Cathy J. Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter attempts to discover the attitudes of young black Americans towards the government. Two perspectives are considered in this chapter. The first perspective relates to Kanye West's ...
More
This chapter attempts to discover the attitudes of young black Americans towards the government. Two perspectives are considered in this chapter. The first perspective relates to Kanye West's cynicism and frustration on the American political community. With typhoon Katrina as a reminder, black people believe that they are still treated like second-class citizens and government help is sluggish in times of crisis. The second perspective, on the other hand, promotes hope and a positive outlook on the government which has been popularized by Barack Obama. This is seen during the rallies for Obama, wherein thousands of young people participated to demonstrate their support. In addition, the chapter examines the reason why black people are still politically alienated despite the increasing opportunities provided to them.Less
This chapter attempts to discover the attitudes of young black Americans towards the government. Two perspectives are considered in this chapter. The first perspective relates to Kanye West's cynicism and frustration on the American political community. With typhoon Katrina as a reminder, black people believe that they are still treated like second-class citizens and government help is sluggish in times of crisis. The second perspective, on the other hand, promotes hope and a positive outlook on the government which has been popularized by Barack Obama. This is seen during the rallies for Obama, wherein thousands of young people participated to demonstrate their support. In addition, the chapter examines the reason why black people are still politically alienated despite the increasing opportunities provided to them.
Chandran Kukathas
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257546
- eISBN:
- 9780191599705
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925754X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyses the nature of the state and political community, and the basis of legitimate authority. It defines community to be able to offer an account of political community. It aims to ...
More
This chapter analyses the nature of the state and political community, and the basis of legitimate authority. It defines community to be able to offer an account of political community. It aims to show that political community is not as important a form of community as has been suggested, especially when the form of political community in question is the state.Less
This chapter analyses the nature of the state and political community, and the basis of legitimate authority. It defines community to be able to offer an account of political community. It aims to show that political community is not as important a form of community as has been suggested, especially when the form of political community in question is the state.
Sujit Choudhry
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Some preliminary reflections are offered on the place of citizenship in a theory of federalism. Citizenship is one of the central concepts in political theory, and an account of citizenship, at the ...
More
Some preliminary reflections are offered on the place of citizenship in a theory of federalism. Citizenship is one of the central concepts in political theory, and an account of citizenship, at the very least, defines the criteria for, and the method for the acquisition of, membership in a political community; more importantly, it also lays down the rights and responsibilities that attach to membership. The first section in this chapter makes the point that the three chapters following in this last section of the book further the debate on citizenship and federalism by invoking three different conceptions of citizenship, ethnocultural (Ch. 17), civic (Ch. 15), and economic (Ch. 16), which in turn express different underlying conceptions of political community; these different conceptions are discussed. The second section argues that the three chapters do not fully address the complication that federalism poses for citizenship, which is termed here the problem of divided, multiple or conflicting allegiances/loyalties; this is done by discussing conceptions of citizenship in the EU, and contrasting them with the situation in the USA.Less
Some preliminary reflections are offered on the place of citizenship in a theory of federalism. Citizenship is one of the central concepts in political theory, and an account of citizenship, at the very least, defines the criteria for, and the method for the acquisition of, membership in a political community; more importantly, it also lays down the rights and responsibilities that attach to membership. The first section in this chapter makes the point that the three chapters following in this last section of the book further the debate on citizenship and federalism by invoking three different conceptions of citizenship, ethnocultural (Ch. 17), civic (Ch. 15), and economic (Ch. 16), which in turn express different underlying conceptions of political community; these different conceptions are discussed. The second section argues that the three chapters do not fully address the complication that federalism poses for citizenship, which is termed here the problem of divided, multiple or conflicting allegiances/loyalties; this is done by discussing conceptions of citizenship in the EU, and contrasting them with the situation in the USA.
Avner de‐Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
If community oriented thought is needed to support and justify environmental policies, what kind of community do we have in mind? The notion of a multi‐species community, suggested by many ...
