Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It ...
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The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It then examines how nationalism may or may not be compatible with contemporary currents in liberal political theory, following in the footsteps of Will Kymlicka, Yael Tamir, David Miller, Jacob Levy, and others. It ends with an appendix evaluating Rogers Brubaker’s argument on why political theorists should avoid legitimizing the vocabulary of nationalists — including the category of ‘nation’ — when explaining nationalist movements.Less
The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It then examines how nationalism may or may not be compatible with contemporary currents in liberal political theory, following in the footsteps of Will Kymlicka, Yael Tamir, David Miller, Jacob Levy, and others. It ends with an appendix evaluating Rogers Brubaker’s argument on why political theorists should avoid legitimizing the vocabulary of nationalists — including the category of ‘nation’ — when explaining nationalist movements.
Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Inspired by a revival of Tocqueville's liberalism, the critique of French political culture was launched by Aron, Hoffmann, Crozier, Furet, and Rosanvallon. However, it was from socialist reformists ...
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Inspired by a revival of Tocqueville's liberalism, the critique of French political culture was launched by Aron, Hoffmann, Crozier, Furet, and Rosanvallon. However, it was from socialist reformists Delors and Rocard that the priority for civil society over statism was pursued politically, especially in the 1980s. Despite its impact, compared to that of capitalist globalization associational liberalism has petered out.Less
Inspired by a revival of Tocqueville's liberalism, the critique of French political culture was launched by Aron, Hoffmann, Crozier, Furet, and Rosanvallon. However, it was from socialist reformists Delors and Rocard that the priority for civil society over statism was pursued politically, especially in the 1980s. Despite its impact, compared to that of capitalist globalization associational liberalism has petered out.
Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
National disunity has been perpetuated and exacerbated by competing interpretations of the French Revolution despite effort to inculcate a common political culture. The authoritarian clericalism of ...
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National disunity has been perpetuated and exacerbated by competing interpretations of the French Revolution despite effort to inculcate a common political culture. The authoritarian clericalism of Maistre, the Protestant liberalism of Madame de Stael and Constant, the political scientism of the Ideologues, the industrial positivism of Saint-Simon and Comte, the Republican political economy of Say, and the historicist Orleanism of the Doctrinaires are successively confronted.Less
National disunity has been perpetuated and exacerbated by competing interpretations of the French Revolution despite effort to inculcate a common political culture. The authoritarian clericalism of Maistre, the Protestant liberalism of Madame de Stael and Constant, the political scientism of the Ideologues, the industrial positivism of Saint-Simon and Comte, the Republican political economy of Say, and the historicist Orleanism of the Doctrinaires are successively confronted.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199268436
- eISBN:
- 9780191708572
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very ...
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Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very pillars of representative democracy. This book documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. Assembling a large array of cross-national public opinion data, this book traces the current challenges to democracy primary to changing citizen values and rising expectations. These dissatisfied democrats are concentrated among the young, the better educated, and the politically sophisticated. At the same time, the evidence debunks claims that such trends are a function of scandals, poor performance, and other government failures. Changing public opinion is born from the successful social modernization of these nations. A creedal passion for democracy is sweeping across the Western democracies, and people now expect more of their governments. This book concludes by examining the consequences of these changing images of government. The book finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fuelling demands for political reform. The choices that democracies may in response to these challenges lead to a further expansion of the democratic process and a new relationship between citizens and their government.Less
Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very pillars of representative democracy. This book documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. Assembling a large array of cross-national public opinion data, this book traces the current challenges to democracy primary to changing citizen values and rising expectations. These dissatisfied democrats are concentrated among the young, the better educated, and the politically sophisticated. At the same time, the evidence debunks claims that such trends are a function of scandals, poor performance, and other government failures. Changing public opinion is born from the successful social modernization of these nations. A creedal passion for democracy is sweeping across the Western democracies, and people now expect more of their governments. This book concludes by examining the consequences of these changing images of government. The book finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fuelling demands for political reform. The choices that democracies may in response to these challenges lead to a further expansion of the democratic process and a new relationship between citizens and their government.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Political events and democratization have created emerging questions for the analysis of comparative politics. This provides opportunities to test the role of political culture, voting preferences, ...
