Uwe Jun
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the ...
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This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the Conservatives and the Labour Party, created the crucial preconditions for the emergence and establishment of the political class, and it was in their interest to accelerate the process of professional i zation. Basic conditions have been carried through the steady increase of MPs’ salaries since the 1970s, an expansion of political occupations, and different mechanisms for career maintenance. Moreover, previous institutional reforms have not changed the composition of the p o litical class as much as they have strengthened the process of professionalization of the existing political class. Newly developed political networks within different policy areas foster the development of the career politician, who early in his or her career e n ters politics and wants to stay there; the networks facilitate both entry into politics and maint e nance within the political class.Less
This chapter shows the professionalization of the political class in Great Britain, a country that until the early 1970s was dominated by the amateur politician. Both major parties in Britain, the Conservatives and the Labour Party, created the crucial preconditions for the emergence and establishment of the political class, and it was in their interest to accelerate the process of professional i zation. Basic conditions have been carried through the steady increase of MPs’ salaries since the 1970s, an expansion of political occupations, and different mechanisms for career maintenance. Moreover, previous institutional reforms have not changed the composition of the p o litical class as much as they have strengthened the process of professionalization of the existing political class. Newly developed political networks within different policy areas foster the development of the career politician, who early in his or her career e n ters politics and wants to stay there; the networks facilitate both entry into politics and maint e nance within the political class.
Jens Borchert and Lutz Zeiss
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The professionalization of politics in Germany was hindered by the explicit rejection of legislative salaries in the German constitution until 1906. Thus, it was the Social Democratic Party and ...
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The professionalization of politics in Germany was hindered by the explicit rejection of legislative salaries in the German constitution until 1906. Thus, it was the Social Democratic Party and various interest groups that provided organizational and financial resources for early professionalization. Parties were strengthened from the Weimar Republic on, leading to Germany being politically dominated by parties today. Professional politicians today are primarily to be found in the federal Parliament (‘Bundetag’) and the highly professional state legislatures. Mostly, they are party regulars, which is reenforced by the strong role of parties in the polity and by the electoral system linking political careers to intra-party decision-making.Less
The professionalization of politics in Germany was hindered by the explicit rejection of legislative salaries in the German constitution until 1906. Thus, it was the Social Democratic Party and various interest groups that provided organizational and financial resources for early professionalization. Parties were strengthened from the Weimar Republic on, leading to Germany being politically dominated by parties today. Professional politicians today are primarily to be found in the federal Parliament (‘Bundetag’) and the highly professional state legislatures. Mostly, they are party regulars, which is reenforced by the strong role of parties in the polity and by the electoral system linking political careers to intra-party decision-making.
Jens Borchert and Gary Copeland
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
American politicians have about the greatest choice in terms of the electoral offices they want to pursue. However, only a minority of these numerous offices is professionalized. Moreover, while ...
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American politicians have about the greatest choice in terms of the electoral offices they want to pursue. However, only a minority of these numerous offices is professionalized. Moreover, while partisan coordination of political careers was true in the second half of the nineteenth century, it no longer is. Today American politicians largely are political entrepreneurs running their own political careers with the help of other professions that have developed around professional politics and of interest groups, which collect and donate most of the money needed for electoral campaigns. The most highly prized office is that of a member of Congress. Professional politicians in the United States, hence, are mostly professional legislators. It is here that long careers can be realized whereas executive terms tend to be rather short. Changes in the situation of politicians occur most frequently as an often- unintended result of institutional reform, which has been high on the agenda for quite some time.Less
American politicians have about the greatest choice in terms of the electoral offices they want to pursue. However, only a minority of these numerous offices is professionalized. Moreover, while partisan coordination of political careers was true in the second half of the nineteenth century, it no longer is. Today American politicians largely are political entrepreneurs running their own political careers with the help of other professions that have developed around professional politics and of interest groups, which collect and donate most of the money needed for electoral campaigns. The most highly prized office is that of a member of Congress. Professional politicians in the United States, hence, are mostly professional legislators. It is here that long careers can be realized whereas executive terms tend to be rather short. Changes in the situation of politicians occur most frequently as an often- unintended result of institutional reform, which has been high on the agenda for quite some time.
Roderic Ai Camp
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199742851
- eISBN:
- 9780199866298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742851.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The influence of local political careers has been crucial to the evolution of democratic leadership in Mexico. An especially strong link exists between local career experience and politicians who are ...
