Mark Chaves
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691146850
- eISBN:
- 9781400839957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691146850.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter describes another important trend involving religion, liberalism, and conservatism. Actively religious Americans are more politically and socially conservative than less religious ...
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This chapter describes another important trend involving religion, liberalism, and conservatism. Actively religious Americans are more politically and socially conservative than less religious Americans. Regular churchgoing, moreover, now correlates even more strongly with some types of political and social conservatism than it did several decades ago. Rather than being associated with a particular type of religion, certain kinds of political and social conservatism have become more tightly linked to religiosity itself. As such, the most and least religiously active people are further apart attitudinally than they were several decades ago, but this trend does not yet warrant a declaration of culture war.Less
This chapter describes another important trend involving religion, liberalism, and conservatism. Actively religious Americans are more politically and socially conservative than less religious Americans. Regular churchgoing, moreover, now correlates even more strongly with some types of political and social conservatism than it did several decades ago. Rather than being associated with a particular type of religion, certain kinds of political and social conservatism have become more tightly linked to religiosity itself. As such, the most and least religiously active people are further apart attitudinally than they were several decades ago, but this trend does not yet warrant a declaration of culture war.
Marla Frederick McGlathery and Traci Griffin
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195310566
- eISBN:
- 9780199851072
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195310566.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the development of Discipleship Ministries primarily as they relate to the presence and growth of African American leadership within this biblically conservative, evangelical ...
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This chapter explores the development of Discipleship Ministries primarily as they relate to the presence and growth of African American leadership within this biblically conservative, evangelical missions organization. It argues that the conflation of biblical conservatism with forms of American cultural and political conservatism creates barriers for African American participation in evangelical religious communities. Then, the development of Discipleship Ministries as a biblically conservative organization established during the height of the civil rights movement, and the subsequent growth of black membership within the organization are discussed. Next, various forms of conservatism, both cultural and political, that create internal and external tensions for African American participation are shown. The question, “What color is a conservative?”, is asked as a means of exploring the sorted racialized meanings that accompany various forms of conservatism. Finally, the chapter considers the practical implications of the thesis and possible solutions. In particular, it looks at the creation of a contextualized ministry like IMANI in light of DeYoung, et al's argument for multiracial church communities.Less
This chapter explores the development of Discipleship Ministries primarily as they relate to the presence and growth of African American leadership within this biblically conservative, evangelical missions organization. It argues that the conflation of biblical conservatism with forms of American cultural and political conservatism creates barriers for African American participation in evangelical religious communities. Then, the development of Discipleship Ministries as a biblically conservative organization established during the height of the civil rights movement, and the subsequent growth of black membership within the organization are discussed. Next, various forms of conservatism, both cultural and political, that create internal and external tensions for African American participation are shown. The question, “What color is a conservative?”, is asked as a means of exploring the sorted racialized meanings that accompany various forms of conservatism. Finally, the chapter considers the practical implications of the thesis and possible solutions. In particular, it looks at the creation of a contextualized ministry like IMANI in light of DeYoung, et al's argument for multiracial church communities.
Lydia Bean
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161303
- eISBN:
- 9781400852611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161303.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sociology of Religion
It is now a common refrain among liberals that Christian Right pastors and television pundits have hijacked evangelical Christianity for partisan gain. This book challenges this notion, arguing that ...