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Political events and democratization have created emerging questions for the analysis of comparative politics. This provides opportunities to test the role of political culture, voting preferences, and the link between political norms and behaviour prior to stable democracies in equilibrium, on which formerly research has focused. Major advances in comparative political behaviour reflect the individualization of electoral behaviour in value change and modernization, and the contribution of political culture due to patterns of democratization.Less
Political events and democratization have created emerging questions for the analysis of comparative politics. This provides opportunities to test the role of political culture, voting preferences, and the link between political norms and behaviour prior to stable democracies in equilibrium, on which formerly research has focused. Major advances in comparative political behaviour reflect the individualization of electoral behaviour in value change and modernization, and the contribution of political culture due to patterns of democratization.
Ogbu Kalu
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195340006
- eISBN:
- 9780199867073
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340006.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
The interdisciplinary approach to interpreting African Pentecostalism could gain much from the discourses on modernity and globalism. This chapter profiles the globalization discourse as a version of ...
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The interdisciplinary approach to interpreting African Pentecostalism could gain much from the discourses on modernity and globalism. This chapter profiles the globalization discourse as a version of the modernity discourse writ large, and points to its limitations. It illustrates the application of the instrumentalist discourse in the work of one of the avid commentators, Paul Gifford. Finally, it builds the backdrop for a different understanding of Pentecostal practice by arguing that the practice is a response to the substratum of African political culture.Less
The interdisciplinary approach to interpreting African Pentecostalism could gain much from the discourses on modernity and globalism. This chapter profiles the globalization discourse as a version of the modernity discourse writ large, and points to its limitations. It illustrates the application of the instrumentalist discourse in the work of one of the avid commentators, Paul Gifford. Finally, it builds the backdrop for a different understanding of Pentecostal practice by arguing that the practice is a response to the substratum of African political culture.
John McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199556212
- eISBN:
- 9780191721830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556212.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 looks at the common features and qualities of politics in Europe. It opens with a discussion about political culture, and about the difficulties of defining this term, and then of ...
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Chapter 4 looks at the common features and qualities of politics in Europe. It opens with a discussion about political culture, and about the difficulties of defining this term, and then of determining the forces that have been most telling in the formation of a European political culture. It then outlines some of the core features of European political culture, including collective responsibility and communitarianism, the pragmatic views regarding the possibilities of democracy, and changes in patterns of political participation. The second half of the chapter focuses on the institutional and procedural character of the European parliamentary model, and on what it has meant for the character of government in Europe, and how it impacts Europeanist views on the dynamics of politics. It ends with a brief assessment of the prospects for understanding and defining the European political space.Less
Chapter 4 looks at the common features and qualities of politics in Europe. It opens with a discussion about political culture, and about the difficulties of defining this term, and then of determining the forces that have been most telling in the formation of a European political culture. It then outlines some of the core features of European political culture, including collective responsibility and communitarianism, the pragmatic views regarding the possibilities of democracy, and changes in patterns of political participation. The second half of the chapter focuses on the institutional and procedural character of the European parliamentary model, and on what it has meant for the character of government in Europe, and how it impacts Europeanist views on the dynamics of politics. It ends with a brief assessment of the prospects for understanding and defining the European political space.
Bart Kerremans
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296645
- eISBN:
- 9780191599613
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296649.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Belgium discusses the theory and practice of consensus building and how it affects Belgium’s European policy. It examines ...
