Jaime M. Pensado
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804786539
- eISBN:
- 9780804787291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804786539.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines student unrest and government response in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution. It explores the impact of this defining event on the leftist student political landscape at UNAM ...
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This chapter examines student unrest and government response in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution. It explores the impact of this defining event on the leftist student political landscape at UNAM as evident in at least four significant ways: the radicalization of students throughout the 1960s in response to the proliferation of charrismo estudiantil; the revaluation of the importance of ideology; the creation of innovative spaces of contestation; and the rise of reactionary politics and political violence. The chapter argues that the internationalist spirit of the 1960s gave rise to a new culture of protest inside UNAM. It illustrates the characteristics of Mexico's “New Left” by focusing on the following individuals: the political cartoonist Rius; the participants of the university cine-clubs; the collaborators of Radio Universidad; and the writers of el espectador, Revista de la Universidad, and El Corno Emplumado.Less
This chapter examines student unrest and government response in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution. It explores the impact of this defining event on the leftist student political landscape at UNAM as evident in at least four significant ways: the radicalization of students throughout the 1960s in response to the proliferation of charrismo estudiantil; the revaluation of the importance of ideology; the creation of innovative spaces of contestation; and the rise of reactionary politics and political violence. The chapter argues that the internationalist spirit of the 1960s gave rise to a new culture of protest inside UNAM. It illustrates the characteristics of Mexico's “New Left” by focusing on the following individuals: the political cartoonist Rius; the participants of the university cine-clubs; the collaborators of Radio Universidad; and the writers of el espectador, Revista de la Universidad, and El Corno Emplumado.
Dik Roth and Linden Vincent
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198082927
- eISBN:
- 9780199082247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198082927.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Science, Technology and Environment
In academic and policy debates, tanks are seen as appropriate alternative irrigation infrastructure to large dams in terms of efficiency, equity, and sustainability. Though partially true, this ...
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In academic and policy debates, tanks are seen as appropriate alternative irrigation infrastructure to large dams in terms of efficiency, equity, and sustainability. Though partially true, this perspective masks several characteristic features of the tank as a resource and fails to look at its historicity and dynamism. This chapter questions this partially inadequate standpoint. It maps social struggles over tank resources in south India in the context of agrarian transformation from the perspectives of political economy and legal anthropology. It employs a comparative approach that examines the character of struggles in two different tank-irrigated agrarian landscapes of Pudukkottai district in Tamil Nadu, both tank cascades. It argues that the tank is a socio-technically constructed landscape and a politically contested resource. The prevailing use and management pattern of tank resources in the region is an outcome of prolonged social struggle, contestation, and negotiation among competing actors with conflicting interests.Less
In academic and policy debates, tanks are seen as appropriate alternative irrigation infrastructure to large dams in terms of efficiency, equity, and sustainability. Though partially true, this perspective masks several characteristic features of the tank as a resource and fails to look at its historicity and dynamism. This chapter questions this partially inadequate standpoint. It maps social struggles over tank resources in south India in the context of agrarian transformation from the perspectives of political economy and legal anthropology. It employs a comparative approach that examines the character of struggles in two different tank-irrigated agrarian landscapes of Pudukkottai district in Tamil Nadu, both tank cascades. It argues that the tank is a socio-technically constructed landscape and a politically contested resource. The prevailing use and management pattern of tank resources in the region is an outcome of prolonged social struggle, contestation, and negotiation among competing actors with conflicting interests.
Tianna S. Paschel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169385
- eISBN:
- 9781400881079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169385.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the process through which blackness became legitimated as a category of political contestation in the eyes of the state and other ...
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This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the process through which blackness became legitimated as a category of political contestation in the eyes of the state and other powerful political actors in Latin America, specifically Colombia and Brazil. The author does this by examining archives and conducting ethnographic fieldwork over nearly eight years in the style of what scholars across disciplines have called “political ethnography.” The discussions then turn to a comparison of race relations in Latin America and the United States in the twentieth century; the adoption of specific policies for black populations in Latin America; ethno-racial policy in Latin America; and why Colombia and Brazil are obvious choices for an analysis of black rights in Latin America. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the process through which blackness became legitimated as a category of political contestation in the eyes of the state and other powerful political actors in Latin America, specifically Colombia and Brazil. The author does this by examining archives and conducting ethnographic fieldwork over nearly eight years in the style of what scholars across disciplines have called “political ethnography.” The discussions then turn to a comparison of race relations in Latin America and the United States in the twentieth century; the adoption of specific policies for black populations in Latin America; ethno-racial policy in Latin America; and why Colombia and Brazil are obvious choices for an analysis of black rights in Latin America. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758642
- eISBN:
- 9780804763158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758642.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter, which examines the competing and coalescing conceptualizations in politics and religion in Israel and Turkey, lays out the intellectual foundation for this study and the reasoning ...