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It is now a common refrain among liberals that Christian Right pastors and television pundits have hijacked evangelical Christianity for partisan gain. This book challenges this notion, arguing that the hijacking metaphor paints a fundamentally distorted picture of how evangelical churches have become politicized. The book reveals how the powerful coalition between evangelicals and the Republican Party is not merely a creation of political elites who have framed conservative issues in religious language, but is anchored in the lives of local congregations. Drawing on research at evangelical churches near the U.S. border with Canada, this book compares how American and Canadian evangelicals talk about politics in congregational settings. While Canadian evangelicals share the same theology and conservative moral attitudes as their American counterparts, their politics are quite different. On the U.S. side of the border, political conservatism is woven into the very fabric of everyday religious practice. The book shows how subtle partisan cues emerge in small group interactions as members define how “we Christians” should relate to others in the broader civic arena, while liberals are cast in the role of adversaries. It explains how the most explicit partisan cues come not from clergy but rather from lay opinion leaders who help their less politically engaged peers to link evangelical identity to conservative politics. This book demonstrates how deep the ties remain between political conservatism and evangelical Christianity in America.Less
It is now a common refrain among liberals that Christian Right pastors and television pundits have hijacked evangelical Christianity for partisan gain. This book challenges this notion, arguing that the hijacking metaphor paints a fundamentally distorted picture of how evangelical churches have become politicized. The book reveals how the powerful coalition between evangelicals and the Republican Party is not merely a creation of political elites who have framed conservative issues in religious language, but is anchored in the lives of local congregations. Drawing on research at evangelical churches near the U.S. border with Canada, this book compares how American and Canadian evangelicals talk about politics in congregational settings. While Canadian evangelicals share the same theology and conservative moral attitudes as their American counterparts, their politics are quite different. On the U.S. side of the border, political conservatism is woven into the very fabric of everyday religious practice. The book shows how subtle partisan cues emerge in small group interactions as members define how “we Christians” should relate to others in the broader civic arena, while liberals are cast in the role of adversaries. It explains how the most explicit partisan cues come not from clergy but rather from lay opinion leaders who help their less politically engaged peers to link evangelical identity to conservative politics. This book demonstrates how deep the ties remain between political conservatism and evangelical Christianity in America.
Jonathan M. Schoenwald
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195157260
- eISBN:
- 9780199849390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195157260.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Ronald Reagan was the most dynamic force in American political conservatism in 1965, and any group that wanted to make a big media splash, raise funds for its cause, or simply energize its members, ...
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Ronald Reagan was the most dynamic force in American political conservatism in 1965, and any group that wanted to make a big media splash, raise funds for its cause, or simply energize its members, got the former Democrat to stop by on, as he called it, his “mashed potato circuit”. Like William F. Buckley, Jr.'s followers, Reagan's supporters saw him as a means to regrouping and partially reconfiguring the conservative movement. California was the perfect place to test whether conservatism had indeed weathered the storm. Reagan's campaign was engineered to spark wide-scale conservatism by capturing the most valuable state in the union. For many conservative Californians and non-Californians, Reagan embodied the hope for a conservative country. Reagan represented the conviction that conservatism could leave the realm of the extraordinary to become the ordinary, the status quo rather than the enfant terrible. The growth of conservative interest groups rose from a combination of the migration of extremists out of their own circles into areas devoted to more mainstream issues and years of work behind the scenes.Less
Ronald Reagan was the most dynamic force in American political conservatism in 1965, and any group that wanted to make a big media splash, raise funds for its cause, or simply energize its members, got the former Democrat to stop by on, as he called it, his “mashed potato circuit”. Like William F. Buckley, Jr.'s followers, Reagan's supporters saw him as a means to regrouping and partially reconfiguring the conservative movement. California was the perfect place to test whether conservatism had indeed weathered the storm. Reagan's campaign was engineered to spark wide-scale conservatism by capturing the most valuable state in the union. For many conservative Californians and non-Californians, Reagan embodied the hope for a conservative country. Reagan represented the conviction that conservatism could leave the realm of the extraordinary to become the ordinary, the status quo rather than the enfant terrible. The growth of conservative interest groups rose from a combination of the migration of extremists out of their own circles into areas devoted to more mainstream issues and years of work behind the scenes.
Geoffrey Alderman
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195103311
- eISBN:
- 9780199854585
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195103311.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the phenomenon of political conservatism among British Jews since 1945. The study of Jewish political preferences is now long established, and can of course be justified on its ...
