Evan Mawdsley and Stephen White
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297383
- eISBN:
- 9780191599842
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297386.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
The Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party, which constituted the political elite of Soviet Russia, was in Lenin's time, relatively homogeneous and was entirely composed of people who had ...
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The Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party, which constituted the political elite of Soviet Russia, was in Lenin's time, relatively homogeneous and was entirely composed of people who had been members of the underground Bolshevik party. It is, however, possible to make some differentiation between members of this Central Committee elite, and two examples of ‘types’, one from the intelligentsia and one from the working class, are N. N. Krestinskii and A. A. Andreev. Even in this period, the Central Committee was not a policy‐making body, but all its members were important policymakers in other party and state organs.Less
The Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party, which constituted the political elite of Soviet Russia, was in Lenin's time, relatively homogeneous and was entirely composed of people who had been members of the underground Bolshevik party. It is, however, possible to make some differentiation between members of this Central Committee elite, and two examples of ‘types’, one from the intelligentsia and one from the working class, are N. N. Krestinskii and A. A. Andreev. Even in this period, the Central Committee was not a policy‐making body, but all its members were important policymakers in other party and state organs.
Graeme Gill
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544684
- eISBN:
- 9780191719912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544684.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Democratization
This chapter focuses on the extent to which, in Britain, France, Germany, and the USA, the bourgeoisie has sought to use the state as a resource (and thereby exploit it), and to capture the state. ...
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This chapter focuses on the extent to which, in Britain, France, Germany, and the USA, the bourgeoisie has sought to use the state as a resource (and thereby exploit it), and to capture the state. These approaches to the state are analysed in terms of the way in which the bourgeoisie has been heavily reliant on gaining control over state-controlled resources in order to divert them to their own profitable use, and suborning state officials in an attempt to buttress their profits. The former approach is seen principally in terms of private appropriation of state assets, the latter in terms of relations between businessmen and political elites. It is shown that while heavily reliant on state resources, generally businessmen have not been able to capture the state, either at the national or local/regional level.Less
This chapter focuses on the extent to which, in Britain, France, Germany, and the USA, the bourgeoisie has sought to use the state as a resource (and thereby exploit it), and to capture the state. These approaches to the state are analysed in terms of the way in which the bourgeoisie has been heavily reliant on gaining control over state-controlled resources in order to divert them to their own profitable use, and suborning state officials in an attempt to buttress their profits. The former approach is seen principally in terms of private appropriation of state assets, the latter in terms of relations between businessmen and political elites. It is shown that while heavily reliant on state resources, generally businessmen have not been able to capture the state, either at the national or local/regional level.
Edward C. Page and Vincent Wright
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The conclusion starts by noting that there are clearly highly diverse trends in the development of bureaucracy in Western Europe, and that, although in some countries patterns of change are quite ...
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The conclusion starts by noting that there are clearly highly diverse trends in the development of bureaucracy in Western Europe, and that, although in some countries patterns of change are quite distinct, change does not appear to have followed any one expected pattern or scale. It then looks at two central questions for the role of bureaucracy: its political controllability and efficiency. These enable us to point to differences in broad underlying principles that reflect how different countries have traditionally understood and dealt with these two central problems, allow us to make important distinctions between different forms of bureaucracies, and explore the causes and character of changes in the senior ranks of post‐war bureaucracies. The two central questions are then examined in sections on political control, performance, managerial changes, and changes in political control. The concluding section finds that there is a common theme underlying the development of relationships between bureaucratic and political elites that applies to most of the country studies: a deinstitutionalization or personalization of political trust. Understood as a question of trust, change in bureaucracy is linked to much wider political changes that have been identified outside the literature on bureaucracy.Less
The conclusion starts by noting that there are clearly highly diverse trends in the development of bureaucracy in Western Europe, and that, although in some countries patterns of change are quite distinct, change does not appear to have followed any one expected pattern or scale. It then looks at two central questions for the role of bureaucracy: its political controllability and efficiency. These enable us to point to differences in broad underlying principles that reflect how different countries have traditionally understood and dealt with these two central problems, allow us to make important distinctions between different forms of bureaucracies, and explore the causes and character of changes in the senior ranks of post‐war bureaucracies. The two central questions are then examined in sections on political control, performance, managerial changes, and changes in political control. The concluding section finds that there is a common theme underlying the development of relationships between bureaucratic and political elites that applies to most of the country studies: a deinstitutionalization or personalization of political trust. Understood as a question of trust, change in bureaucracy is linked to much wider political changes that have been identified outside the literature on bureaucracy.