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The influence of local political careers has been crucial to the evolution of democratic leadership in Mexico. An especially strong link exists between local career experience and politicians who are leaders in the national legislative branch. The fathers of leading PAN politicians often were candidates for state and federal deputy positions, and this suggests the importance of politically active families for the leading opposition party. Family ties have persisted through the decades, especially at the local level, suggesting the ability of informal political characteristics to resist broad and deep institutional changes.Less
The influence of local political careers has been crucial to the evolution of democratic leadership in Mexico. An especially strong link exists between local career experience and politicians who are leaders in the national legislative branch. The fathers of leading PAN politicians often were candidates for state and federal deputy positions, and this suggests the importance of politically active families for the leading opposition party. Family ties have persisted through the decades, especially at the local level, suggesting the ability of informal political characteristics to resist broad and deep institutional changes.
Peter Matuschek
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Following its late democratization, Spain immediately experienced a development towards political professionalism, a process in which the political parties have been decisive as they soon succeeded ...
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Following its late democratization, Spain immediately experienced a development towards political professionalism, a process in which the political parties have been decisive as they soon succeeded in monopolizing their position as the sole intermediating actor between the political system and society. As Spain's parties are heavily centralized and hierarchical, pursuing an individual political career has become virtually impossible without passing through parties, which have thus emerged as the predominant gatekeepers. Although political careers mostly start on the local level, they may take different paths afterwards with the national Parliament being an important but often a transitional stage. Thanks to the high degree of politicization, an abundance of fallback options exists in the spheres of state and society, whether in the public administration, public enterprises, or the parties themselves. For the individual politician, this system of partitocracy provides a relatively high degree of professional security and guarantees a constant 'recycling' of the political class as a whole.Less
Following its late democratization, Spain immediately experienced a development towards political professionalism, a process in which the political parties have been decisive as they soon succeeded in monopolizing their position as the sole intermediating actor between the political system and society. As Spain's parties are heavily centralized and hierarchical, pursuing an individual political career has become virtually impossible without passing through parties, which have thus emerged as the predominant gatekeepers. Although political careers mostly start on the local level, they may take different paths afterwards with the national Parliament being an important but often a transitional stage. Thanks to the high degree of politicization, an abundance of fallback options exists in the spheres of state and society, whether in the public administration, public enterprises, or the parties themselves. For the individual politician, this system of partitocracy provides a relatively high degree of professional security and guarantees a constant 'recycling' of the political class as a whole.
Jens Borchert and Jürgen Zeiss (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the ...
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Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the first comprehensive overview of professional politicians in democratic countries.\par This book demonstrates that there are both striking similarities between professional politicians in different countries and notable national peculiarities. The introduction develops a common conceptual framework, which is put into use in the following chapters. Using Gaetano Mosca's term and Max Weber's seminal insights, it reconstructs the concept of political class to demonstrate the degree of common ground between politicians of different parties and institutions. The twenty country chapters written by scholars from sixteen countries provide information on professional politicians in their respective countries, as well as discussing the merits of the theoretical approach employed. Each chapter looks at the historical process of professionalization, the institutional context of professional politics, the size of the political class in each country, typical career paths, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates.Less
Professional politicians have increasingly come under public attack in most democratic countries, yet they have received surprisingly little systematic attention in political science. This is the first comprehensive overview of professional politicians in democratic countries.\par This book demonstrates that there are both striking similarities between professional politicians in different countries and notable national peculiarities. The introduction develops a common conceptual framework, which is put into use in the following chapters. Using Gaetano Mosca's term and Max Weber's seminal insights, it reconstructs the concept of political class to demonstrate the degree of common ground between politicians of different parties and institutions. The twenty country chapters written by scholars from sixteen countries provide information on professional politicians in their respective countries, as well as discussing the merits of the theoretical approach employed. Each chapter looks at the historical process of professionalization, the institutional context of professional politics, the size of the political class in each country, typical career paths, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates.
George Hoffmann
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159629
- eISBN:
- 9780191673658
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159629.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
In Montaigne's age hardly anyone made a living through writing. This book examines the practical world in which he and his peers wrote in order to suggest that works like the Essays, for all the ...