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This chapter examines the phenomenon of political conservatism among British Jews since 1945. The study of Jewish political preferences is now long established, and can of course be justified on its own terms. However, the political conservatism of modern British Jewry needs to be set as well in two complementary historical contexts. The first is that in the diaspora communities of Western Europe, Australia, and North America, Jews—particularly immigrant Jews—gravitated toward the politics of the center or the left rather than those of the right. The second is to be found in the continuing propensity of Britain's Conservative Party to fall victim to a populist xenophobic or antisemitic discourse, which often translates into policies that, superficially at least, hardly seem capable of attracting Jewish support. Put another way, whereas the judgment of history should have ensured a reaction against conservatism by the Jews of modern Britain, an opposite development occurred; and this calls for explanation.Less
This chapter examines the phenomenon of political conservatism among British Jews since 1945. The study of Jewish political preferences is now long established, and can of course be justified on its own terms. However, the political conservatism of modern British Jewry needs to be set as well in two complementary historical contexts. The first is that in the diaspora communities of Western Europe, Australia, and North America, Jews—particularly immigrant Jews—gravitated toward the politics of the center or the left rather than those of the right. The second is to be found in the continuing propensity of Britain's Conservative Party to fall victim to a populist xenophobic or antisemitic discourse, which often translates into policies that, superficially at least, hardly seem capable of attracting Jewish support. Put another way, whereas the judgment of history should have ensured a reaction against conservatism by the Jews of modern Britain, an opposite development occurred; and this calls for explanation.
John Wolffe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201991
- eISBN:
- 9780191675119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201991.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the relationship between Protestantism and political conservatism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1841. It explains that Protestantism was given a political life ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between Protestantism and political conservatism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1841. It explains that Protestantism was given a political life by the Ultra-Tories who were struggling to come to terms with an era where Catholics could play full part in political life and by the Anglican Evangelicals who realized that their religiously based concern to maintain Reformation principles had inescapable political implications. Ireland played a crucial role in both these movements.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between Protestantism and political conservatism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1841. It explains that Protestantism was given a political life by the Ultra-Tories who were struggling to come to terms with an era where Catholics could play full part in political life and by the Anglican Evangelicals who realized that their religiously based concern to maintain Reformation principles had inescapable political implications. Ireland played a crucial role in both these movements.
Thad Williamson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195369434
- eISBN:
- 9780199852826
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369434.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter provides an empirical scrutiny of sprawl and liberal values—social trust, tolerance, and respect for diversity. It also provides an in-depth discussion of the neighbourhood ...
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This chapter provides an empirical scrutiny of sprawl and liberal values—social trust, tolerance, and respect for diversity. It also provides an in-depth discussion of the neighbourhood characteristics of sprawl and its affinity with political conservatism—in conceptualizing the possibility of Rawls liberal egalitarian ideology as applied within the context of current American lifestyles. However, as Simone Chambers points out, for both notions of equal opportunity in political culture and conservative notions of present US distributive justice, which promote personal responsibility and legitimizing inequalities, Rawls' egalitarianism application on present US distributive justice is problematic. Results are not as “just” as Rawls would illustrate.Less
This chapter provides an empirical scrutiny of sprawl and liberal values—social trust, tolerance, and respect for diversity. It also provides an in-depth discussion of the neighbourhood characteristics of sprawl and its affinity with political conservatism—in conceptualizing the possibility of Rawls liberal egalitarian ideology as applied within the context of current American lifestyles. However, as Simone Chambers points out, for both notions of equal opportunity in political culture and conservative notions of present US distributive justice, which promote personal responsibility and legitimizing inequalities, Rawls' egalitarianism application on present US distributive justice is problematic. Results are not as “just” as Rawls would illustrate.
Peter V. Marsden (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133317
- eISBN:
- 9781400845569
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133317.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
This book assembles a team of leading researchers to provide unparalleled insight into how American social attitudes and behaviors have changed since the 1970s. Drawing on the General Social Survey—a ...