Milo Cerar
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes how the Slovenian transition from communism to democratic consolidation influenced the institutional engineering in Slovenia. Since there was no real tradition of statehood or experience ...
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Describes how the Slovenian transition from communism to democratic consolidation influenced the institutional engineering in Slovenia. Since there was no real tradition of statehood or experience with state‐building in Slovenia, the establishment of a new constitutional structure after its break from Yugoslavia was immensely important both as a foundation for the new political and economic system and as the country's calling card for entry into the international community. The chapter indicates the positive and negative aspects of institutional engineering in Slovenia. Although Slovenian political elites arrived at a consensus on almost all of the pressing issues involved in democracy‐ and state‐building quickly, the result of the quick adoption of the Constitution left important issues unresolved, and ultimately hampered the legislative process. Despite the political turbulence that continues to dominate Slovene politics, democratic consolidation in Slovenia can be regarded as largely achieved.Less
Describes how the Slovenian transition from communism to democratic consolidation influenced the institutional engineering in Slovenia. Since there was no real tradition of statehood or experience with state‐building in Slovenia, the establishment of a new constitutional structure after its break from Yugoslavia was immensely important both as a foundation for the new political and economic system and as the country's calling card for entry into the international community. The chapter indicates the positive and negative aspects of institutional engineering in Slovenia. Although Slovenian political elites arrived at a consensus on almost all of the pressing issues involved in democracy‐ and state‐building quickly, the result of the quick adoption of the Constitution left important issues unresolved, and ultimately hampered the legislative process. Despite the political turbulence that continues to dominate Slovene politics, democratic consolidation in Slovenia can be regarded as largely achieved.
Elaine Chalus
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199280100
- eISBN:
- 9780191707087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280100.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The conclusion makes a case for women's involvement in political life, arguing that it needs to be understood in context. By no means all women, even at the level of the political elite, were ...
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The conclusion makes a case for women's involvement in political life, arguing that it needs to be understood in context. By no means all women, even at the level of the political elite, were politically active, yet women were an integral part of the political world of the 18th century. For many, involvement in political life was motivated by familial considerations, but the effectiveness of such involvement should not be underestimated. Furthermore, while questions about whether women made a difference might be hard to evaluate in national terms, in local or personal politics — in terms of places gained, preferments and promotions secured, votes won, and supporters wooed — there can be little doubt that they did.Less
The conclusion makes a case for women's involvement in political life, arguing that it needs to be understood in context. By no means all women, even at the level of the political elite, were politically active, yet women were an integral part of the political world of the 18th century. For many, involvement in political life was motivated by familial considerations, but the effectiveness of such involvement should not be underestimated. Furthermore, while questions about whether women made a difference might be hard to evaluate in national terms, in local or personal politics — in terms of places gained, preferments and promotions secured, votes won, and supporters wooed — there can be little doubt that they did.
Jean Charlot
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of ...
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Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of governments have been frequently ineffective. European leaders have used opinion polls, which are effective in reaching more than the active minorities, to remain in touch with what the electors desire. Between elections, public opinion, as polls reveal it, as the media present, and as the politicians respond to it, exerts increasing pressure on government decision‐making.Less
Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of governments have been frequently ineffective. European leaders have used opinion polls, which are effective in reaching more than the active minorities, to remain in touch with what the electors desire. Between elections, public opinion, as polls reveal it, as the media present, and as the politicians respond to it, exerts increasing pressure on government decision‐making.