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In Montaigne's age hardly anyone made a living through writing. This book examines the practical world in which he and his peers wrote in order to suggest that works like the Essays, for all the status they enjoy today as classics, neither originated in detached pursuits nor flourished as self-contained activities. From where did his wealth come? How did he spend his days at home on the family estate? How did he publish his book? This book follows Montaigne from his wine presses to the printing press, and reveals that he may have expended much more time and effort managing his family's property than has been thought; that publishing demanded he perform professional tasks such as financing, proofreading, and revising for his publisher; and, finally, that rather than an alternative to a political career, writing may have played an integral role in his political ambitions.Less
In Montaigne's age hardly anyone made a living through writing. This book examines the practical world in which he and his peers wrote in order to suggest that works like the Essays, for all the status they enjoy today as classics, neither originated in detached pursuits nor flourished as self-contained activities. From where did his wealth come? How did he spend his days at home on the family estate? How did he publish his book? This book follows Montaigne from his wine presses to the printing press, and reveals that he may have expended much more time and effort managing his family's property than has been thought; that publishing demanded he perform professional tasks such as financing, proofreading, and revising for his publisher; and, finally, that rather than an alternative to a political career, writing may have played an integral role in his political ambitions.
Fiona Barker, Jonathan Boston, Stephen Levine, Elizabeth McLeay, and Nigel S. Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The purpose is to provide an initial assessment of the impact of the introduction of the mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system on the New Zealand political system, especially with regard ...
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The purpose is to provide an initial assessment of the impact of the introduction of the mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system on the New Zealand political system, especially with regard to the normative criteria established by the New Zealand Royal Commission on the Electoral System. However, since the normative nature of these criteria may limit the breadth of any analysis (they are not necessarily comprehensive and unambiguous, nor do they provide a watertight framework for evaluation), this particular discussion of the impact of MMP on the New Zealand political system is left until the last section. The bulk of the chapter instead employs the findings of political scientists on the relationships between electoral systems, political behavior, and political institutions. These are presented in 10 sections: Anticipating the New Electoral System; The Election and Government Formation; The Political Parties and the Party System; Political Recruitment and Careers; Voting Behavior; Parliament; Government Transition and Durability; Government and the Policy Process; The Future of the New Electoral System; and Winners and Losers. The authors make the point that (as in Germany) personalized geographic representation has continued even as the overall system has been made more proportional.Less
The purpose is to provide an initial assessment of the impact of the introduction of the mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system on the New Zealand political system, especially with regard to the normative criteria established by the New Zealand Royal Commission on the Electoral System. However, since the normative nature of these criteria may limit the breadth of any analysis (they are not necessarily comprehensive and unambiguous, nor do they provide a watertight framework for evaluation), this particular discussion of the impact of MMP on the New Zealand political system is left until the last section. The bulk of the chapter instead employs the findings of political scientists on the relationships between electoral systems, political behavior, and political institutions. These are presented in 10 sections: Anticipating the New Electoral System; The Election and Government Formation; The Political Parties and the Party System; Political Recruitment and Careers; Voting Behavior; Parliament; Government Transition and Durability; Government and the Policy Process; The Future of the New Electoral System; and Winners and Losers. The authors make the point that (as in Germany) personalized geographic representation has continued even as the overall system has been made more proportional.
Klaus Stolz
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079795
- eISBN:
- 9781781703120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079795.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter shows how the regionalised institutional opportunity structures in conjunction with the non-institutional effects of regionalism are shaping professional political careers in Catalonia ...
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This chapter shows how the regionalised institutional opportunity structures in conjunction with the non-institutional effects of regionalism are shaping professional political careers in Catalonia and Scotland. It analyses the aspect of functional differentiation of regional politicians vis-à-vis regional citizens and examines the territorial differentiation of regional politicians vis-à-vis national politicians. It describes the objective structural features of the political classes in Catalonia and Scotland and identifies the dominant career patterns in both regions.Less
This chapter shows how the regionalised institutional opportunity structures in conjunction with the non-institutional effects of regionalism are shaping professional political careers in Catalonia and Scotland. It analyses the aspect of functional differentiation of regional politicians vis-à-vis regional citizens and examines the territorial differentiation of regional politicians vis-à-vis national politicians. It describes the objective structural features of the political classes in Catalonia and Scotland and identifies the dominant career patterns in both regions.
Klaus Stolz
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079795
- eISBN:
- 9781781703120
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079795.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of ...
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Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.Less
Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.
Ronald M. Peters and Cindy Simon Rosenthal
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195383737
- eISBN:
- 9780199852802
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195383737.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter details Nancy Pelosi’s rise to the speakership. How she got there is the remarkable personal story of a housewife and mother who, as she has put it, made it from the kitchen to the ...