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This book assembles a team of leading researchers to provide unparalleled insight into how American social attitudes and behaviors have changed since the 1970s. Drawing on the General Social Survey—a social science project that has tracked demographic and attitudinal trends in the United States since 1972—it offers a window into diverse facets of American life, from intergroup relations to political views and orientations, social affiliations, and perceived well-being. Among the book's many important findings are the greater willingness of ordinary Americans to accord rights of free expression to unpopular groups, to endorse formal racial equality, and to accept nontraditional roles for women in the workplace, politics, and the family. Some, but not all, signs indicate that political conservatism has grown, while a few suggest that Republicans and Democrats are more polarized. Some forms of social connectedness such as neighboring have declined, as has confidence in government, while participation in organized religion has softened. Despite rising standards of living, American happiness levels have changed little, though financial and employment insecurity has risen over three decades. This book provides an invaluable perspective on how Americans view their lives and their society, and on how these views have changed over the last two generations.Less
This book assembles a team of leading researchers to provide unparalleled insight into how American social attitudes and behaviors have changed since the 1970s. Drawing on the General Social Survey—a social science project that has tracked demographic and attitudinal trends in the United States since 1972—it offers a window into diverse facets of American life, from intergroup relations to political views and orientations, social affiliations, and perceived well-being. Among the book's many important findings are the greater willingness of ordinary Americans to accord rights of free expression to unpopular groups, to endorse formal racial equality, and to accept nontraditional roles for women in the workplace, politics, and the family. Some, but not all, signs indicate that political conservatism has grown, while a few suggest that Republicans and Democrats are more polarized. Some forms of social connectedness such as neighboring have declined, as has confidence in government, while participation in organized religion has softened. Despite rising standards of living, American happiness levels have changed little, though financial and employment insecurity has risen over three decades. This book provides an invaluable perspective on how Americans view their lives and their society, and on how these views have changed over the last two generations.
Paul Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501747342
- eISBN:
- 9781501747366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501747342.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter undertakes the difficult task of defining Russian conservatism. Many of conservatism's most commonly cited features appear at best to fit uneasily together and at worst to contradict ...
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This chapter undertakes the difficult task of defining Russian conservatism. Many of conservatism's most commonly cited features appear at best to fit uneasily together and at worst to contradict each other entirely. Conservatism is universalistic, but also anti-universalistic; seems to oppose change, but also to promote it; can be vehemently anti-liberal, but also can be liberal; and so on. Different groups labeled “conservative” often hold views diametrically opposed to one another. But different conservatives do all have something in common. Tying them together is the thread of a preference for organic change. Following this thread, the chapter demonstrates that Russian conservatism is not a philosophy of the status quo. Rather, it is one that endorses change, but change of a certain, gradual sort that is in keeping, as much as possible, with national traditions.Less
This chapter undertakes the difficult task of defining Russian conservatism. Many of conservatism's most commonly cited features appear at best to fit uneasily together and at worst to contradict each other entirely. Conservatism is universalistic, but also anti-universalistic; seems to oppose change, but also to promote it; can be vehemently anti-liberal, but also can be liberal; and so on. Different groups labeled “conservative” often hold views diametrically opposed to one another. But different conservatives do all have something in common. Tying them together is the thread of a preference for organic change. Following this thread, the chapter demonstrates that Russian conservatism is not a philosophy of the status quo. Rather, it is one that endorses change, but change of a certain, gradual sort that is in keeping, as much as possible, with national traditions.
Brantley W. Gasaway
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781469617725
- eISBN:
- 9781469617749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469617725.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter presents an overview of the progressive evangelical movement as an alternative to both the Religious Right and the political left from the 1970s into the twenty-first century. It ...
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This chapter presents an overview of the progressive evangelical movement as an alternative to both the Religious Right and the political left from the 1970s into the twenty-first century. It examines the contributions of the three most prominent progressive evangelical voices over the past four decades: Sojourners, Evangelicals for Social Action (ESA), and The Other Side. As evangelicals, the leaders of Sojourners, ESA, and The Other Side affirmed a core set of definingtheological principles—the primacy of biblical authority, the need for personal conversion and faith in Jesus's atoning work, and a dedication to evangelistic and humanitarian efforts. Throughout their movement's history, progressive leaders' consistent appeals to biblical interpretations as the foundation for their political activism reflected evangelicals' hallmark commitment to the primary authority of the Bible.Less
This chapter presents an overview of the progressive evangelical movement as an alternative to both the Religious Right and the political left from the 1970s into the twenty-first century. It examines the contributions of the three most prominent progressive evangelical voices over the past four decades: Sojourners, Evangelicals for Social Action (ESA), and The Other Side. As evangelicals, the leaders of Sojourners, ESA, and The Other Side affirmed a core set of definingtheological principles—the primacy of biblical authority, the need for personal conversion and faith in Jesus's atoning work, and a dedication to evangelistic and humanitarian efforts. Throughout their movement's history, progressive leaders' consistent appeals to biblical interpretations as the foundation for their political activism reflected evangelicals' hallmark commitment to the primary authority of the Bible.