Evan Mawdsley and Stephen White
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297383
- eISBN:
- 9780191599842
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297386.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
The USSR was dominated by its ruling Communist Party, and the party was in turn dominated by a political elite that was represented in its Central Committee. Nearly two thousand individuals were ...
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The USSR was dominated by its ruling Communist Party, and the party was in turn dominated by a political elite that was represented in its Central Committee. Nearly two thousand individuals were members of the Central Committee between 1917 and 1991, who may be divided into four distinct political generations from the professional revolutionaries born in the late nineteenth century to the post‐war generation that was beginning to enter the political elite in the Gorbachev years. There were considerable variations over time in the characteristics of the Central Committee, including the extent to which its membership was replaced at successive party congresses. But a close relationship developed between particular occupational positions and Central Committee membership, a ‘job‐slot’ system that lasted until the final years of communist rule. The Central Committee as an institution was generally marginal to the political process. But it met more frequently and took more decisions in the 1920s and late 1980s, and on several occasions, its meetings were decisive in resolving leadership conflicts; they also ventilated policy alternatives, and sometimes disagreements. In the last years of communist rule, the elite sought increasingly to transform their positions of political power into the more enduring advantage of property, and this allowed many of them to maintain their elite status into the post‐communist period. As well as printed sources, the study draws on recently opened party archives and about a hundred interviews with members of the Brezhnev‐era Central Committee.Less
The USSR was dominated by its ruling Communist Party, and the party was in turn dominated by a political elite that was represented in its Central Committee. Nearly two thousand individuals were members of the Central Committee between 1917 and 1991, who may be divided into four distinct political generations from the professional revolutionaries born in the late nineteenth century to the post‐war generation that was beginning to enter the political elite in the Gorbachev years. There were considerable variations over time in the characteristics of the Central Committee, including the extent to which its membership was replaced at successive party congresses. But a close relationship developed between particular occupational positions and Central Committee membership, a ‘job‐slot’ system that lasted until the final years of communist rule. The Central Committee as an institution was generally marginal to the political process. But it met more frequently and took more decisions in the 1920s and late 1980s, and on several occasions, its meetings were decisive in resolving leadership conflicts; they also ventilated policy alternatives, and sometimes disagreements. In the last years of communist rule, the elite sought increasingly to transform their positions of political power into the more enduring advantage of property, and this allowed many of them to maintain their elite status into the post‐communist period. As well as printed sources, the study draws on recently opened party archives and about a hundred interviews with members of the Brezhnev‐era Central Committee.
Heinrich Best, György Lengyel, and Luca Verzichelli (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199602315
- eISBN:
- 9780191738951
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602315.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
It has been widely acknowledged that the process of European integration and unification was started and is still pursued as an elite project, designed to put an end to debilitating conflicts and ...
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It has been widely acknowledged that the process of European integration and unification was started and is still pursued as an elite project, designed to put an end to debilitating conflicts and rivalries by consolidating a common power base and by pooling Europe’s economic resources. Nevertheless elites have remained the known unknowns of the European integration process. The present volume is designed to change this. Based on surveys of political and economic elites in 18 European countries, it is a comprehensive study of the visions, fears, cognitions, and values of members of national parliaments and top business leaders underlying their attitudes towards European integration. It also investigates political and economic elites’ embeddedness in transnational networks and their ability to communicate in multicultural settings. Our book strongly supports the view of an elitist character of the process of European integration on the one hand, while challenging the idea that European national elites have merged or are even merging into a coherent Eurelite on the other. As the 11 chapters of this book show, the process of European integration is much more colourful and even contradictory than concepts of a straightforward normative and structural integration suggest. In particular this process is deeply rooted in and conditional on the social and political settings in national contexts. The empirical basis for this book is provided by the data of the international IntUne project, which has for the first time created a comprehensive database combining coordinated surveys of Europe-related attitudes at the elite and general population level.Less
It has been widely acknowledged that the process of European integration and unification was started and is still pursued as an elite project, designed to put an end to debilitating conflicts and rivalries by consolidating a common power base and by pooling Europe’s economic resources. Nevertheless elites have remained the known unknowns of the European integration process. The present volume is designed to change this. Based on surveys of political and economic elites in 18 European countries, it is a comprehensive study of the visions, fears, cognitions, and values of members of national parliaments and top business leaders underlying their attitudes towards European integration. It also investigates political and economic elites’ embeddedness in transnational networks and their ability to communicate in multicultural settings. Our book strongly supports the view of an elitist character of the process of European integration on the one hand, while challenging the idea that European national elites have merged or are even merging into a coherent Eurelite on the other. As the 11 chapters of this book show, the process of European integration is much more colourful and even contradictory than concepts of a straightforward normative and structural integration suggest. In particular this process is deeply rooted in and conditional on the social and political settings in national contexts. The empirical basis for this book is provided by the data of the international IntUne project, which has for the first time created a comprehensive database combining coordinated surveys of Europe-related attitudes at the elite and general population level.