More
If community oriented thought is needed to support and justify environmental policies, what kind of community do we have in mind? The notion of a multi‐species community, suggested by many environmental philosophers, is rejected as inconsistent. The idea of localism—local human communities—also popular among environmentalists, is rejected on moral and environmental grounds. The idea of ‘collective rational reflection’ as a moral and political community is put forward.Less
If community oriented thought is needed to support and justify environmental policies, what kind of community do we have in mind? The notion of a multi‐species community, suggested by many environmental philosophers, is rejected as inconsistent. The idea of localism—local human communities—also popular among environmentalists, is rejected on moral and environmental grounds. The idea of ‘collective rational reflection’ as a moral and political community is put forward.
Robert Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199262014
- eISBN:
- 9780191601033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262012.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the issue of democracy as a basis of international community. It reviews the debate on the European Union as a political community, NATO, and a speech by the leader of a major ...
More
This chapter explores the issue of democracy as a basis of international community. It reviews the debate on the European Union as a political community, NATO, and a speech by the leader of a major Western power who advocates a ‘doctrine of international community’ which would make democracy and human rights a global standard of conduct. It argues that pluralism or international freedom is a greater international good than democracy. This, in turn, makes democracy possible by giving people a choice on whether or not to establish democracy in their own country.Less
This chapter explores the issue of democracy as a basis of international community. It reviews the debate on the European Union as a political community, NATO, and a speech by the leader of a major Western power who advocates a ‘doctrine of international community’ which would make democracy and human rights a global standard of conduct. It argues that pluralism or international freedom is a greater international good than democracy. This, in turn, makes democracy possible by giving people a choice on whether or not to establish democracy in their own country.
Joseph H. Carens
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297680
- eISBN:
- 9780191598937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297688.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Uses Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice as a vehicle for reflecting on the problem of universalism and relativism, with particular attention to the question of the moral relevance of cultural ...
More
Uses Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice as a vehicle for reflecting on the problem of universalism and relativism, with particular attention to the question of the moral relevance of cultural differences between political communities. It celebrates Walzer's contextual approach to theory and defends some of his key insights, using the Override Clause in Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms as a way of illustrating the moral importance of differences in political culture. But it also argues that Walzer's assertion that there is a tight link between moral community and political community conflicts with claims that he makes about justice in other societies. The chapter explores the question of whether and how we should judge history. It then uses gender equality and democracy as test cases for exploring how far our moral minimalism should extend and how open we should be to moral and cultural relativism.Less
Uses Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice as a vehicle for reflecting on the problem of universalism and relativism, with particular attention to the question of the moral relevance of cultural differences between political communities. It celebrates Walzer's contextual approach to theory and defends some of his key insights, using the Override Clause in Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms as a way of illustrating the moral importance of differences in political culture. But it also argues that Walzer's assertion that there is a tight link between moral community and political community conflicts with claims that he makes about justice in other societies. The chapter explores the question of whether and how we should judge history. It then uses gender equality and democracy as test cases for exploring how far our moral minimalism should extend and how open we should be to moral and cultural relativism.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is ...
More
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.Less
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.
Joseph H. Carens
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280088
- eISBN:
- 9780191599927
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280084.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Joseph Carens argues that Michael Walzer's account of the moral autonomy of political communities is not true to our shared understanding of justice. Drawing upon a wide range of cross‐cultural ...
More
Joseph Carens argues that Michael Walzer's account of the moral autonomy of political communities is not true to our shared understanding of justice. Drawing upon a wide range of cross‐cultural examples, he argues that our understanding of justice requires us sometimes to criticize institutions and policies of political communities that are culturally different to our own communities. Focusing on issues of gender and democracy, he also argues that the ‘we’ who make these judgements does not always correspond to the members of a political community but can be either wider or narrower.Less
Joseph Carens argues that Michael Walzer's account of the moral autonomy of political communities is not true to our shared understanding of justice. Drawing upon a wide range of cross‐cultural examples, he argues that our understanding of justice requires us sometimes to criticize institutions and policies of political communities that are culturally different to our own communities. Focusing on issues of gender and democracy, he also argues that the ‘we’ who make these judgements does not always correspond to the members of a political community but can be either wider or narrower.