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This chapter details Nancy Pelosi’s rise to the speakership. How she got there is the remarkable personal story of a housewife and mother who, as she has put it, made it from the kitchen to the House. But the story is also a narrative about the changing face of American politics and the changing character of the House of Representatives. Considering Pelosi’s rise in California politics, the way she built her career in the House of Representatives, and her rise to the speakership enables us not only to understand her career in the context of the political forces that shaped it but also to understand better those forces through the prism of her career.Less
This chapter details Nancy Pelosi’s rise to the speakership. How she got there is the remarkable personal story of a housewife and mother who, as she has put it, made it from the kitchen to the House. But the story is also a narrative about the changing face of American politics and the changing character of the House of Representatives. Considering Pelosi’s rise in California politics, the way she built her career in the House of Representatives, and her rise to the speakership enables us not only to understand her career in the context of the political forces that shaped it but also to understand better those forces through the prism of her career.
Nicholas Roe
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198119692
- eISBN:
- 9780191671197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198119692.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This chapter is a retrospective survey of radical dissent at Cambridge in the decades prior to 1789, focusing upon William Frend and George Dyer as models for Samuel Taylor Coleridge's political ...
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This chapter is a retrospective survey of radical dissent at Cambridge in the decades prior to 1789, focusing upon William Frend and George Dyer as models for Samuel Taylor Coleridge's political career from 1794 onwards. Samuel Taylor Coleridge would forfeit his degree and the chance of a college fellowship. Hence, Coleridge's waggish declaration of his ‘orthodoxy’. As it turned out Coleridge did not sustain the studious promise of his first year at Cambridge, and he left Jesus in December 1794 without sitting his final examinations. The question of subscription on taking his degree did not arise. However, George's worries about Mr. Frend's ‘company‘ were confirmed in Coleridge's emergence as a unitarian, and by the course of his political career after leaving Cambridge. Frend's influence upon Coleridge, in turn, was conditioned by dissenters at Jesus College and in Cambridge town in the years leading up to the French Revolution.Less
This chapter is a retrospective survey of radical dissent at Cambridge in the decades prior to 1789, focusing upon William Frend and George Dyer as models for Samuel Taylor Coleridge's political career from 1794 onwards. Samuel Taylor Coleridge would forfeit his degree and the chance of a college fellowship. Hence, Coleridge's waggish declaration of his ‘orthodoxy’. As it turned out Coleridge did not sustain the studious promise of his first year at Cambridge, and he left Jesus in December 1794 without sitting his final examinations. The question of subscription on taking his degree did not arise. However, George's worries about Mr. Frend's ‘company‘ were confirmed in Coleridge's emergence as a unitarian, and by the course of his political career after leaving Cambridge. Frend's influence upon Coleridge, in turn, was conditioned by dissenters at Jesus College and in Cambridge town in the years leading up to the French Revolution.
R. V COMERFORD
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199583744
- eISBN:
- 9780191702365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583744.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the political distress and land war in Ireland during the period from 1877 to 1882. It discusses British Prime Minister William Gladstone's visit to Ireland in October 1877 to ...
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This chapter examines the political distress and land war in Ireland during the period from 1877 to 1882. It discusses British Prime Minister William Gladstone's visit to Ireland in October 1877 to reform his old Irish constituency, and the power struggle within the home rule party. The chapter highlights the formation of the land league and the incarceration of Charles Stewart Parnell, which had a positive impact on his political career and popularity. It also discusses the impact of the land war in defining and strengthening the sense of national identity.Less
This chapter examines the political distress and land war in Ireland during the period from 1877 to 1882. It discusses British Prime Minister William Gladstone's visit to Ireland in October 1877 to reform his old Irish constituency, and the power struggle within the home rule party. The chapter highlights the formation of the land league and the incarceration of Charles Stewart Parnell, which had a positive impact on his political career and popularity. It also discusses the impact of the land war in defining and strengthening the sense of national identity.