Feargal Cochrane
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Addresses the integrationist complaint that academics focus too much on political elites and not enough on civil society. Cochrane gives a comprehensive analysis of the role that peace and conflict ...
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Addresses the integrationist complaint that academics focus too much on political elites and not enough on civil society. Cochrane gives a comprehensive analysis of the role that peace and conflict resolution organizations have played in Northern Ireland. He shows, in a conclusion that is at odds with integrationist thinking, that many of these organizations are as divided as political elites along national lines, and are committed to a solution that accommodates both communities rather than to one that transcends one. The chapter is a useful reminder that one can want peace without wanting a merger of identities.Less
Addresses the integrationist complaint that academics focus too much on political elites and not enough on civil society. Cochrane gives a comprehensive analysis of the role that peace and conflict resolution organizations have played in Northern Ireland. He shows, in a conclusion that is at odds with integrationist thinking, that many of these organizations are as divided as political elites along national lines, and are committed to a solution that accommodates both communities rather than to one that transcends one. The chapter is a useful reminder that one can want peace without wanting a merger of identities.
José Real-Dato, Borbála Göncz, and György Lengyel
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199602315
- eISBN:
- 9780191738951
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602315.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
The chapter focuses on the preferences of national elites towards the Europeanization of specific policy areas as an expression of the multidimensional nature of the forces and conflicts behind the ...
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The chapter focuses on the preferences of national elites towards the Europeanization of specific policy areas as an expression of the multidimensional nature of the forces and conflicts behind the process of European integration. The analysis tests the most important hypotheses considered in the European integration literature, taking into account individual elite characteristics and country-specific contextual factors. Results confirm that explanatory patterns differ depending on the type of policy area. For example, preferences toward Europeanization are stronger in those areas dealing with transnational problems, and on whether opinions refer to the current situation or in the mid-term––elites in the later case being more favourable to Europeanization. Preferences also differ among types of elites, whereby economic elites are more pro-European, and according to country; elites of former state socialist and more Eurosceptic countries, such as Denmark and the United Kingdom, are less likely to approve of delegating national authority to the EU.Less
The chapter focuses on the preferences of national elites towards the Europeanization of specific policy areas as an expression of the multidimensional nature of the forces and conflicts behind the process of European integration. The analysis tests the most important hypotheses considered in the European integration literature, taking into account individual elite characteristics and country-specific contextual factors. Results confirm that explanatory patterns differ depending on the type of policy area. For example, preferences toward Europeanization are stronger in those areas dealing with transnational problems, and on whether opinions refer to the current situation or in the mid-term––elites in the later case being more favourable to Europeanization. Preferences also differ among types of elites, whereby economic elites are more pro-European, and according to country; elites of former state socialist and more Eurosceptic countries, such as Denmark and the United Kingdom, are less likely to approve of delegating national authority to the EU.
Renate Weber
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes how constitutionalism contributed to the democratic consolidation in post‐communist Romania. The author emphasizes the fact that Romania could hardly be described as having a constitutional ...
