Monica Najar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195309003
- eISBN:
- 9780199867561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309003.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in ...
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This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.Less
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.
Hannah Barker
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207412
- eISBN:
- 9780191677663
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207412.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Historians have traditionally attributed great influence to newspapers in late eighteenth-century England. Yet in spite of the power they were supposed to wield, very ...
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Historians have traditionally attributed great influence to newspapers in late eighteenth-century England. Yet in spite of the power they were supposed to wield, very little is known about the newspaper press itself during this period. This book examines the ways in which both London and provincial newspapers operated, the fashioning of their politics, and their relationships with politicians, and, crucially, their readers. In particular, this book is concerned with the ways in which newspapers both represented and shaped public opinion. By concentrating on the late 1770s and early 1780s, and on events and debates surrounding the movement for political reform, these areas are brought into sharper focus, as are important and related issues such as the changing nature of popular political debate, the role of ‘the people’ in politics, and the composition of the political nation.Less
Historians have traditionally attributed great influence to newspapers in late eighteenth-century England. Yet in spite of the power they were supposed to wield, very little is known about the newspaper press itself during this period. This book examines the ways in which both London and provincial newspapers operated, the fashioning of their politics, and their relationships with politicians, and, crucially, their readers. In particular, this book is concerned with the ways in which newspapers both represented and shaped public opinion. By concentrating on the late 1770s and early 1780s, and on events and debates surrounding the movement for political reform, these areas are brought into sharper focus, as are important and related issues such as the changing nature of popular political debate, the role of ‘the people’ in politics, and the composition of the political nation.
Feargal Cochrane and Seamus Dunn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse ...
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The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse collection of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CROs in Northern Ireland were founded to deal with the symptoms of the conflict, not its real or perceived causes, and member characteristics were largely determined by which symptoms P/CROs focused on; however, most members were broadly left leaning. Some P/CROs targeted specific communities, some sought to influence a broader audience, and others did both. While smaller, less formal P/CROS needed little income, larger groups required more funding, and sometimes had to professionalize in order to secure it, although relationships with funders tended to be relaxed. While P/CROs clearly had no direct impact on the peace process, they did introduce an “inclusivist” philosophy into the political arena, encouraged political debate, and provided an extra tier of progressive leadership.Less
The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse collection of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CROs in Northern Ireland were founded to deal with the symptoms of the conflict, not its real or perceived causes, and member characteristics were largely determined by which symptoms P/CROs focused on; however, most members were broadly left leaning. Some P/CROs targeted specific communities, some sought to influence a broader audience, and others did both. While smaller, less formal P/CROS needed little income, larger groups required more funding, and sometimes had to professionalize in order to secure it, although relationships with funders tended to be relaxed. While P/CROs clearly had no direct impact on the peace process, they did introduce an “inclusivist” philosophy into the political arena, encouraged political debate, and provided an extra tier of progressive leadership.
Jack Knight and James Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151236
- eISBN:
- 9781400840335
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151236.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This concluding chapter assesses the ways in which this study's pragmatist account might answer the practical question about the acceptance of democratic politics. Unlike most normative arguments, ...
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This concluding chapter assesses the ways in which this study's pragmatist account might answer the practical question about the acceptance of democratic politics. Unlike most normative arguments, this study's pragmatist account directly incorporates the inevitability of disagreement and conflict. In doing so, it provides an argument for the central role of ongoing political debate in establishing and maintaining the bases of legitimacy and obligation. And, through an analysis of the effects of democratic decision making on the collective outcomes that it produces, the study makes a case for the superiority of a democratic institutional framework as the forum for undertaking such debates. It argues that when there is persistent conflict and disagreement, making collective decisions democratically is the best means of creating an institutional environmental in which both individual and collective life plans can be effectively pursued.Less
This concluding chapter assesses the ways in which this study's pragmatist account might answer the practical question about the acceptance of democratic politics. Unlike most normative arguments, this study's pragmatist account directly incorporates the inevitability of disagreement and conflict. In doing so, it provides an argument for the central role of ongoing political debate in establishing and maintaining the bases of legitimacy and obligation. And, through an analysis of the effects of democratic decision making on the collective outcomes that it produces, the study makes a case for the superiority of a democratic institutional framework as the forum for undertaking such debates. It argues that when there is persistent conflict and disagreement, making collective decisions democratically is the best means of creating an institutional environmental in which both individual and collective life plans can be effectively pursued.