Glenn Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813123639
- eISBN:
- 9780813134758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813123639.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book attempts to get at the intersection of politics and religion in the American South. The chapters in this book strongly suggest that in the South, religion has worked hand in hand with ...
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This book attempts to get at the intersection of politics and religion in the American South. The chapters in this book strongly suggest that in the South, religion has worked hand in hand with political and social conservatism and that the region's politics have, in turn, reflected its fundamentally conservative religious temperament. This book explores the Southern Baptist racial ideology during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, factionalism and ethnic politics in Atlanta, Georgia, and traditional family values.Less
This book attempts to get at the intersection of politics and religion in the American South. The chapters in this book strongly suggest that in the South, religion has worked hand in hand with political and social conservatism and that the region's politics have, in turn, reflected its fundamentally conservative religious temperament. This book explores the Southern Baptist racial ideology during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, factionalism and ethnic politics in Atlanta, Georgia, and traditional family values.
Michael Dennis
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032917
- eISBN:
- 9780813038407
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032917.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The dominant theme of the 1990s was the explosive potential of advanced technology. In Virginia, the former capital of the Confederacy, the high-tech phenomenon played out against a background of ...
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The dominant theme of the 1990s was the explosive potential of advanced technology. In Virginia, the former capital of the Confederacy, the high-tech phenomenon played out against a background of social and political conservatism. Virginia welcomed the New Economy, but on its own terms. Proponents of the New Economy argued that in order for companies to fully exploit new technology, they had to strip away the hierarchical arrangements of an earlier business model. At the center of the reengineered corporation was the demand for reduced labor costs. Despite the claims that the New Economy would democratize the workplace, liberate employees from the drudgery of routine, and allow them creative control over production, it fostered uncertainty and an environment in which business prerogatives went unquestioned.Less
The dominant theme of the 1990s was the explosive potential of advanced technology. In Virginia, the former capital of the Confederacy, the high-tech phenomenon played out against a background of social and political conservatism. Virginia welcomed the New Economy, but on its own terms. Proponents of the New Economy argued that in order for companies to fully exploit new technology, they had to strip away the hierarchical arrangements of an earlier business model. At the center of the reengineered corporation was the demand for reduced labor costs. Despite the claims that the New Economy would democratize the workplace, liberate employees from the drudgery of routine, and allow them creative control over production, it fostered uncertainty and an environment in which business prerogatives went unquestioned.
Gillis J. Harp
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- August 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199977413
- eISBN:
- 9780190941185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199977413.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Among the most significant outcomes of the complex relationship between evangelicals and political conservatism has been to make orthodox Protestants simultaneously both less distinctively Christian ...
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Among the most significant outcomes of the complex relationship between evangelicals and political conservatism has been to make orthodox Protestants simultaneously both less distinctively Christian and less genuinely conservative. Since the late nineteenth century, evangelicals have drawn from the newer sort of classical liberal “conservatism” whose principles owe more to the Enlightenment than to Christian theology. Further, their unreflective activism and increasingly nondoctrinal pietism has made it easy for evangelicals simultaneously to compartmentalize their faith, while still becoming more active politically. Evangelicals’ perspective on public life thereby became more secular as it became more partisan and utilitarian. The choice to support candidate Trump in 2016 highlighted evangelicalism’s lack of a theological basis for political engagement. The preceding chapters show that this deficiency had deep historical roots.Less
Among the most significant outcomes of the complex relationship between evangelicals and political conservatism has been to make orthodox Protestants simultaneously both less distinctively Christian and less genuinely conservative. Since the late nineteenth century, evangelicals have drawn from the newer sort of classical liberal “conservatism” whose principles owe more to the Enlightenment than to Christian theology. Further, their unreflective activism and increasingly nondoctrinal pietism has made it easy for evangelicals simultaneously to compartmentalize their faith, while still becoming more active politically. Evangelicals’ perspective on public life thereby became more secular as it became more partisan and utilitarian. The choice to support candidate Trump in 2016 highlighted evangelicalism’s lack of a theological basis for political engagement. The preceding chapters show that this deficiency had deep historical roots.