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This chapter, which examines the competing and coalescing conceptualizations in politics and religion in Israel and Turkey, lays out the intellectual foundation for this study and the reasoning behind its conceptual language, and considers the arguments of several scholars, including Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Peter Berger. It explores the three areas of interaction that affect religious politics, including the political position and capacity of religion, the rules of power sharing and political contestation, and the symbolic capital of religious ideologies.Less
This chapter, which examines the competing and coalescing conceptualizations in politics and religion in Israel and Turkey, lays out the intellectual foundation for this study and the reasoning behind its conceptual language, and considers the arguments of several scholars, including Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Peter Berger. It explores the three areas of interaction that affect religious politics, including the political position and capacity of religion, the rules of power sharing and political contestation, and the symbolic capital of religious ideologies.
Gideon Calder
Hans Schattle and Jeremy Nuttall (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526120304
- eISBN:
- 9781526138804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526120304.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Gideon Calder’s intersecting themes of political contestation, care and the temper of the country examine the public good less as a fixed entity but rather as an evolving conversation taking place ...
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Gideon Calder’s intersecting themes of political contestation, care and the temper of the country examine the public good less as a fixed entity but rather as an evolving conversation taking place across a wide range of social settings, not least in the flux and informality of everyday life. Drawing on Marquand’s belief that progressivism was as much about process as outcomes, Calder suggests that it is also not just about doctrine, but also, as R.H. Tawney articulated, dependent on a certain ‘temper’ in the country at large. Progress required not just structural or economic change, but good relationships, not just the espousal of social democracy, but the making of social democrats. Consequently, Calder concludes his chapter with ten suggestions for progress not via policy, but through conversation. One is to converse as if listening were as valued an attribute as speaking; another is not to speak as if the status quo tightly defines all available horizons.Less
Gideon Calder’s intersecting themes of political contestation, care and the temper of the country examine the public good less as a fixed entity but rather as an evolving conversation taking place across a wide range of social settings, not least in the flux and informality of everyday life. Drawing on Marquand’s belief that progressivism was as much about process as outcomes, Calder suggests that it is also not just about doctrine, but also, as R.H. Tawney articulated, dependent on a certain ‘temper’ in the country at large. Progress required not just structural or economic change, but good relationships, not just the espousal of social democracy, but the making of social democrats. Consequently, Calder concludes his chapter with ten suggestions for progress not via policy, but through conversation. One is to converse as if listening were as valued an attribute as speaking; another is not to speak as if the status quo tightly defines all available horizons.
Ed McAllister
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190491536
- eISBN:
- 9780190638542
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190491536.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter analyses the ways that young Algerians in Bab el-Oued bypass conventional forms of political engagement and contestation. A new generation of this urban youth perceives Algerian politics ...
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This chapter analyses the ways that young Algerians in Bab el-Oued bypass conventional forms of political engagement and contestation. A new generation of this urban youth perceives Algerian politics as a closed sphere, filled with self-serving individuals who have done little to improve the lot of the average Algerian. The chapter sheds light on how the majority of young people who do not engage in outright political activities are bringing their own, more subtle, challenges to authority by re-negotiating their role as active participants in a society marred by distributive inequality with political agency in their own right. The contradiction facing Algeria today, the chapter argues, lies in the coexistence of two driving forces behind attitudes to politics: the desire for social justice and a knowing cynicism in the ability of revolts and rebellions to bring about lasting political change.Less
This chapter analyses the ways that young Algerians in Bab el-Oued bypass conventional forms of political engagement and contestation. A new generation of this urban youth perceives Algerian politics as a closed sphere, filled with self-serving individuals who have done little to improve the lot of the average Algerian. The chapter sheds light on how the majority of young people who do not engage in outright political activities are bringing their own, more subtle, challenges to authority by re-negotiating their role as active participants in a society marred by distributive inequality with political agency in their own right. The contradiction facing Algeria today, the chapter argues, lies in the coexistence of two driving forces behind attitudes to politics: the desire for social justice and a knowing cynicism in the ability of revolts and rebellions to bring about lasting political change.
Nadav G. Shelef
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780801453489
- eISBN:
- 9781501712364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453489.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the theoretical arguments that homelands matter, that their contours can change, and that evolutionary processes arising from domestic political contestation could account for ...