Georg Sørensen
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Argues that although many Third World countries have experienced democratic openings, a large part of them are stuck in the initial phases of a democratic transition. International actors have ...
More
Argues that although many Third World countries have experienced democratic openings, a large part of them are stuck in the initial phases of a democratic transition. International actors have contributed to this outcome in the following ways: (1) failing to appreciate the role of nationalism and political community; (2) overemphasizing economic and political liberalism; (3) supporting elite‐dominated democracies. It explores the connection between democratization and state strength, citing examples of transitions in Africa.Less
Argues that although many Third World countries have experienced democratic openings, a large part of them are stuck in the initial phases of a democratic transition. International actors have contributed to this outcome in the following ways: (1) failing to appreciate the role of nationalism and political community; (2) overemphasizing economic and political liberalism; (3) supporting elite‐dominated democracies. It explores the connection between democratization and state strength, citing examples of transitions in Africa.
Angelika Scheuer
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the first of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the core question of whether and to what extent the citizens of the EU have grown together into a political ...
More
This chapter is the first of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the core question of whether and to what extent the citizens of the EU have grown together into a political community. The first section discusses the common European heritage, and sources of conflicts and diversity, and then introduces the concept of sense of political community, in which two dimensions are distinguished: identification (which refers to the citizens themselves) and ‘we‐feeling’ (which refers to fellow citizens). These two dimensions are compatible with modern theories of intergroup relations, and are discussed further in the next two sections of the chapter. The first of these monitors the evolution of European identifications from 1982 to 1995, and compares the pride of EU citizens and political elites in being European. The second investigates whether EU citizens trust their fellow Europeans, and where the geographical borderline is drawn between ingroup and outgroup.Less
This chapter is the first of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the core question of whether and to what extent the citizens of the EU have grown together into a political community. The first section discusses the common European heritage, and sources of conflicts and diversity, and then introduces the concept of sense of political community, in which two dimensions are distinguished: identification (which refers to the citizens themselves) and ‘we‐feeling’ (which refers to fellow citizens). These two dimensions are compatible with modern theories of intergroup relations, and are discussed further in the next two sections of the chapter. The first of these monitors the evolution of European identifications from 1982 to 1995, and compares the pride of EU citizens and political elites in being European. The second investigates whether EU citizens trust their fellow Europeans, and where the geographical borderline is drawn between ingroup and outgroup.
Sanford Levinson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152400
- eISBN:
- 9781400839872
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152400.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter presents an extended treatment of our feelings about a variety of oaths and affirmations. Oaths are a mixture of pure form and substantive content. Their formal nature may remind us of ...
More
This chapter presents an extended treatment of our feelings about a variety of oaths and affirmations. Oaths are a mixture of pure form and substantive content. Their formal nature may remind us of the “contentless” seals formerly used to give legal validity to contracts. Vows also signify a desire to be considered a member of a particular community and a willingness to remain within its boundaries. This chapter focuses on the American political community and its extraction of loyalty oaths attesting to a shared commitment to certain beliefs—usually involving the legitimacy of the state, its particular political structure, or its ideological aspirations. It also considers two other kinds of communities. One is the classical religious faith community. The other is the marriage by which two individuals join together in constituting a special kind of common enterprise.Less
This chapter presents an extended treatment of our feelings about a variety of oaths and affirmations. Oaths are a mixture of pure form and substantive content. Their formal nature may remind us of the “contentless” seals formerly used to give legal validity to contracts. Vows also signify a desire to be considered a member of a particular community and a willingness to remain within its boundaries. This chapter focuses on the American political community and its extraction of loyalty oaths attesting to a shared commitment to certain beliefs—usually involving the legitimacy of the state, its particular political structure, or its ideological aspirations. It also considers two other kinds of communities. One is the classical religious faith community. The other is the marriage by which two individuals join together in constituting a special kind of common enterprise.
Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199606245
- eISBN:
- 9780191741562
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606245.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Traditional understandings of citizenship are facing a number of challenges. Ideas of cosmopolitan and environmental citizenship have emerged in the light of concerns about global inequality and ...
More
Traditional understandings of citizenship are facing a number of challenges. Ideas of cosmopolitan and environmental citizenship have emerged in the light of concerns about global inequality and climate change, whilst new models of multicultural citizenship have been developed in response to the dilemmas posed by immigration and the presence of national minorities. At the same time, more particular debates take place about the demands citizenship places upon us in our everyday lives. Do we have a duty as citizens to take steps to reduce the risk of needing to rely upon state benefits, including health care? Does good citizenship require that we send our children to the local school even when it performs poorly? Does a parent fail in his duty as a citizen — not just as a father, say — when he is less involved in the raising of his children than their mother? Should citizens refrain from appealing to religious reasons in public debate? Do immigrants have a duty to integrate? Do we have duties of citizenship to minimize the size of our ecological footprints? This book develops a normative theory of citizenship that brings together issues such as these under a common framework rather than treating them in isolation in the way that often happens. It distinguishes two different ways of thinking about citizenship both of which shed some light on the demands that it makes upon us: according to the first approach, the demands of citizenship are grounded exclusively in considerations of justice, whereas according to the second, they are grounded in the good that is realized by a political community the members of which have equal standing and treat each other as equals not only in the political process but in civil society and beyond.Less
Traditional understandings of citizenship are facing a number of challenges. Ideas of cosmopolitan and environmental citizenship have emerged in the light of concerns about global inequality and climate change, whilst new models of multicultural citizenship have been developed in response to the dilemmas posed by immigration and the presence of national minorities. At the same time, more particular debates take place about the demands citizenship places upon us in our everyday lives. Do we have a duty as citizens to take steps to reduce the risk of needing to rely upon state benefits, including health care? Does good citizenship require that we send our children to the local school even when it performs poorly? Does a parent fail in his duty as a citizen — not just as a father, say — when he is less involved in the raising of his children than their mother? Should citizens refrain from appealing to religious reasons in public debate? Do immigrants have a duty to integrate? Do we have duties of citizenship to minimize the size of our ecological footprints? This book develops a normative theory of citizenship that brings together issues such as these under a common framework rather than treating them in isolation in the way that often happens. It distinguishes two different ways of thinking about citizenship both of which shed some light on the demands that it makes upon us: according to the first approach, the demands of citizenship are grounded exclusively in considerations of justice, whereas according to the second, they are grounded in the good that is realized by a political community the members of which have equal standing and treat each other as equals not only in the political process but in civil society and beyond.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational ...
More
This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational institutions. It is argued that these levels are mutually reinforcing rather than mutually competing. Since nation-states can no longer protect the interests of their citizens on their own, establishing well-functioning transnational institutions can help states focus on the goals they can successfully pursue. Self-government of minorities should not be viewed as a threat but a precondition to long-term stability of states.Less
This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational institutions. It is argued that these levels are mutually reinforcing rather than mutually competing. Since nation-states can no longer protect the interests of their citizens on their own, establishing well-functioning transnational institutions can help states focus on the goals they can successfully pursue. Self-government of minorities should not be viewed as a threat but a precondition to long-term stability of states.
Michael Gottlob
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198072485
- eISBN:
- 9780199080731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198072485.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
This chapter is divided into three parts. The first discusses the emergence of communalist interpretations of Indian past and their political implications. It also relates to the Indian scepticism ...
More
This chapter is divided into three parts. The first discusses the emergence of communalist interpretations of Indian past and their political implications. It also relates to the Indian scepticism about the modern concept of history. The second section attempts to understand the multicultural reality of India through its tensions and contending tendencies rather than trace it back to an original state of harmony. The final part traces the role of women, Dalits and Adivasis in the writing of Indian history and their role in contributing to a rethinking of the political community.Less
This chapter is divided into three parts. The first discusses the emergence of communalist interpretations of Indian past and their political implications. It also relates to the Indian scepticism about the modern concept of history. The second section attempts to understand the multicultural reality of India through its tensions and contending tendencies rather than trace it back to an original state of harmony. The final part traces the role of women, Dalits and Adivasis in the writing of Indian history and their role in contributing to a rethinking of the political community.