Patrick Q. Mason
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199358212
- eISBN:
- 9780199358250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199358212.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Latter-day Saint apostle Ezra Taft Benson became Secretary of Agriculture in 1953 under President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Especially in the 1960s, Benson both reflected and guided Mormonism’s embrace ...
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Latter-day Saint apostle Ezra Taft Benson became Secretary of Agriculture in 1953 under President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Especially in the 1960s, Benson both reflected and guided Mormonism’s embrace of right-wing politics through his fervent anti-communism. He then became LDS Church president in 1985. As apostle and church president, Benson regularly preached from the Book of Mormon, and he encouraged church members to read it devotionally. Benson’s efforts helped bring the Book of Mormon to a greater position of prominence and familiarity within the church. Moreover, through his selective reading of the scripture, Benson highlighted particular passages and privileged certain themes that resonated with his own American exceptionalism, anti-communism, and arch-conservatism.Less
Latter-day Saint apostle Ezra Taft Benson became Secretary of Agriculture in 1953 under President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Especially in the 1960s, Benson both reflected and guided Mormonism’s embrace of right-wing politics through his fervent anti-communism. He then became LDS Church president in 1985. As apostle and church president, Benson regularly preached from the Book of Mormon, and he encouraged church members to read it devotionally. Benson’s efforts helped bring the Book of Mormon to a greater position of prominence and familiarity within the church. Moreover, through his selective reading of the scripture, Benson highlighted particular passages and privileged certain themes that resonated with his own American exceptionalism, anti-communism, and arch-conservatism.
Lyndsey Stonebridge
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748642359
- eISBN:
- 9780748652150
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748642359.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
Unlike Rebecca West or Hannah Arendt, Elizabeth Bowen was not a political journalist; nor did she ever aspire to be. She once described the taking up of the position of the ‘psychologically displaced ...
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Unlike Rebecca West or Hannah Arendt, Elizabeth Bowen was not a political journalist; nor did she ever aspire to be. She once described the taking up of the position of the ‘psychologically displaced person’ of the inter-war generation as ‘cerebrally brilliant but skin deep’. It is argued that it is in her postwar writing, particularly in her final novel, Eva Trout, or Changing Scenes, that Bowen offers her most provocative – and most affecting – image of the kind of moral and imaginative work the European novel could still do at mid-century. Her association of ‘rights’ with violent vengeance is in keeping with her political conservatism. Eva Trout is not an anti-novel, or at least not quite. Bowen's last fictional gesture is perhaps her most avant-garde, but it is also one of the most painfully affecting in her entire corpus.Less
Unlike Rebecca West or Hannah Arendt, Elizabeth Bowen was not a political journalist; nor did she ever aspire to be. She once described the taking up of the position of the ‘psychologically displaced person’ of the inter-war generation as ‘cerebrally brilliant but skin deep’. It is argued that it is in her postwar writing, particularly in her final novel, Eva Trout, or Changing Scenes, that Bowen offers her most provocative – and most affecting – image of the kind of moral and imaginative work the European novel could still do at mid-century. Her association of ‘rights’ with violent vengeance is in keeping with her political conservatism. Eva Trout is not an anti-novel, or at least not quite. Bowen's last fictional gesture is perhaps her most avant-garde, but it is also one of the most painfully affecting in her entire corpus.
Michael H. Kater
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300170566
- eISBN:
- 9780300210101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300170566.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter focuses on the failure of Weimar's denizens to lift the town into a Silver Age in the second half of the nineteenth century. It first looks at some of the achievements of the period ...