Michelle O'Callaghan
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198186380
- eISBN:
- 9780191674549
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198186380.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature, Poetry
As certain political issues were amplified by the Bohemian crisis, English politics shifted their attention to coming up with measures that would put an end to the crisis and other various conflicts. ...
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As certain political issues were amplified by the Bohemian crisis, English politics shifted their attention to coming up with measures that would put an end to the crisis and other various conflicts. While the Spanish occupation of the Palatinate brought about various anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish movements, the court had to be exposed to a range of criticisms. It was believed that James's effort at trying to set up Charles's marriage with a Spanish infant could have been influenced by the court which was somehow in favor of Spain. Because politics in this period is said to be polarized, this period also experienced a ‘revolution in the dissemination of news’ through the corantos or the first newspapers published in that era. The public sphere's extension was brought about by certain restrictions on political debates of the public.Less
As certain political issues were amplified by the Bohemian crisis, English politics shifted their attention to coming up with measures that would put an end to the crisis and other various conflicts. While the Spanish occupation of the Palatinate brought about various anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish movements, the court had to be exposed to a range of criticisms. It was believed that James's effort at trying to set up Charles's marriage with a Spanish infant could have been influenced by the court which was somehow in favor of Spain. Because politics in this period is said to be polarized, this period also experienced a ‘revolution in the dissemination of news’ through the corantos or the first newspapers published in that era. The public sphere's extension was brought about by certain restrictions on political debates of the public.
Adam Seth Levine
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691162966
- eISBN:
- 9781400852130
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162966.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these ...
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Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, this book sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals—asking them to devote money or time to politics—remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. The book explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, the book offers a new perspective on collective participation.Less
Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, this book sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals—asking them to devote money or time to politics—remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. The book explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, the book offers a new perspective on collective participation.
John Miller
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199288397
- eISBN:
- 9780191710902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288397.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. The period 1660-1722 saw political debate and discord become a normal part of English urban life. National politics impinged far more ...
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This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. The period 1660-1722 saw political debate and discord become a normal part of English urban life. National politics impinged far more on townspeople's lives than in the 16th century, when few parliamentary elections were contested, so there was no need to place issues before the electors. The clear-cut division between Tories and Whigs was thrown into turmoil by James II, but it reappeared in late 1688 as Whigs and Tories jostled for power under the new king. During the 18th century, some corporations became notorious for self-seeking oligarchy and corruption but such vices were less apparent in the early part of the century.Less
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. The period 1660-1722 saw political debate and discord become a normal part of English urban life. National politics impinged far more on townspeople's lives than in the 16th century, when few parliamentary elections were contested, so there was no need to place issues before the electors. The clear-cut division between Tories and Whigs was thrown into turmoil by James II, but it reappeared in late 1688 as Whigs and Tories jostled for power under the new king. During the 18th century, some corporations became notorious for self-seeking oligarchy and corruption but such vices were less apparent in the early part of the century.
Regina Grafe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144849
- eISBN:
- 9781400840533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144849.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This concluding chapter shows how it is impossible to ignore that the political, economic, social, linguistic, and cultural relations between center and periphery are to this day the single most ...
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This concluding chapter shows how it is impossible to ignore that the political, economic, social, linguistic, and cultural relations between center and periphery are to this day the single most important issue in Spain while they hardly appear in the political debates. The real issue is that important parts of the political economy and historical sociology that are used to trace the emergence of early modern European nation-states and nationally integrated markets becomes questionable in light of Spanish early modern history. The first casualty is the lopsided focus of political economy on the predatory state. The unfinished construction site of the creation of the Spanish early modern nation and market was that the state never became autonomous enough.Less
This concluding chapter shows how it is impossible to ignore that the political, economic, social, linguistic, and cultural relations between center and periphery are to this day the single most important issue in Spain while they hardly appear in the political debates. The real issue is that important parts of the political economy and historical sociology that are used to trace the emergence of early modern European nation-states and nationally integrated markets becomes questionable in light of Spanish early modern history. The first casualty is the lopsided focus of political economy on the predatory state. The unfinished construction site of the creation of the Spanish early modern nation and market was that the state never became autonomous enough.