Klaus Stolz
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079795
- eISBN:
- 9781781703120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079795.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This introductory chapter discusses the objective of this volume, which is to investigate how regional political institutions affect professional political careers in Scotland and Catalonia, and how, ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the objective of this volume, which is to investigate how regional political institutions affect professional political careers in Scotland and Catalonia, and how, in turn, the professional self-interest of these politicians is influencing the institutionalisation of regional politics. This volume uses case-study approaches to trace the emergence of a regional political class in Catalonia and in Scotland. This chapter suggests that political professionalisation and regionalisation are delineated as two macro-processes of functional and territorial differentiation closely related to democratisation and state modernisation. It also introduces the concept of political class as a major analytical tool to break the analysis down to the micro-level.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the objective of this volume, which is to investigate how regional political institutions affect professional political careers in Scotland and Catalonia, and how, in turn, the professional self-interest of these politicians is influencing the institutionalisation of regional politics. This volume uses case-study approaches to trace the emergence of a regional political class in Catalonia and in Scotland. This chapter suggests that political professionalisation and regionalisation are delineated as two macro-processes of functional and territorial differentiation closely related to democratisation and state modernisation. It also introduces the concept of political class as a major analytical tool to break the analysis down to the micro-level.
William Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208648
- eISBN:
- 9780191678103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208648.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter considers Macaulay's youthful conception of the historian's task and examines how much of it survived from his political experiences. Macaulay's political career both sustained and ...
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This chapter considers Macaulay's youthful conception of the historian's task and examines how much of it survived from his political experiences. Macaulay's political career both sustained and threatened this ideal. In one sense his reputation was political. It gave him the respectability and the contacts which he valued. Macaulay's later essays were in large part exercises in narrative technique. Political experience may well have increased his scepticism about the primacy of social history, as it impressed upon his mind the impact of political institutions and the forms by which decisions which affect large numbers of people are actually made. He judged his own work against his original aims, and realized he had fallen short of them. But that does not mean that those aims had fundamentally changed. In the event, most critics succumbed to the popular enthusiasm in his History of England. The major exception was John Wilson Croker.Less
This chapter considers Macaulay's youthful conception of the historian's task and examines how much of it survived from his political experiences. Macaulay's political career both sustained and threatened this ideal. In one sense his reputation was political. It gave him the respectability and the contacts which he valued. Macaulay's later essays were in large part exercises in narrative technique. Political experience may well have increased his scepticism about the primacy of social history, as it impressed upon his mind the impact of political institutions and the forms by which decisions which affect large numbers of people are actually made. He judged his own work against his original aims, and realized he had fallen short of them. But that does not mean that those aims had fundamentally changed. In the event, most critics succumbed to the popular enthusiasm in his History of England. The major exception was John Wilson Croker.
Ronald M. Peters and Cindy Simon Rosenthal
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195383737
- eISBN:
- 9780199852802
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195383737.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book seeks to understand Nancy Pelosi, not just as a Speaker of the House, or even as its first female Speaker, but also as a reflection of a new era in American politics. This chapter maps the ...
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This book seeks to understand Nancy Pelosi, not just as a Speaker of the House, or even as its first female Speaker, but also as a reflection of a new era in American politics. This chapter maps the terrain and introduces the themes that guide the narrative. Pelosi’s story opens a window on social, political, and institutional forces that have framed her career, shaped her leadership, and transformed the context within which the speakership has evolved. These trends are labeled as the “New American Politics.” Since Pelosi is the first woman to serve as Speaker, the chapter specifically explores the gender dimensions of this new incarnation of the political system. Finally, it turns to the implications of these trends for the speakership itself.Less
This book seeks to understand Nancy Pelosi, not just as a Speaker of the House, or even as its first female Speaker, but also as a reflection of a new era in American politics. This chapter maps the terrain and introduces the themes that guide the narrative. Pelosi’s story opens a window on social, political, and institutional forces that have framed her career, shaped her leadership, and transformed the context within which the speakership has evolved. These trends are labeled as the “New American Politics.” Since Pelosi is the first woman to serve as Speaker, the chapter specifically explores the gender dimensions of this new incarnation of the political system. Finally, it turns to the implications of these trends for the speakership itself.
Susan Franceschet and Jennifer M. Piscopo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199830091
- eISBN:
- 9780199932924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199830091.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on legislators’ backgrounds, exploring whether legislative quotas in Argentina lead to the nomination of unrepresentative or unqualified female parliamentarians. Susan ...