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This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Belgium discusses the theory and practice of consensus building and how it affects Belgium’s European policy. It examines the principles that inform the system of EU policy co-ordination in Belgium, and assesses the impact of Belgian state reforms. The chapter has two main sections. The first, ‘Political Culture and Co-ordination’, looks at the political culture of co-ordination and the impact of culture on co-ordination. The second, ‘EU Policy Co-ordination in Belgium’, discusses the ‘horizontal’ dimensions of this co-ordination at the political and ambassadorial level, and the ‘vertical’ dimensions of the co-ordination at the technical level, with reference to the P.11 process (P.11 refers to the Directorate of European Affairs inside the federal Foreign Ministry, which organizes the P.11 meetings; these are weekly meetings, which discuss the co-ordination of Belgian EU policy).Less
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Belgium discusses the theory and practice of consensus building and how it affects Belgium’s European policy. It examines the principles that inform the system of EU policy co-ordination in Belgium, and assesses the impact of Belgian state reforms. The chapter has two main sections. The first, ‘Political Culture and Co-ordination’, looks at the political culture of co-ordination and the impact of culture on co-ordination. The second, ‘EU Policy Co-ordination in Belgium’, discusses the ‘horizontal’ dimensions of this co-ordination at the political and ambassadorial level, and the ‘vertical’ dimensions of the co-ordination at the technical level, with reference to the P.11 process (P.11 refers to the Directorate of European Affairs inside the federal Foreign Ministry, which organizes the P.11 meetings; these are weekly meetings, which discuss the co-ordination of Belgian EU policy).
Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736416
- eISBN:
- 9780199866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736416.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter explores the more pernicious applications of ICTs, which are used in many Muslim countries not simply for censorship but for actively managing collective identity. The first part of the ...
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This chapter explores the more pernicious applications of ICTs, which are used in many Muslim countries not simply for censorship but for actively managing collective identity. The first part of the chapter explores the ways that political culture is now produced and consumed in Muslim countries. It reviews the most recent findings about techniques for political censorship and the efforts of activists to overcome these constraints. The chapter then demonstrates how political elites have effectively used the new media to construct and manage a transnational Muslim identity for people with significantly different cultural backgrounds. Through digital technologies, social elites attempt more than news censorship and email surveillance. They work to manage particular domains of Islamic political culture and identity formation for youth.Less
This chapter explores the more pernicious applications of ICTs, which are used in many Muslim countries not simply for censorship but for actively managing collective identity. The first part of the chapter explores the ways that political culture is now produced and consumed in Muslim countries. It reviews the most recent findings about techniques for political censorship and the efforts of activists to overcome these constraints. The chapter then demonstrates how political elites have effectively used the new media to construct and manage a transnational Muslim identity for people with significantly different cultural backgrounds. Through digital technologies, social elites attempt more than news censorship and email surveillance. They work to manage particular domains of Islamic political culture and identity formation for youth.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Power now does the work that culture used to do. This is seen in the tendency toward the politicization of nearly everything. Politicization is most visibly manifested in the role ideology has come ...
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Power now does the work that culture used to do. This is seen in the tendency toward the politicization of nearly everything. Politicization is most visibly manifested in the role ideology has come to play in public life, the well-established predisposition to interpret all of public life through the filter of partisan beliefs, values, ideals, and attachments. As a consequence, we find it difficult to think in ways to address public problems or issues in any way that is not political. Politicization means that the final arbiter within most of social life is the coercive power of the state. Our times amply demonstrate that it is far easier to force one’s will upon others through legal and political means than it is to persuade them or negotiate compromise with them. What adds pathos to this situation is the presence of ressentiment, defined by a combination of anger, envy, hate, rage, and revenge.Less
Power now does the work that culture used to do. This is seen in the tendency toward the politicization of nearly everything. Politicization is most visibly manifested in the role ideology has come to play in public life, the well-established predisposition to interpret all of public life through the filter of partisan beliefs, values, ideals, and attachments. As a consequence, we find it difficult to think in ways to address public problems or issues in any way that is not political. Politicization means that the final arbiter within most of social life is the coercive power of the state. Our times amply demonstrate that it is far easier to force one’s will upon others through legal and political means than it is to persuade them or negotiate compromise with them. What adds pathos to this situation is the presence of ressentiment, defined by a combination of anger, envy, hate, rage, and revenge.