INGRID MONSON
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195128253
- eISBN:
- 9780199864492
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195128253.003.0007
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
One of the most notable differences between the Down Beat of the 1950s and that of the 1960s is the amount of space devoted to public forums which aired intense and racially polarized debates on ...
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One of the most notable differences between the Down Beat of the 1950s and that of the 1960s is the amount of space devoted to public forums which aired intense and racially polarized debates on these themes. Although these events frequently climaxed with deep divides between black and white participants, secondary splits often occurred as well — between older and younger musicians, between white advocates of color blindness and white leftists sympathetic to black nationalism, and between those for whom merit was measured in relationship to musical standards of mainstream jazz, and those who advocated the unbounded experimentalism of the New Thing. This chapter analyzes two of these panel discussions — “Racial Prejudice in Jazz” (Down Beat, March 1962) and “Point of Contact” (Down Beat Music 1966) — not only for what they reveal about the racial discourse of the 1960s, but also for their ongoing relevance to debates about music and race in the 21st century.Less
One of the most notable differences between the Down Beat of the 1950s and that of the 1960s is the amount of space devoted to public forums which aired intense and racially polarized debates on these themes. Although these events frequently climaxed with deep divides between black and white participants, secondary splits often occurred as well — between older and younger musicians, between white advocates of color blindness and white leftists sympathetic to black nationalism, and between those for whom merit was measured in relationship to musical standards of mainstream jazz, and those who advocated the unbounded experimentalism of the New Thing. This chapter analyzes two of these panel discussions — “Racial Prejudice in Jazz” (Down Beat, March 1962) and “Point of Contact” (Down Beat Music 1966) — not only for what they reveal about the racial discourse of the 1960s, but also for their ongoing relevance to debates about music and race in the 21st century.
Jose Harris
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206859
- eISBN:
- 9780191677335
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206859.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
The debate on the nature of the social sciences was the most prolonged and all-pervasive of all the disputed subjects which concerned Beveridge. Beveridge as a young man had firmly attached himself ...
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The debate on the nature of the social sciences was the most prolonged and all-pervasive of all the disputed subjects which concerned Beveridge. Beveridge as a young man had firmly attached himself to the ‘empirical’ tradition in social science. These beliefs were sharply distinguished from both the ‘pure’ and ‘applied’ traditions of sociological inquiry established at the London School of Economics (LSE). Beveridge's opinions on the nature of social science became controversial and his conflicts with his staff were closely bound up with the method and manner of his government of the LSE. In his history of the School, Beveridge recalled that it had once been described by a committee of inspection as a ‘benevolent autocracy’. Such a combination of attitudes probably greatly facilitated the rapid growth of the LSE but it did not leave much scope for sharing important decisions with members of his staff.Less
The debate on the nature of the social sciences was the most prolonged and all-pervasive of all the disputed subjects which concerned Beveridge. Beveridge as a young man had firmly attached himself to the ‘empirical’ tradition in social science. These beliefs were sharply distinguished from both the ‘pure’ and ‘applied’ traditions of sociological inquiry established at the London School of Economics (LSE). Beveridge's opinions on the nature of social science became controversial and his conflicts with his staff were closely bound up with the method and manner of his government of the LSE. In his history of the School, Beveridge recalled that it had once been described by a committee of inspection as a ‘benevolent autocracy’. Such a combination of attitudes probably greatly facilitated the rapid growth of the LSE but it did not leave much scope for sharing important decisions with members of his staff.
Tony Crowley
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273430
- eISBN:
- 9780191706202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273430.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This chapter presents the broad outlines of the book by giving specific historical examples of the type of debates under consideration. Working within the broad limits of the field of the politics of ...