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This chapter focuses on the failure of Weimar's denizens to lift the town into a Silver Age in the second half of the nineteenth century. It first looks at some of the achievements of the period between 1861 and 1901, including the creation of the first master classes for piano ever by Franz Liszt, the ascent of Richard Strauss, and the anticipation of German Impressionism by members of the painters' academy. It then considers several developments in Germany that rendered the Weimar style of painting more mature; the decline in Weimar's music, theater, and literature after Strauss's departure; and the emergence of a Goethe cult that revered the late Johann Wolfgang Goethe. Finally, it examines Weimar's transition to political conservatism.Less
This chapter focuses on the failure of Weimar's denizens to lift the town into a Silver Age in the second half of the nineteenth century. It first looks at some of the achievements of the period between 1861 and 1901, including the creation of the first master classes for piano ever by Franz Liszt, the ascent of Richard Strauss, and the anticipation of German Impressionism by members of the painters' academy. It then considers several developments in Germany that rendered the Weimar style of painting more mature; the decline in Weimar's music, theater, and literature after Strauss's departure; and the emergence of a Goethe cult that revered the late Johann Wolfgang Goethe. Finally, it examines Weimar's transition to political conservatism.
Stephen E. Kercher
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226431642
- eISBN:
- 9780226431659
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226431659.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
We live in a time much like the postwar era. A time of arch political conservatism and vast social conformity. A time in which our nation's leaders question and challenge the patriotism of those who ...
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We live in a time much like the postwar era. A time of arch political conservatism and vast social conformity. A time in which our nation's leaders question and challenge the patriotism of those who oppose their policies. But before there was Jon Stewart, Al Franken, or Bill Maher, there were Mort Sahl, Stan Freberg, and Lenny Bruce—liberal satirists who, through their wry and scabrous comedic routines, waged war against the political ironies, contradictions, and hypocrisies of their times. This book is their story. It provides a comprehensive look at the satiric humor that flourished in the United States during the 1950s and early 1960s. Focusing on a range of comedy—not just standup comedians of the day but also satirical publications like MAD magazine, improvisational theater groups such as Second City, the motion picture Dr. Strangelove, and TV shows like That Was the Week That Was—the author reminds us that the postwar era saw varieties of comic expression that were more challenging and nonconformist than we commonly remember. His history of these comedic luminaries shows that, for a sizeable audience of educated, middle-class Americans who shared such liberal views, the period's satire was a crucial mode of cultural dissent. For such individuals, satire was a vehicle through which concerns over the suppression of civil liberties, Cold War foreign policies, blind social conformity, and our heated racial crisis could be productively addressed.Less
We live in a time much like the postwar era. A time of arch political conservatism and vast social conformity. A time in which our nation's leaders question and challenge the patriotism of those who oppose their policies. But before there was Jon Stewart, Al Franken, or Bill Maher, there were Mort Sahl, Stan Freberg, and Lenny Bruce—liberal satirists who, through their wry and scabrous comedic routines, waged war against the political ironies, contradictions, and hypocrisies of their times. This book is their story. It provides a comprehensive look at the satiric humor that flourished in the United States during the 1950s and early 1960s. Focusing on a range of comedy—not just standup comedians of the day but also satirical publications like MAD magazine, improvisational theater groups such as Second City, the motion picture Dr. Strangelove, and TV shows like That Was the Week That Was—the author reminds us that the postwar era saw varieties of comic expression that were more challenging and nonconformist than we commonly remember. His history of these comedic luminaries shows that, for a sizeable audience of educated, middle-class Americans who shared such liberal views, the period's satire was a crucial mode of cultural dissent. For such individuals, satire was a vehicle through which concerns over the suppression of civil liberties, Cold War foreign policies, blind social conformity, and our heated racial crisis could be productively addressed.
Carol V. R. George
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190914769
- eISBN:
- 9780190914806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190914769.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Religion and Society
This chapter examines how Norman Vincent Peale disseminated his gospel using the “Guideposts” magazine, which used the motto, “More than a magazine.” Founded in 1944 by Peale, “Guideposts” gave ...