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Describes how constitutionalism contributed to the democratic consolidation in post‐communist Romania. The author emphasizes the fact that Romania could hardly be described as having a constitutional tradition, since none of the previous regimes developed a tradition of observing their constitutions. Therefore, it may seem questionable whether the post‐communist constitution could have a significant impact on democratic consolidation in Romania. Nevertheless, in 1990, the constitutionalization process was the main focus of the new political elite. This chapter describes what kind of political reforms have been adopted in order to improve the constitution and avoid problems resulting from its ambiguity. It shows how the weaknesses of the current Constitution have paradoxically played an important role in bolstering Romanian civil society. The author prescribes several constitutional amendments that could transform the Romanian Constitution into a viable basis for democracy in the country.Less
Describes how constitutionalism contributed to the democratic consolidation in post‐communist Romania. The author emphasizes the fact that Romania could hardly be described as having a constitutional tradition, since none of the previous regimes developed a tradition of observing their constitutions. Therefore, it may seem questionable whether the post‐communist constitution could have a significant impact on democratic consolidation in Romania. Nevertheless, in 1990, the constitutionalization process was the main focus of the new political elite. This chapter describes what kind of political reforms have been adopted in order to improve the constitution and avoid problems resulting from its ambiguity. It shows how the weaknesses of the current Constitution have paradoxically played an important role in bolstering Romanian civil society. The author prescribes several constitutional amendments that could transform the Romanian Constitution into a viable basis for democracy in the country.
Lydia Bean
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161303
- eISBN:
- 9781400852611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161303.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sociology of Religion
This chapter looks at how, in U.S. churches, political influence operated through a broad set of opinion leaders, not just through ordained pastors or media elites. Previous research has identified ...
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This chapter looks at how, in U.S. churches, political influence operated through a broad set of opinion leaders, not just through ordained pastors or media elites. Previous research has identified local pastors as key opinion leaders who help bridge the gap between political elites and the general public, by preaching on political topics, sending partisan cues, or proclaiming official church stances on issues like abortion and gay marriage. Other scholars argue that Christian Right elites increasingly reach individuals directly, through targeted mailings, Fox News, and Christian radio, without the need to work through their personal networks and congregations. But previous work has largely ignored the political influence of volunteer, non-ordained religious leaders.Less
This chapter looks at how, in U.S. churches, political influence operated through a broad set of opinion leaders, not just through ordained pastors or media elites. Previous research has identified local pastors as key opinion leaders who help bridge the gap between political elites and the general public, by preaching on political topics, sending partisan cues, or proclaiming official church stances on issues like abortion and gay marriage. Other scholars argue that Christian Right elites increasingly reach individuals directly, through targeted mailings, Fox News, and Christian radio, without the need to work through their personal networks and congregations. But previous work has largely ignored the political influence of volunteer, non-ordained religious leaders.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
Delegation is not a new phenomenon. This chapter illustrates the persistence, growth, and evolution of delegated governance from the earliest stages of state development in Britain through to the ...
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Delegation is not a new phenomenon. This chapter illustrates the persistence, growth, and evolution of delegated governance from the earliest stages of state development in Britain through to the first decade of the 21st century. It reveals the long-term bureaucratic layering which has occurred, and considers why political elites failed to take advantage of specific windows of opportunity when broad reform initiative could have been introduced.Less
Delegation is not a new phenomenon. This chapter illustrates the persistence, growth, and evolution of delegated governance from the earliest stages of state development in Britain through to the first decade of the 21st century. It reveals the long-term bureaucratic layering which has occurred, and considers why political elites failed to take advantage of specific windows of opportunity when broad reform initiative could have been introduced.
Nicolas Hubé and Luca Verzichelli
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199602315
- eISBN:
- 9780191738951
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602315.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
Centred on the notion of supranational career, this chapter explores IntUne elite survey data to determine attitudes to rewards and career opportunities in a supranational context. After describing ...