Amy Verdun and Thomas Christiansen
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296393
- eISBN:
- 9780191599002
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296398.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Whereas in democratic national systems institutions are legitimated by a political community, at the European level institutions are constructed in order to produce such a community. As a result, ...
More
Whereas in democratic national systems institutions are legitimated by a political community, at the European level institutions are constructed in order to produce such a community. As a result, institutions like monetary union run a risk of having low popular legitimacy. The authors use this issue to consider the general problem of EU legitimacy.Less
Whereas in democratic national systems institutions are legitimated by a political community, at the European level institutions are constructed in order to produce such a community. As a result, institutions like monetary union run a risk of having low popular legitimacy. The authors use this issue to consider the general problem of EU legitimacy.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280088
- eISBN:
- 9780191599927
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280084.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
David Miller outlines the central ideas of Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice, focusing on the notions of political community, social goods, and complex equality. He critically examines Walzer's ...
More
David Miller outlines the central ideas of Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice, focusing on the notions of political community, social goods, and complex equality. He critically examines Walzer's reliance on the interpretative method in determining the requirements of distributive justice. Miller argues that the concept of complex equality needs to be interpreted alongside that of equal citizenship.Less
David Miller outlines the central ideas of Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice, focusing on the notions of political community, social goods, and complex equality. He critically examines Walzer's reliance on the interpretative method in determining the requirements of distributive justice. Miller argues that the concept of complex equality needs to be interpreted alongside that of equal citizenship.
Michael Hanchard
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195176247
- eISBN:
- 9780199851003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195176247.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explicitly addresses political community as an underexplored dimension of black transnationalism, synthesizing issues of ideology, micro- and macropolitics, and ethics to argue for more ...
More
This chapter explicitly addresses political community as an underexplored dimension of black transnationalism, synthesizing issues of ideology, micro- and macropolitics, and ethics to argue for more politically sophisticated understandings of black solidarity that can have salience not only for adherents to solidarity-based movements and organizations but also their detractors.Less
This chapter explicitly addresses political community as an underexplored dimension of black transnationalism, synthesizing issues of ideology, micro- and macropolitics, and ethics to argue for more politically sophisticated understandings of black solidarity that can have salience not only for adherents to solidarity-based movements and organizations but also their detractors.
Hermann Schmitt and Jacques Thomassen (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
How severe a problem is what many call the ‘democratic deficit’ of the EU? Despite a voluminous theoretical literature dealing with this question, there is hardly any systematic empirical ...
More
How severe a problem is what many call the ‘democratic deficit’ of the EU? Despite a voluminous theoretical literature dealing with this question, there is hardly any systematic empirical investigation of the effectiveness of the system of political representation in the EU, and of the legitimacy beliefs of EU citizens that spring from it. This book elaborates a conceptual framework for the empirical analysis of the alleged democratic deficit. Four dimensions of legitimacy beliefs are identified and analysed: the European political community; the scope of EU government; the institutions and processes of EU government; and EU policies. Based upon large‐scale representative surveys (the ‘European Representation Study’) among the mass publics, and different strata of the political elite of the EU and its member‐states, the book examines the conditions of political representation in the EU. The results demonstrate, by and large, that legitimacy beliefs of EU citizens are the more positive the less specific the object of identification and evaluations is, and that the process of political representation works pretty well as long as issues other than EU issues are concerned. These findings are finally discussed in view of familiar strategies for institutional reform of the EU. The book is arranged in two main parts: I. Legitimacy (4 Chs) and II. Representation ( 6Chs); it also has an introduction, a conclusion, and an appendix giving details of the European Representation Study. The book is one of two companion volumes that report on the results of this study. The other is The European Parliament, the National Parliaments, and European Integration (edited by Richard S. Katz and Bernhard Wessels), and is also published by OUP.Less
