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This chapter summarizes the main findings and discusses how the theory developed on creating a constitution can be productively applied to reflect on the constitution-making processes today. It extracts some preliminary lessons from the Athenian constitution-making with the case of Myanmar. The victory of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in the 2015 election marked an important step toward peace and democratization in Myanmar. Yet, both the transition and the pacification of the country hang in the balance. The Rohingya crisis is one of many obstacles on Myanmar's road to peace and stability. The chapter also argues that another one Myanmar's obstacles is the 2008 constitution, because of the power that it bestows on Myanmar's armed forces, and because of the absence of a meaningful engagement with ethnic demands. Constitutional reforms are high on Aung San Suu Kyi's agenda—but direct action has proved ineffective. Negotiations have since then taken the form of a political dialogue.

This chapter discusses the nature of the dialogue between the European institutions and Catholic, Protestant and Anglican organisations. It investigates the intention of the Evangelical Church of Germany to have an official representation in Brussels in 1969 and the significance of the President of the European Commission’s refusal. In contrast, after de Gaulle’s resignation and the 1969 summit in The Hague, in 1970 the Holy See was able to establish diplomatic relations with the European Community. This chapter investigates Catholic–Protestant relations with European institutions which led to the 1974 Roehampton Conference. The conference focused on the finalité, the ‘nature and purpose’ of the European Community, and demonstrated the climax of religious cooperation after the Second World War with its decision to establish a joint Catholic–Protestant group assessing development policy.

This chapter provides a general overview of the 2010 EU-Korea Framework Agreement, as background material to the more detailed discussion of particular aspects of the Framework Agreement in Part 3 of the book. The chapter starts by giving a brief drafting history of the instrument followed by an explanation of its structure. Given that the Agreement relies upon further cooperation between the parties to achieve many of its aims, the chapter also considers the various mechanisms through which the agreement could be implemented by the parties, including regular bilateral consultation and political dialogue, joint projects, cooperation within the framework of other international or regional organisations, or the negotiation of additional sectoral agreements.

In democratic states, the decisions concerning important social problems may be attained by means of two different modes: by means of political competition and struggle, in which the winners can impose a solution according to its own interests and values (the adversarial mode), or through dialogue aimed at solving the problem collectively (the deliberative approach). The adversarial approach assumes that there are winners and losers, whereas the deliberative approach creates a potential opportunity to consider the interests and perspectives of different parties. Critics regard the deliberative approach as unrealistic and point to its limitations. This chapter explores the example of the Round Table talks in Poland, which led to a peaceful transformation of the sociopolitical system, to discuss the psychological and social determinants of the effectiveness of this approach in politics.

This chapter seeks to answer the question: What internal Cuban legal adjustments are necessary for Cuba to enter into a fully normalized relationship with the United States. and the rest of the world? The chapter first focuses on the adjustments Cuba might have to undertake if it is to embed itself within the structures of global trade and finance. Next, the chapter examines the extent to which Cuba is disposed to consider these possible reforms. Third, it examines what may be possible in the aftermath of the U.S. presidential election of 2016 (and its aftermath) and other global changes, including the emergence of a Chinese alternative to national embedding in global trade. These have considerably changed the terrain within with the consequences of U.S.-Cuba normalization can be considered. The examination considers the value of the European Union’s strategic initiative, the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA), as a viable basis for Cuban reintegration in the global economy.

The conclusion offers an overview of the relationship between the ecumenical movement and the European Community, focusing on the main issues and patterns of dialogue at both national and supranational levels.

While relations in the 1950s between churches and European institutions were rather informal, in 1963 churches from six member states plus Britain decided to establish a Consultative Commission of Churches. The Commission drew from the experience of Protestant and Anglican laymen on European affairs and discussed the response of churches to the evolution of the European Community. The Commission was crucial in establishing an Ecumenical Centre in Brussels which acted as a liaison between European institutions and wider ecumenical movement. It is particularly significant that most meetings of the Consultative Commission took place at the headquarters of the relevant European institutions, thus bringing together clergymen and top European officials. This chapter examines the ecumenical movement’s perception of the European Community and the institutionalisation of religious and political contact between churches and European institutions.

This chapter rescales the analysis to the level of the community to ask about the way homeowners reshape the places where they live. Deepening current theories of NIMBY politics, it argues that homeowners often steer local political discussions as they work to protect their property values. Contrary to classic accounts of community engagement, which highlight the benefits to communities from high levels of civic participation, this chapter shows that homeowners often participate in a politics of exclusion. Their involvement narrows the opportunity for meaningful political dialogue and prioritizes property values over other community interests. Homeowners’ participation keeps people from accessing high-opportunity neighborhoods and reinforces symbolic boundaries between homeowners and renters.

Finding a lasting peaceful solution to the conflict in Somalia has eluded both national and international actors since the fall of the Siad Barre regime. This chapter assesses the possibilities for negotiations with Al-Shabaab. It draws on two separate field research missions conducted in 2016 to see whether there is interest on the part of Al-Shabaab leaders to disengage and pursue political dialogue with the Somali Federal Government. It also considers the conditions in which they will negotiate, where negotiations could take place, and who could participate in negotiations. Analysis of the research findings suggests that Al-Shabaab's leadership is willing to pursue conditional political dialogue with the Somali government as long as certain conditions are met. These conditions are perhaps better considered as political demands, which appear to be quite far-reaching. These include the withdrawal of foreign forces and a general amnesty for Al-Shabaab members.