Henning Grunwald
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199609048
- eISBN:
- 9780191744280
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199609048.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
What role did the courts play in the demise of Germany's first democracy and Hitler's rise to power? This book challenges the orthodox interpretation of Weimar political justice. It argues that an ...
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What role did the courts play in the demise of Germany's first democracy and Hitler's rise to power? This book challenges the orthodox interpretation of Weimar political justice. It argues that an exclusive focus on reactionary judges and a preoccupation with number-crunching verdicts has obscured precisely that aspect of trials most fascinating to contemporary observers: its drama. Drawing on untapped sources and material previously inaccessible in English, it shows how an innovative group of party lawyers transformed dry legal proceedings into spectacular ideological clashes. Supported by powerful party legal offices (hitherto almost entirely disregarded), they developed a sophisticated repertoire of techniques at the intersection of criminal law, politics, and public relations. Harnessing the emotional appeal of tens of thousands of trials, Communists and (emulating them) National Socialist institutionalized party legal aid in order to build their ideological communities. Defendants turned into martyrs, trials into performances of ideological self-sacrifice, and the courtroom into a ‘revolutionary stage’, as one prominent party lawyer put it. This political justice as ‘revolutionary stage’ powerfully impacted Weimar political culture. This book's argument about the theatricality of justice helps explain Weimar's demise but transcends interwar Germany. Trials were compelling not because they offered instruction about the revolutionary struggle, but because in a sense they were the revolutionary struggle, admittedly for the time being played out in the grit-your-teeth, clench-your-fist mode of the theatrical ‘as if’. The ideological struggle, their message ran, left no room for fairness, no possibility of a ‘neutral platform’: justice was unattainable until the Republic was destroyed.Less
What role did the courts play in the demise of Germany's first democracy and Hitler's rise to power? This book challenges the orthodox interpretation of Weimar political justice. It argues that an exclusive focus on reactionary judges and a preoccupation with number-crunching verdicts has obscured precisely that aspect of trials most fascinating to contemporary observers: its drama. Drawing on untapped sources and material previously inaccessible in English, it shows how an innovative group of party lawyers transformed dry legal proceedings into spectacular ideological clashes. Supported by powerful party legal offices (hitherto almost entirely disregarded), they developed a sophisticated repertoire of techniques at the intersection of criminal law, politics, and public relations. Harnessing the emotional appeal of tens of thousands of trials, Communists and (emulating them) National Socialist institutionalized party legal aid in order to build their ideological communities. Defendants turned into martyrs, trials into performances of ideological self-sacrifice, and the courtroom into a ‘revolutionary stage’, as one prominent party lawyer put it. This political justice as ‘revolutionary stage’ powerfully impacted Weimar political culture. This book's argument about the theatricality of justice helps explain Weimar's demise but transcends interwar Germany. Trials were compelling not because they offered instruction about the revolutionary struggle, but because in a sense they were the revolutionary struggle, admittedly for the time being played out in the grit-your-teeth, clench-your-fist mode of the theatrical ‘as if’. The ideological struggle, their message ran, left no room for fairness, no possibility of a ‘neutral platform’: justice was unattainable until the Republic was destroyed.
Monica Najar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195309003
- eISBN:
- 9780199867561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309003.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in ...
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This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.Less
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.
Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck and Katrin Voltmer
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199202836
- eISBN:
- 9780191695452
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202836.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the stability and viability of the new democracies that emerged during the ‘third-wave’ of democratization and the role that mass media played. It tries to find evidence that ...