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This chapter presents the broad outlines of the book by giving specific historical examples of the type of debates under consideration. Working within the broad limits of the field of the politics of language, it introduces central themes which recur: identity, authority, legitimacy, cultural struggle, and political debate. The contradictions of the story are encapsulated in the words of Stephen Dedalus in James Joyce's A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. At one point, Stephen says that English, ‘so familiar and so foreign, will always be for me an acquired speech’. Later, he denounces an Englishman with whom he has had an argument over the meaning of a word, by asking: ‘what did he come here for to teach us his own language or to learn it from us’. Such complexities are explored in this and later chapters.Less
This chapter presents the broad outlines of the book by giving specific historical examples of the type of debates under consideration. Working within the broad limits of the field of the politics of language, it introduces central themes which recur: identity, authority, legitimacy, cultural struggle, and political debate. The contradictions of the story are encapsulated in the words of Stephen Dedalus in James Joyce's A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. At one point, Stephen says that English, ‘so familiar and so foreign, will always be for me an acquired speech’. Later, he denounces an Englishman with whom he has had an argument over the meaning of a word, by asking: ‘what did he come here for to teach us his own language or to learn it from us’. Such complexities are explored in this and later chapters.
René Urueña
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199658244
- eISBN:
- 9780199949915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658244.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter considers the roles played by the indicators of the circumstances and numbers of internally displaced persons in Colombia, which is an issue of great importance in the country, and is a ...
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This chapter considers the roles played by the indicators of the circumstances and numbers of internally displaced persons in Colombia, which is an issue of great importance in the country, and is a result of massive violence. It first outlines the movement of numbers from local compliers — that have little to no direct influence — into reports of well-known external organizations (e.g. United Nations), then back to Colombian political debates and news media. It considers the possibility of the presence of a dialectic element in the process of creating and applying indicators, which can be used for local purposes that are not related to their original ‘global’ origin. This chapter also takes a look at the interaction between the users and the producers of indicators.Less
This chapter considers the roles played by the indicators of the circumstances and numbers of internally displaced persons in Colombia, which is an issue of great importance in the country, and is a result of massive violence. It first outlines the movement of numbers from local compliers — that have little to no direct influence — into reports of well-known external organizations (e.g. United Nations), then back to Colombian political debates and news media. It considers the possibility of the presence of a dialectic element in the process of creating and applying indicators, which can be used for local purposes that are not related to their original ‘global’ origin. This chapter also takes a look at the interaction between the users and the producers of indicators.
Luke Clements
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861344250
- eISBN:
- 9781447302087
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861344250.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
Over the past two decades, there has been increasing recognition of the ways in which disabled children and adults have been denied human and civil rights that others take for granted. In the year ...
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Over the past two decades, there has been increasing recognition of the ways in which disabled children and adults have been denied human and civil rights that others take for granted. In the year 2000, the Human Rights Act 1998 came into force in the United Kingdom. This book reviews the implications of the Act for disabled people. It provides a clear and accessible account of the potential of the Human Rights Act to make a positive difference in relation to issues that have been identified through research, policy development, and political debate as significant in the lives of disabled people.Less
Over the past two decades, there has been increasing recognition of the ways in which disabled children and adults have been denied human and civil rights that others take for granted. In the year 2000, the Human Rights Act 1998 came into force in the United Kingdom. This book reviews the implications of the Act for disabled people. It provides a clear and accessible account of the potential of the Human Rights Act to make a positive difference in relation to issues that have been identified through research, policy development, and political debate as significant in the lives of disabled people.
Julie Macfarlane
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199753918
- eISBN:
- 9780199949588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753918.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter explores the identity of Muslims in the West as both “newcomers” and “outsiders.” It explores the meaning of shari’a—guidelines for living as a good Muslim—for Muslims in non-Muslim ...
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This chapter explores the identity of Muslims in the West as both “newcomers” and “outsiders.” It explores the meaning of shari’a—guidelines for living as a good Muslim—for Muslims in non-Muslim states, and addresses some of the most common misapprehensions about its content and significance. Widespread recourse to informal Islamic marriage and divorce processes among North American Muslims, whatever their level of formal religiosity, offers a working example of the development of a North American shari’a. Two recent political debates—in Ontario (2003–2005) and the United Kingdom (2008)—have set the stage for a further examination of how the secular state might respond to the existence of a parallel private ordering system of Muslim family practices.Less
This chapter explores the identity of Muslims in the West as both “newcomers” and “outsiders.” It explores the meaning of shari’a—guidelines for living as a good Muslim—for Muslims in non-Muslim states, and addresses some of the most common misapprehensions about its content and significance. Widespread recourse to informal Islamic marriage and divorce processes among North American Muslims, whatever their level of formal religiosity, offers a working example of the development of a North American shari’a. Two recent political debates—in Ontario (2003–2005) and the United Kingdom (2008)—have set the stage for a further examination of how the secular state might respond to the existence of a parallel private ordering system of Muslim family practices.