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Centred on the notion of supranational career, this chapter explores IntUne elite survey data to determine attitudes to rewards and career opportunities in a supranational context. After describing variance within the sample of economic and political elites concerning willingness for a supranational-level career, more intensive research on national political elites leads to a typology of different ‘career orientations’. From the emerging fragmented and differentiated scenario, few politicians seem clearly oriented towards a career in Europe, but few explicitly exclude the perspective. Most national political elite tend to evaluate the supranational perspective positively, while being neither highly informed nor particularly committed to it. Country and party-specific factors seem to determine the compound framework of ambitions that marks the world of European national elites. However, other intervening factors, such as type of elite skills, social background, and perception of the distance between EU polity and traditional national institutions also have explanatory potential.Less
Centred on the notion of supranational career, this chapter explores IntUne elite survey data to determine attitudes to rewards and career opportunities in a supranational context. After describing variance within the sample of economic and political elites concerning willingness for a supranational-level career, more intensive research on national political elites leads to a typology of different ‘career orientations’. From the emerging fragmented and differentiated scenario, few politicians seem clearly oriented towards a career in Europe, but few explicitly exclude the perspective. Most national political elite tend to evaluate the supranational perspective positively, while being neither highly informed nor particularly committed to it. Country and party-specific factors seem to determine the compound framework of ambitions that marks the world of European national elites. However, other intervening factors, such as type of elite skills, social background, and perception of the distance between EU polity and traditional national institutions also have explanatory potential.
Robert Rohrschneider
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198295174
- eISBN:
- 9780191685088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198295174.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the institutional learning model. The chapter examines how restraint, self-reliance, and corresponding ideals are developed together, and why a country's institutional ...
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This chapter discusses the institutional learning model. The chapter examines how restraint, self-reliance, and corresponding ideals are developed together, and why a country's institutional framework is important in providing the people with opportunities to develop these cititizenship-qualities. The chapter suggests two criteria for examining when the effect of institutional learning may be offset by the diffusion of values, across systemic boundaries, at the level of mass public and political elite. It also establishes the relationship between ideological values, citizens's performance evaluations of existing institutions, and their support for these institutions. The chapter concludes that the institutional learning perspective bridges the gaps in the democratic transition literature.Less
This chapter discusses the institutional learning model. The chapter examines how restraint, self-reliance, and corresponding ideals are developed together, and why a country's institutional framework is important in providing the people with opportunities to develop these cititizenship-qualities. The chapter suggests two criteria for examining when the effect of institutional learning may be offset by the diffusion of values, across systemic boundaries, at the level of mass public and political elite. It also establishes the relationship between ideological values, citizens's performance evaluations of existing institutions, and their support for these institutions. The chapter concludes that the institutional learning perspective bridges the gaps in the democratic transition literature.
Padraig O'Malley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's ...
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Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.Less
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.
Andrés Solimano and Diego Avanzini
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199659036
- eISBN:
- 9780191749032
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199659036.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
International migration analysis often focuses on mass migration rather than on the international mobility of elites, which is the focus of this chapter. The chapter offers a three-fold ...
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International migration analysis often focuses on mass migration rather than on the international mobility of elites, which is the focus of this chapter. The chapter offers a three-fold classification of elites: (a) knowledge elites, (b) entrepreneurial elites and (c) political elites. The chapter explores the concept of elites and their main motivation to move across nations and review indirect empirical evidence relevant to this type of mobility, highlighting some channels through which elites can affect international development.Less
International migration analysis often focuses on mass migration rather than on the international mobility of elites, which is the focus of this chapter. The chapter offers a three-fold classification of elites: (a) knowledge elites, (b) entrepreneurial elites and (c) political elites. The chapter explores the concept of elites and their main motivation to move across nations and review indirect empirical evidence relevant to this type of mobility, highlighting some channels through which elites can affect international development.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses the factors that led to the demise of the monarchy in July 1958. Some of these were structural, embedded in the constitutional arrangements and political relationships inside ...