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This chapter discusses the stability and viability of the new democracies that emerged during the ‘third-wave’ of democratization and the role that mass media played. It tries to find evidence that the media influenced the emergence of a political culture that supported the new democracies in various stages. It presents the media policy in the third-wave democracies, including the design of the study which, in turn, includes the orientations toward political systems, media dependency and selection of countries, and patterns and backgrounds of media exposure. The chapter concludes by answering four key questions: (1) Does the media matter?; (2) Is the media gravediggers or seedsmen of democracy?; (3) Does the medium matter?; and (4) Does the context matter?Less
This chapter discusses the stability and viability of the new democracies that emerged during the ‘third-wave’ of democratization and the role that mass media played. It tries to find evidence that the media influenced the emergence of a political culture that supported the new democracies in various stages. It presents the media policy in the third-wave democracies, including the design of the study which, in turn, includes the orientations toward political systems, media dependency and selection of countries, and patterns and backgrounds of media exposure. The chapter concludes by answering four key questions: (1) Does the media matter?; (2) Is the media gravediggers or seedsmen of democracy?; (3) Does the medium matter?; and (4) Does the context matter?
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
The fourth stage of Russia's federal transition—the ‘parade of treaties’—is the focus of this chapter. The legacy of Boris Yeltsin's presidency was the growth of institutional asymmetry, most notably ...
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The fourth stage of Russia's federal transition—the ‘parade of treaties’—is the focus of this chapter. The legacy of Boris Yeltsin's presidency was the growth of institutional asymmetry, most notably in the form of bilateral treaties he negotiated with regional executives. These ad hoc, extra‐constitutional political deals simultaneously held the struggling Federation together in the short term while undercutting its prospects for long‐term stability, particularly with regard to fiscal and legal relationships between federal and regional governments. The politics of their negotiation often undercut the crucially needed federal political culture that was already in very low supply in Yeltsin's Russian Federation. The negotiation and effects of bilateral treaties are examined in detail, especially in the republics of Bashkortostan, Sakha‐Yakutia, and Tatarstan.Less
The fourth stage of Russia's federal transition—the ‘parade of treaties’—is the focus of this chapter. The legacy of Boris Yeltsin's presidency was the growth of institutional asymmetry, most notably in the form of bilateral treaties he negotiated with regional executives. These ad hoc, extra‐constitutional political deals simultaneously held the struggling Federation together in the short term while undercutting its prospects for long‐term stability, particularly with regard to fiscal and legal relationships between federal and regional governments. The politics of their negotiation often undercut the crucially needed federal political culture that was already in very low supply in Yeltsin's Russian Federation. The negotiation and effects of bilateral treaties are examined in detail, especially in the republics of Bashkortostan, Sakha‐Yakutia, and Tatarstan.
Celia Szusterman
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines party politics in Argentina, in particular, the breakdown of trust between citizens and political parties. Topics discussed include the political legitimacy, organizational ...
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This chapter examines party politics in Argentina, in particular, the breakdown of trust between citizens and political parties. Topics discussed include the political legitimacy, organizational strength, and role of political parties in the process of government. The slogan, ‘Que se vayan todos!’ reflects the middle-class frustration with the inability of politicians to understand changes in the political culture that had taken place in Argentina since 1983. At the core of those changes is the unprecedented mobilization of civil society behind the banners of the human rights movement. Since 2002, an attempt to explain the breakdown of trust between citizens and parties has given rise to a further question: how is it that the widespread repudiation of politicians in 2002 did not result in the collapse of the party system as such, and the emergence of old-style populist leadership via extra-institutional actors, as in Venezuela, Peru, or Ecuador?Less
This chapter examines party politics in Argentina, in particular, the breakdown of trust between citizens and political parties. Topics discussed include the political legitimacy, organizational strength, and role of political parties in the process of government. The slogan, ‘Que se vayan todos!’ reflects the middle-class frustration with the inability of politicians to understand changes in the political culture that had taken place in Argentina since 1983. At the core of those changes is the unprecedented mobilization of civil society behind the banners of the human rights movement. Since 2002, an attempt to explain the breakdown of trust between citizens and parties has given rise to a further question: how is it that the widespread repudiation of politicians in 2002 did not result in the collapse of the party system as such, and the emergence of old-style populist leadership via extra-institutional actors, as in Venezuela, Peru, or Ecuador?