How severe a problem is what many call the ‘democratic deficit’ of the EU? Despite a voluminous theoretical literature dealing with this question, there is hardly any systematic empirical investigation of the effectiveness of the system of political representation in the EU, and of the legitimacy beliefs of EU citizens that spring from it. This book elaborates a conceptual framework for the empirical analysis of the alleged democratic deficit. Four dimensions of legitimacy beliefs are identified and analysed: the European political community; the scope of EU government; the institutions and processes of EU government; and EU policies. Based upon large‐scale representative surveys (the ‘European Representation Study’) among the mass publics, and different strata of the political elite of the EU and its member‐states, the book examines the conditions of political representation in the EU. The results demonstrate, by and large, that legitimacy beliefs of EU citizens are the more positive the less specific the object of identification and evaluations is, and that the process of political representation works pretty well as long as issues other than EU issues are concerned. These findings are finally discussed in view of familiar strategies for institutional reform of the EU. The book is arranged in two main parts: I. Legitimacy (4 Chs) and II. Representation ( 6Chs); it also has an introduction, a conclusion, and an appendix giving details of the European Representation Study. The book is one of two companion volumes that report on the results of this study. The other is The European Parliament, the National Parliaments, and European Integration (edited by Richard S. Katz and Bernhard Wessels), and is also published by OUP.
Erik O. Eriksen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572519
- eISBN:
- 9780191722400
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572519.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Democratization
This last chapter addresses the puzzle of why parliamentary democracy has become the legitimacy standard for the EU when there is no demos. We witness a development from a situation in which ...
More
This last chapter addresses the puzzle of why parliamentary democracy has become the legitimacy standard for the EU when there is no demos. We witness a development from a situation in which democracy served as a guiding norm for national systems only, to one where democracy has become an increasingly relevant standard also for evaluating the EU. Following its empowerment, the European Parliament, together with national parliaments, is part of a European multi‐level parliamentary field. But why has the reform process taken the form of support for a parliamentarian model of representative democracy when central conditions for it to work properly are not in place? The solution to the puzzle is sought in the normative thrust of the parliamentary principle as the main embodiment of popular rule. But the lingering question is whether there can be democracy based on an empowered parliament without a political community.Less
This last chapter addresses the puzzle of why parliamentary democracy has become the legitimacy standard for the EU when there is no demos. We witness a development from a situation in which democracy served as a guiding norm for national systems only, to one where democracy has become an increasingly relevant standard also for evaluating the EU. Following its empowerment, the European Parliament, together with national parliaments, is part of a European multi‐level parliamentary field. But why has the reform process taken the form of support for a parliamentarian model of representative democracy when central conditions for it to work properly are not in place? The solution to the puzzle is sought in the normative thrust of the parliamentary principle as the main embodiment of popular rule. But the lingering question is whether there can be democracy based on an empowered parliament without a political community.
Christopher Bobonich
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199251438
- eISBN:
- 9780191597084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199251436.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
Since in the Laws Plato comes to think that non‐philosophers are capable of genuine virtue, new conceptions of what a good city is and of what a good citizen is are both possible and required. This ...
More
Since in the Laws Plato comes to think that non‐philosophers are capable of genuine virtue, new conceptions of what a good city is and of what a good citizen is are both possible and required. This chapter explores these conceptions and in doing so examines Plato's understanding of proper political rule, the goodness of ethical activity, and the city's theology. I also discuss some of the details of the political and social structure of the city of the Laws (Magnesia) and the ways in which such a city is ‘second best’.Less
Since in the Laws Plato comes to think that non‐philosophers are capable of genuine virtue, new conceptions of what a good city is and of what a good citizen is are both possible and required. This chapter explores these conceptions and in doing so examines Plato's understanding of proper political rule, the goodness of ethical activity, and the city's theology. I also discuss some of the details of the political and social structure of the city of the Laws (Magnesia) and the ways in which such a city is ‘second best’.