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This chapter examines how Norman Vincent Peale disseminated his gospel using the “Guideposts” magazine, which used the motto, “More than a magazine.” Founded in 1944 by Peale, “Guideposts” gave Pealeism a public identity that was easily understood. Politically, early “Guideposts” found a home for the potentially antinomian message of positive thinking within Cold War conservatism. Its editorial philosophy reflected Peale’s civic and religious priorities, best summarized as the ideas of Americanism, free enterprise, and practical Christianity. The chapter shows how “Guideposts” emerged from Peale’s practical Christianity and political conservatism and how it fared in the 1940s. It also discusses the strategies adopted by Peale to build a new image for “Guideposts” and concludes by explaining how the magazine evolved from a political broadside of the Cold War to achieve a more enduring cultural status along the lines of “The Reader’s Digest” and “National Geographic.”Less
This chapter examines how Norman Vincent Peale disseminated his gospel using the “Guideposts” magazine, which used the motto, “More than a magazine.” Founded in 1944 by Peale, “Guideposts” gave Pealeism a public identity that was easily understood. Politically, early “Guideposts” found a home for the potentially antinomian message of positive thinking within Cold War conservatism. Its editorial philosophy reflected Peale’s civic and religious priorities, best summarized as the ideas of Americanism, free enterprise, and practical Christianity. The chapter shows how “Guideposts” emerged from Peale’s practical Christianity and political conservatism and how it fared in the 1940s. It also discusses the strategies adopted by Peale to build a new image for “Guideposts” and concludes by explaining how the magazine evolved from a political broadside of the Cold War to achieve a more enduring cultural status along the lines of “The Reader’s Digest” and “National Geographic.”
Matthew Bowman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199358212
- eISBN:
- 9780199358250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199358212.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Since the 1960s, Mormons have staked out socially conservative positions on issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage that has brought them into political alignment with other religious ...
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Since the 1960s, Mormons have staked out socially conservative positions on issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage that has brought them into political alignment with other religious conservatives, particularly with conservative evangelicals. At the same time, however, conservative evangelicals increased their theological criticism of the LDS Church, accusing Mormonism of being a non-Christian or anti-Christian cult. They argued that Mormon theology led to un-American politics, weak personality, and a decadent lifestyle. Evangelicals and Mormons engaged in vigorous criticism of each other on matters of both theology and social practice, but both sides ultimately concluded that theological objections did not preclude civic cooperation.Less
Since the 1960s, Mormons have staked out socially conservative positions on issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage that has brought them into political alignment with other religious conservatives, particularly with conservative evangelicals. At the same time, however, conservative evangelicals increased their theological criticism of the LDS Church, accusing Mormonism of being a non-Christian or anti-Christian cult. They argued that Mormon theology led to un-American politics, weak personality, and a decadent lifestyle. Evangelicals and Mormons engaged in vigorous criticism of each other on matters of both theology and social practice, but both sides ultimately concluded that theological objections did not preclude civic cooperation.
Amity Shlaes
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190650759
- eISBN:
- 9780190650780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650759.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
At the height of his career and in the second year of his presidency, Calvin Coolidge lost his cherished second son, Calvin Jr. Barely sixteen, Calvin Jr. died suddenly from an infection resulting ...
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At the height of his career and in the second year of his presidency, Calvin Coolidge lost his cherished second son, Calvin Jr. Barely sixteen, Calvin Jr. died suddenly from an infection resulting from a simple blister on his toe following a game of tennis on the White House court. Of his son’s death, Coolidge remarked, “When he went, the power and glory of the Presidency went with him.” Most biographies of this chief executive suggest that young Calvin’s death aborted his father’s presidency. Yet the boy’s passing occurred in the summer of 1924, and Coolidge, though clearly devastated, decided to stay the course and run for reelection. And there are reasons to believe that the tragedy made Coolidge a more efficient president and more determined to act on his conservative principles and see them translated into governmental policy.Less
At the height of his career and in the second year of his presidency, Calvin Coolidge lost his cherished second son, Calvin Jr. Barely sixteen, Calvin Jr. died suddenly from an infection resulting from a simple blister on his toe following a game of tennis on the White House court. Of his son’s death, Coolidge remarked, “When he went, the power and glory of the Presidency went with him.” Most biographies of this chief executive suggest that young Calvin’s death aborted his father’s presidency. Yet the boy’s passing occurred in the summer of 1924, and Coolidge, though clearly devastated, decided to stay the course and run for reelection. And there are reasons to believe that the tragedy made Coolidge a more efficient president and more determined to act on his conservative principles and see them translated into governmental policy.