Amy J. Binder and Kate Wood
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691145372
- eISBN:
- 9781400844876
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691145372.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Education
This chapter examines in more abstract terms how universities, in combination with the broader political culture, cultivate distinctive styles of conservatism among students. It reviews research in ...
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This chapter examines in more abstract terms how universities, in combination with the broader political culture, cultivate distinctive styles of conservatism among students. It reviews research in the fields of higher education studies, cultural sociology, political theory, and organization studies to capture some of the more general processes observed at Eastern Elite University and Western Flagship University. In particular, it considers how social and cultural capital gives rise to the particular dominant conservative styles of civilized discourse at Eastern Elite, provocation in the Western Public university system, and the submerged styles seen at these different campuses. The chapter concludes by arguing that the model developed for studying student conservatism on both campuses is general enough to be useful to scholars studying other aspects of students' lives other than politics.Less
This chapter examines in more abstract terms how universities, in combination with the broader political culture, cultivate distinctive styles of conservatism among students. It reviews research in the fields of higher education studies, cultural sociology, political theory, and organization studies to capture some of the more general processes observed at Eastern Elite University and Western Flagship University. In particular, it considers how social and cultural capital gives rise to the particular dominant conservative styles of civilized discourse at Eastern Elite, provocation in the Western Public university system, and the submerged styles seen at these different campuses. The chapter concludes by arguing that the model developed for studying student conservatism on both campuses is general enough to be useful to scholars studying other aspects of students' lives other than politics.
Kathryn Gleadle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264492
- eISBN:
- 9780191734274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264492.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Historians of feminism, such as Jane Rendall, have demonstrated how the family was construed as a vital locus of civic virtue in Enlightenment histories, evangelical moralizing, and revolutionary ...
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Historians of feminism, such as Jane Rendall, have demonstrated how the family was construed as a vital locus of civic virtue in Enlightenment histories, evangelical moralizing, and revolutionary politics. More recently, scholars of elite politics have demonstrated that family networks of patronage and electoral influence were critical to the functioning of parliamentary politics. Within the family, gendered roles which privileged the position of the male head of the household remained remarkably enduring, a factor which complicated the construction of female political subjectivity. The family was an important forum for the constitution of political culture and women were sometimes fully implicated in this. It was a process which could — but did not inevitably — result in the construction of empowering female subjectivities. Whilst the bland imprecision of ‘female influence’ acknowledged women's potential for political input within the family, it obscured the complexities of exercising such sway within the actuality of family relations and underplayed the significance of broader cultural currents which prioritized wifely submission.Less
Historians of feminism, such as Jane Rendall, have demonstrated how the family was construed as a vital locus of civic virtue in Enlightenment histories, evangelical moralizing, and revolutionary politics. More recently, scholars of elite politics have demonstrated that family networks of patronage and electoral influence were critical to the functioning of parliamentary politics. Within the family, gendered roles which privileged the position of the male head of the household remained remarkably enduring, a factor which complicated the construction of female political subjectivity. The family was an important forum for the constitution of political culture and women were sometimes fully implicated in this. It was a process which could — but did not inevitably — result in the construction of empowering female subjectivities. Whilst the bland imprecision of ‘female influence’ acknowledged women's potential for political input within the family, it obscured the complexities of exercising such sway within the actuality of family relations and underplayed the significance of broader cultural currents which prioritized wifely submission.
Mandy Sadan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265550
- eISBN:
- 9780191760341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265550.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This concluding chapter refers back to the original intentions outlined in the Introduction and comments on how the preceding chapters have expanded upon those intentions. It proposes that further ...