Victor Ferreres Comella
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199296033
- eISBN:
- 9780191700736
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296033.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
In its case law concerning freedom of expression, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has linked this right both to collective and to individual interests. It has held that freedom of ...
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In its case law concerning freedom of expression, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has linked this right both to collective and to individual interests. It has held that freedom of expression is ‘one of the basic conditions for the progress of democratic societies and for the development of each individual’. When speech relates to political matters, however, the collective aspect needs to be emphasized. The proper functioning of the democratic process requires that citizens can offer and receive information about, and exchange opinions about, public issues. As the ECHR has said, ‘freedom of political debate is at the very core of the concept of a democratic society which prevails throughout the Convention’. Finally, it is important to emphasize that, in a democracy, judicial decisions are and should be criticized, not only by experts on narrow technical grounds, but also by politicians, the media, and ordinary citizens, in the light of general standards of justice.Less
In its case law concerning freedom of expression, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has linked this right both to collective and to individual interests. It has held that freedom of expression is ‘one of the basic conditions for the progress of democratic societies and for the development of each individual’. When speech relates to political matters, however, the collective aspect needs to be emphasized. The proper functioning of the democratic process requires that citizens can offer and receive information about, and exchange opinions about, public issues. As the ECHR has said, ‘freedom of political debate is at the very core of the concept of a democratic society which prevails throughout the Convention’. Finally, it is important to emphasize that, in a democracy, judicial decisions are and should be criticized, not only by experts on narrow technical grounds, but also by politicians, the media, and ordinary citizens, in the light of general standards of justice.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804763837
- eISBN:
- 9780804781046
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804763837.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This chapter focuses on the political debates aired in the Jewish political sphere during the elections to the first two Russian State Dumas in 1906 and 1907. It shows how participatory politics and ...
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This chapter focuses on the political debates aired in the Jewish political sphere during the elections to the first two Russian State Dumas in 1906 and 1907. It shows how participatory politics and the subsequent politicization of ethnicity altered the Jewish conceptions of community and self.Less
This chapter focuses on the political debates aired in the Jewish political sphere during the elections to the first two Russian State Dumas in 1906 and 1907. It shows how participatory politics and the subsequent politicization of ethnicity altered the Jewish conceptions of community and self.
John Tobin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199603299
- eISBN:
- 9780191731662
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199603299.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This introductory chapter seeks to locate the place and status of the right to health within contemporary social and political debates. A picture emerges of the right to health that is far more ...
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This introductory chapter seeks to locate the place and status of the right to health within contemporary social and political debates. A picture emerges of the right to health that is far more contested and much less central to political and social debates concerning health care than its most enthusiastic advocates would suggest. But this is a far cry from concluding that the right to health is irrelevant. On the contrary, there is no doubting that it is increasingly an unavoidable part of public health discourse. The central challenge is to move the right from the periphery to the centre of such debates, a challenge that will require far more sophisticated and hard-headed analysis on the part of lawyers, health professionals, and public policy makers. The chapter outlines the approach to be adopted in an attempt to meet this challenge.Less
This introductory chapter seeks to locate the place and status of the right to health within contemporary social and political debates. A picture emerges of the right to health that is far more contested and much less central to political and social debates concerning health care than its most enthusiastic advocates would suggest. But this is a far cry from concluding that the right to health is irrelevant. On the contrary, there is no doubting that it is increasingly an unavoidable part of public health discourse. The central challenge is to move the right from the periphery to the centre of such debates, a challenge that will require far more sophisticated and hard-headed analysis on the part of lawyers, health professionals, and public policy makers. The chapter outlines the approach to be adopted in an attempt to meet this challenge.