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This chapter discusses the factors that led to the demise of the monarchy in July 1958. Some of these were structural, embedded in the constitutional arrangements and political relationships inside the country. Others were precipitated by political and ideological developments that gathered momentum in the regional and international arenas, and thus, to a certain extent, were outside the control of Iraq's governing elite. However, the major responsibility for the collapse of the political system can be placed squarely on the shoulders of the palace and the old politicians: their penchant for authoritarianism, their distaste for acceding authority to a younger generation, their petty squabbles among themselves, and their inability to reach out to new constituencies in a rapidly changing political milieu.Less
This chapter discusses the factors that led to the demise of the monarchy in July 1958. Some of these were structural, embedded in the constitutional arrangements and political relationships inside the country. Others were precipitated by political and ideological developments that gathered momentum in the regional and international arenas, and thus, to a certain extent, were outside the control of Iraq's governing elite. However, the major responsibility for the collapse of the political system can be placed squarely on the shoulders of the palace and the old politicians: their penchant for authoritarianism, their distaste for acceding authority to a younger generation, their petty squabbles among themselves, and their inability to reach out to new constituencies in a rapidly changing political milieu.
Julian Goodare
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199243549
- eISBN:
- 9780191714160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199243549.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Governing the Highlands was very different from governing the rest of Scotland. The political elites of the Highlands barely recognised state authority, and had few connections to regular ...
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Governing the Highlands was very different from governing the rest of Scotland. The political elites of the Highlands barely recognised state authority, and had few connections to regular institutions of government. The internal government of the Highlands was in the hands of clan chiefs who did not routinely answer to any higher authority. This chapter takes the power of the clans as a starting point for an investigation into central government's treatment of the Highlands. It discusses some broader patterns in policy towards the Highlands, as well as the motives behind each phase. One of the most prominent phases, accompanied by sharply etched attitudes towards Highland elites, came around 1600. The experience of the political elite of the Highlands, who were not welcome or respected members of the Scottish body politic, and who came to experience a quasi-colonial relationship with the authorities, is examined. A typology of colonies shows the various ways in which this operated.Less
Governing the Highlands was very different from governing the rest of Scotland. The political elites of the Highlands barely recognised state authority, and had few connections to regular institutions of government. The internal government of the Highlands was in the hands of clan chiefs who did not routinely answer to any higher authority. This chapter takes the power of the clans as a starting point for an investigation into central government's treatment of the Highlands. It discusses some broader patterns in policy towards the Highlands, as well as the motives behind each phase. One of the most prominent phases, accompanied by sharply etched attitudes towards Highland elites, came around 1600. The experience of the political elite of the Highlands, who were not welcome or respected members of the Scottish body politic, and who came to experience a quasi-colonial relationship with the authorities, is examined. A typology of colonies shows the various ways in which this operated.
Alice H. Amsden and Alisa DiCaprio
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199659036
- eISBN:
- 9780191749032
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199659036.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The chapters in this book cover a number of key issues on how elites interact in the development project. However, this book is intended to take the literature just one step further. Many of the ...
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The chapters in this book cover a number of key issues on how elites interact in the development project. However, this book is intended to take the literature just one step further. Many of the chapters detail new areas of inquiry and raise questions to be answered. While legitimacy of political elites is a frequent topic in political science and political sociology, there is much less work on non-governing elites. One of the biggest challenges faced by researchers remains the difficulty of bridging disciplines. There are many rich areas of research on elites, but in the absence of a common conceptual framework, the terminology, assumptions and samples of existing work make cross-disciplinary work challenging. This volume was an initial effort to move towards stitching together existing work and producing a cohesive theory of elites and economic development for the future.Less
The chapters in this book cover a number of key issues on how elites interact in the development project. However, this book is intended to take the literature just one step further. Many of the chapters detail new areas of inquiry and raise questions to be answered. While legitimacy of political elites is a frequent topic in political science and political sociology, there is much less work on non-governing elites. One of the biggest challenges faced by researchers remains the difficulty of bridging disciplines. There are many rich areas of research on elites, but in the absence of a common conceptual framework, the terminology, assumptions and samples of existing work make cross-disciplinary work challenging. This volume was an initial effort to move towards stitching together existing work and producing a cohesive theory of elites and economic development for the future.