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This concluding chapter refers back to the original intentions outlined in the Introduction and comments on how the preceding chapters have expanded upon those intentions. It proposes that further work of a similar kind in relation to other regions is greatly desired, but outlines some of the impediments to such work. It says that the book has demonstrated the complexity of Kachin ideological systems and Kachin political culture and how the underlying causes of conflict in the Kachin region cannot be reduced to a simplistic political narrative. Burmese national politicians have yet to engage with the kind of complex history outlined in this book. However, recognising the limitations of previous analysis is an important element of any national reconciliation and political rehabilitation.Less
This concluding chapter refers back to the original intentions outlined in the Introduction and comments on how the preceding chapters have expanded upon those intentions. It proposes that further work of a similar kind in relation to other regions is greatly desired, but outlines some of the impediments to such work. It says that the book has demonstrated the complexity of Kachin ideological systems and Kachin political culture and how the underlying causes of conflict in the Kachin region cannot be reduced to a simplistic political narrative. Burmese national politicians have yet to engage with the kind of complex history outlined in this book. However, recognising the limitations of previous analysis is an important element of any national reconciliation and political rehabilitation.
Carlos Flores Juberías
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297840
- eISBN:
- 9780191602016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829784X.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The most prominent features of the delegative chain in Spanish parliamentarism are an imbalance between delegation and accountability in general and an extreme concentration of power in the hands of ...
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The most prominent features of the delegative chain in Spanish parliamentarism are an imbalance between delegation and accountability in general and an extreme concentration of power in the hands of the Prime Minister. There is a lot more delegation than accountability when it comes to the chain that links voters to MPs and MPs to the Prime Minister. Voters simply cannot influence the actions of their representatives and MPs are similarly in a weak position vis-à-vis their party’s leadership and the Prime Minister. On the other hand, regarding the part of the chain that links the Prime Minister to cabinet ministers and cabinet ministers to civil servants, the observation is the opposite: delegation shrinks, while accountability soars.Less
The most prominent features of the delegative chain in Spanish parliamentarism are an imbalance between delegation and accountability in general and an extreme concentration of power in the hands of the Prime Minister. There is a lot more delegation than accountability when it comes to the chain that links voters to MPs and MPs to the Prime Minister. Voters simply cannot influence the actions of their representatives and MPs are similarly in a weak position vis-à-vis their party’s leadership and the Prime Minister. On the other hand, regarding the part of the chain that links the Prime Minister to cabinet ministers and cabinet ministers to civil servants, the observation is the opposite: delegation shrinks, while accountability soars.
Carola M. Frege
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199208067
- eISBN:
- 9780191709159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208067.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
This chapter summarises the book’s main empirical findings and theoretical implications. A core finding is that how research on work and employment was embedded in the political culture of a specific ...
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This chapter summarises the book’s main empirical findings and theoretical implications. A core finding is that how research on work and employment was embedded in the political culture of a specific country during the 19th century is fundamental to the understanding of longstanding cross-national differences of employment research. The formation of social sciences during the 19th century coincided with transformations of the nation states, which in turn depended on the new discursive understanding of state and society. It makes sense therefore that scientific areas such as Employment Relations, which were closely connected to the advent of market economies and political democracies, became strongly embedded in country-specific state traditions. These different political legacies have major implications for the future of the academic field of Employment Relations. This book advocates that the de-politicization of employment research, in particular in Anglophone countries, may be disadvantageous in the long run. Reclaiming a political, thus policy-oriented, notion of the study of work and employment may be a risky but potentially necessary strategy for the future of the field.Less
This chapter summarises the book’s main empirical findings and theoretical implications. A core finding is that how research on work and employment was embedded in the political culture of a specific country during the 19th century is fundamental to the understanding of longstanding cross-national differences of employment research. The formation of social sciences during the 19th century coincided with transformations of the nation states, which in turn depended on the new discursive understanding of state and society. It makes sense therefore that scientific areas such as Employment Relations, which were closely connected to the advent of market economies and political democracies, became strongly embedded in country-specific state traditions. These different political legacies have major implications for the future of the academic field of Employment Relations. This book advocates that the de-politicization of employment research, in particular in Anglophone countries, may be disadvantageous in the long run. Reclaiming a political, thus policy-oriented, notion of the study of work and employment may be a risky but potentially necessary strategy for the future of the field.