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This chapter explores the theoretical arguments that homelands matter, that their contours can change, and that evolutionary processes arising from domestic political contestation could account for such transformations. Nationalism calls homelands into being; it is the nationalist project that transforms mere land into homeland and sanctifies it. The chapter shows that, despite its importance to nationalists, two aspects of the homeland are often domestically contested: (1) exactly which tracts of land are part of it; and (2) what logic or combination of logics is used to designate land as part of the homeland. It is the outcome of the political competition between movements that vary in the answers they provide to one or both of these questions that selects which shape of the homeland becomes taken for granted in the wider society and whether lost lands come to be excluded from it. The chapter then develops the empirically observable implications of this theory as well as alternative explanations for contractions in the homeland's scope. These implications serve as the foundation for the empirical exploration in both the cases studies and the cross-national statistical analysis that follow.Less
This chapter explores the theoretical arguments that homelands matter, that their contours can change, and that evolutionary processes arising from domestic political contestation could account for such transformations. Nationalism calls homelands into being; it is the nationalist project that transforms mere land into homeland and sanctifies it. The chapter shows that, despite its importance to nationalists, two aspects of the homeland are often domestically contested: (1) exactly which tracts of land are part of it; and (2) what logic or combination of logics is used to designate land as part of the homeland. It is the outcome of the political competition between movements that vary in the answers they provide to one or both of these questions that selects which shape of the homeland becomes taken for granted in the wider society and whether lost lands come to be excluded from it. The chapter then develops the empirically observable implications of this theory as well as alternative explanations for contractions in the homeland's scope. These implications serve as the foundation for the empirical exploration in both the cases studies and the cross-national statistical analysis that follow.
Christian Joerges
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198752868
- eISBN:
- 9780191814297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198752868.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The dominant strands of European law scholarship have failed to take the political dimensions of the economy seriously. This chapter presents assessments on various aspects of constitutionalism and ...
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The dominant strands of European law scholarship have failed to take the political dimensions of the economy seriously. This chapter presents assessments on various aspects of constitutionalism and the law of the European economy. In discussing European ‘economic constitutionalism’, the chapter points out the deficiencies of the ‘integration through law’ project, which has rested on a one-size-fits-all assumption and has thus failed to come to terms with Europe’s diversity. It then highlights the judicial fiction of a ‘stability community’ and introduces the concept of ‘diagonal conflict’ to characterise the basic dilemma resulting from the Maastricht Treaty compromise. Finally, the chapter traces the authoritarian and managerialist style of economic governance that has emerged from the recent crises and pleads for political contestation, rather than normalisation, as a way toward cooperative problem-solving and legitimacy.Less
The dominant strands of European law scholarship have failed to take the political dimensions of the economy seriously. This chapter presents assessments on various aspects of constitutionalism and the law of the European economy. In discussing European ‘economic constitutionalism’, the chapter points out the deficiencies of the ‘integration through law’ project, which has rested on a one-size-fits-all assumption and has thus failed to come to terms with Europe’s diversity. It then highlights the judicial fiction of a ‘stability community’ and introduces the concept of ‘diagonal conflict’ to characterise the basic dilemma resulting from the Maastricht Treaty compromise. Finally, the chapter traces the authoritarian and managerialist style of economic governance that has emerged from the recent crises and pleads for political contestation, rather than normalisation, as a way toward cooperative problem-solving and legitimacy.
Nadav G. Shelef
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780801453489
- eISBN:
- 9781501712364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453489.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter highlights the lessons from the empirical exploration of homelands and their contraction. It reevaluates how one identifies territorial partitions and reassesses the question ...
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This concluding chapter highlights the lessons from the empirical exploration of homelands and their contraction. It reevaluates how one identifies territorial partitions and reassesses the question of whether partitions can be used to resolve conflict. Partitions can succeed in resolving nationalist conflicts where beliefs about the homeland's extent change. While drawing a new border is usually not enough on its own, contexts in which evolutionary dynamics operate on homelands are more likely to experience such transformations. Partitions may therefore be more likely to contribute to peace where the society that lost access to part of its homeland is characterized by long-lasting domestic political contestation. To be successful, in other words, policy makers advocating partitions need to pay as much attention to creating or maintaining domestic political institutions that foster such contestation within the states on either side of the border as to where the particular line is drawn.Less
This concluding chapter highlights the lessons from the empirical exploration of homelands and their contraction. It reevaluates how one identifies territorial partitions and reassesses the question of whether partitions can be used to resolve conflict. Partitions can succeed in resolving nationalist conflicts where beliefs about the homeland's extent change. While drawing a new border is usually not enough on its own, contexts in which evolutionary dynamics operate on homelands are more likely to experience such transformations. Partitions may therefore be more likely to contribute to peace where the society that lost access to part of its homeland is characterized by long-lasting domestic political contestation. To be successful, in other words, policy makers advocating partitions need to pay as much attention to creating or maintaining domestic political institutions that foster such contestation within the states on either side of the border as to where the particular line is drawn.