MARK A. NOLAN and PENELOPE J. OAKES
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199264063
- eISBN:
- 9780191718304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264063.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter begins by describing human rights use as a psychological response to injustice and is then followed by a discussion of the empirical findings. It presents empirical findings that suggest ...
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This chapter begins by describing human rights use as a psychological response to injustice and is then followed by a discussion of the empirical findings. It presents empirical findings that suggest Australians assert human rights as one of a number of possible political responses to felt harm and perceived injustice. It also talks about the responses of the Australians to the existence of a mandatory sentencing scheme, and the exclusion of lesbians and single women from using assisted reproductive technology. It notes that despite the absence of an Australian bill of rights, respondents were motivated to use human rights arguments to press social justice claims. It explains that this willingness to use rights concepts challenges people to consider how to best provide mechanisms of human rights protection that remain relevant to the needs of aggrieved persons.Less
This chapter begins by describing human rights use as a psychological response to injustice and is then followed by a discussion of the empirical findings. It presents empirical findings that suggest Australians assert human rights as one of a number of possible political responses to felt harm and perceived injustice. It also talks about the responses of the Australians to the existence of a mandatory sentencing scheme, and the exclusion of lesbians and single women from using assisted reproductive technology. It notes that despite the absence of an Australian bill of rights, respondents were motivated to use human rights arguments to press social justice claims. It explains that this willingness to use rights concepts challenges people to consider how to best provide mechanisms of human rights protection that remain relevant to the needs of aggrieved persons.
Jennie Bristow
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300236835
- eISBN:
- 9780300249422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300236835.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter argues that the idea that older people, who have ‘already lived their lives’, should have no say in the future of our society, expresses the toxic impact of generationalism on political ...
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This chapter argues that the idea that older people, who have ‘already lived their lives’, should have no say in the future of our society, expresses the toxic impact of generationalism on political debate. In their determination to present political conflicts as a clash of interests between old and young, generation warriors promote a version of citizenship that is as anti-democratic as it is anti-social. A tangled web is woven from dubious statistics, barely veiled prejudices, and contradictory arguments, to promote a particular kind of political and policy agenda. Here, the ‘youth vote’ has become a symbolic vehicle for pushing through a certain set of values, by a section of the elite that finds itself on the defensive and lacking in popular support. The flipside of this artificial promotion of the youth vote is the denigration of the ‘senior’ vote — and the people who cast it.Less
This chapter argues that the idea that older people, who have ‘already lived their lives’, should have no say in the future of our society, expresses the toxic impact of generationalism on political debate. In their determination to present political conflicts as a clash of interests between old and young, generation warriors promote a version of citizenship that is as anti-democratic as it is anti-social. A tangled web is woven from dubious statistics, barely veiled prejudices, and contradictory arguments, to promote a particular kind of political and policy agenda. Here, the ‘youth vote’ has become a symbolic vehicle for pushing through a certain set of values, by a section of the elite that finds itself on the defensive and lacking in popular support. The flipside of this artificial promotion of the youth vote is the denigration of the ‘senior’ vote — and the people who cast it.
Hanspeter Kriesi and Edgar Grande
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198724483
- eISBN:
- 9780191792106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198724483.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter shows that the euro crisis has been boosting the Europeanization of the political debate in EU member states, but that Europeanization is not coterminous with politicization. With ...
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This chapter shows that the euro crisis has been boosting the Europeanization of the political debate in EU member states, but that Europeanization is not coterminous with politicization. With respect to politicization, the results are mixed: while the debate has been exceptionally salient and has contributed to the visibility of Europe in the politics of the European nation states, it has not accelerated the transfer of European politics into ‘mass politics’. The debate on the euro crisis has been dominated by executive actors, in particular by supranational actors and by the German executive.Less
This chapter shows that the euro crisis has been boosting the Europeanization of the political debate in EU member states, but that Europeanization is not coterminous with politicization. With respect to politicization, the results are mixed: while the debate has been exceptionally salient and has contributed to the visibility of Europe in the politics of the European nation states, it has not accelerated the transfer of European politics into ‘mass politics’. The debate on the euro crisis has been dominated by executive actors, in particular by supranational actors and by the German executive.
