective theory-building enterprise of the volume. The first section reviews quota policies around the world, as well as research on their introduction and numerical effects. The second section outlines major theories and findings regarding women’s descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. The third section draws these two literatures together, reviewing the preliminary evidence on how quotas influence the attributes of the women elected, the policy actions of female legislators, and constituent responses to female newcomers. The fourth section establishes definitions for theorizing and operationalizing quota impact with respect to these three facets of political representation. It concludes with an overview of the following chapters, noting how the authors develop their research agenda, as well as how they relate to one another.Less
This chapter sets out the collective theory-building enterprise of the volume. The first section reviews quota policies around the world, as well as research on their introduction and numerical effects. The second section outlines major theories and findings regarding women’s descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. The third section draws these two literatures together, reviewing the preliminary evidence on how quotas influence the attributes of the women elected, the policy actions of female legislators, and constituent responses to female newcomers. The fourth section establishes definitions for theorizing and operationalizing quota impact with respect to these three facets of political representation. It concludes with an overview of the following chapters, noting how the authors develop their research agenda, as well as how they relate to one another.
J. Eric Oliver, Shang E. Ha, and Zachary Callen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143552
- eISBN:
- 9781400842544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143552.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines who votes in local elections and whether their low electoral turnout is problematic for the legitimacy of their local democracies. The evidence suggests that, for the ...
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This chapter examines who votes in local elections and whether their low electoral turnout is problematic for the legitimacy of their local democracies. The evidence suggests that, for the overwhelming number of American municipalities, low turnout is not a problem because of the types of people who vote in local contests: educated homeowners who are long-term residents of their communities. These “homevoters” are not only more committed to their communities but are also more likely to be politically engaged and informed about local affairs. Although they tend to be more fiscally conservative than renters, they do not systematically differ in their opinions about all political and social issues. Whatever biases do exist as a result of low turnout in local elections are tilted toward policies that protect property values and suppress property taxes. However, given the difference in political knowledge and interest between voters and nonvoters, it is not clear that higher turnout would change this, largely because nonvoters would probably have less clearly informed preferences.Less
This chapter examines who votes in local elections and whether their low electoral turnout is problematic for the legitimacy of their local democracies. The evidence suggests that, for the overwhelming number of American municipalities, low turnout is not a problem because of the types of people who vote in local contests: educated homeowners who are long-term residents of their communities. These “homevoters” are not only more committed to their communities but are also more likely to be politically engaged and informed about local affairs. Although they tend to be more fiscally conservative than renters, they do not systematically differ in their opinions about all political and social issues. Whatever biases do exist as a result of low turnout in local elections are tilted toward policies that protect property values and suppress property taxes. However, given the difference in political knowledge and interest between voters and nonvoters, it is not clear that higher turnout would change this, largely because nonvoters would probably have less clearly informed preferences.