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This chapter focuses on legislators’ backgrounds, exploring whether legislative quotas in Argentina lead to the nomination of unrepresentative or unqualified female parliamentarians. Susan Franceschet and Jennifer M. Piscopo compare male and female legislators’ demographic data, including age, marital status, and number of children; their education and professional backgrounds; and their extent and type of political experience prior to holding office. While all female legislators are “quota women,” differences between men and women in the Argentine parliament show that quotas have not eliminated gendered political career patterns. As compared to men, the women are similar in age, less likely to be married, and tend to have fewer children; are equally highly educated, but with distinct educational and professional backgrounds; and much less likely to have held executive-level office previously. These differences do not reveal an innate inferiority of female politicians, but rather reveal that quotas enhance the overall diversity of legislators.Less
This chapter focuses on legislators’ backgrounds, exploring whether legislative quotas in Argentina lead to the nomination of unrepresentative or unqualified female parliamentarians. Susan Franceschet and Jennifer M. Piscopo compare male and female legislators’ demographic data, including age, marital status, and number of children; their education and professional backgrounds; and their extent and type of political experience prior to holding office. While all female legislators are “quota women,” differences between men and women in the Argentine parliament show that quotas have not eliminated gendered political career patterns. As compared to men, the women are similar in age, less likely to be married, and tend to have fewer children; are equally highly educated, but with distinct educational and professional backgrounds; and much less likely to have held executive-level office previously. These differences do not reveal an innate inferiority of female politicians, but rather reveal that quotas enhance the overall diversity of legislators.
Helen Gardikas-katsiadakis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624782
- eISBN:
- 9780748671267
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624782.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses Venizelos' entry into Greek politics. Venizelos was an ambitious man. His success in solving the deadlock in Greece and the leadership gap he discovered there encouraged him to ...
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This chapter discusses Venizelos' entry into Greek politics. Venizelos was an ambitious man. His success in solving the deadlock in Greece and the leadership gap he discovered there encouraged him to prepare for a political career on the mainland, although it is difficult to establish the exact point in his career when he began to think of such a step. Most likely it was long before 1910, by which time he was already forty-six years old; but it was only in 1910 that a clear opportunity arose. Venizelos was elected first deputy for Attica and Boeotia during the 8 August elections (in 1910). On 5 September, he addressed an impressive Athenian gathering in Constitution Square and set forth his political agenda. This appearance marked the beginning of a political relationship between Venizelos and his supporters that transformed the nature of political leadership in Greece.Less
This chapter discusses Venizelos' entry into Greek politics. Venizelos was an ambitious man. His success in solving the deadlock in Greece and the leadership gap he discovered there encouraged him to prepare for a political career on the mainland, although it is difficult to establish the exact point in his career when he began to think of such a step. Most likely it was long before 1910, by which time he was already forty-six years old; but it was only in 1910 that a clear opportunity arose. Venizelos was elected first deputy for Attica and Boeotia during the 8 August elections (in 1910). On 5 September, he addressed an impressive Athenian gathering in Constitution Square and set forth his political agenda. This appearance marked the beginning of a political relationship between Venizelos and his supporters that transformed the nature of political leadership in Greece.
F.P. Lock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199541539
- eISBN:
- 9780191701238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541539.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter examines the activities and career of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1788 to 1789. According to his letters and writings, Burke spent 1788 mostly on farming and ...
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This chapter examines the activities and career of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1788 to 1789. According to his letters and writings, Burke spent 1788 mostly on farming and writing correspondence. During this period, for various political reasons, Burke lost favour with the king, the public, and even many of his own associates. He was particularly hurt by the disregard of this because his entire political career had been devoted to its service.Less
This chapter examines the activities and career of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1788 to 1789. According to his letters and writings, Burke spent 1788 mostly on farming and writing correspondence. During this period, for various political reasons, Burke lost favour with the king, the public, and even many of his own associates. He was particularly hurt by the disregard of this because his entire political career had been devoted to its service.
Helen Jacobsen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693757
- eISBN:
- 9780191731976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693757.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Cultural History
Ralph Montagu, later first duke of Montagu, served as ambassador to the court of Louis XIV on two occasions and, at a time when French taste was gaining ground across Europe amongst the aristocratic ...
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Ralph Montagu, later first duke of Montagu, served as ambassador to the court of Louis XIV on two occasions and, at a time when French taste was gaining ground across Europe amongst the aristocratic and political elites, he appears as one of its most enthusiastic supporters. His material legacy – including Boughton House with its extraordinary collection of seventeenth-century decorative art and paintings, furniture, and textiles – has prompted much interest from art historians who have suggested that he was dazzled by the French court and became a leader of the new taste on his return to England. This chapter looks beyond the extant material evidence and considers in more detail his political career, which was inextricably bound up with his social and cultural life, and tries to address what lay behind his lavish consumption. It shows that Montagu’s artistic patronage was politically inspired, a way of manipulating his environment; it was driven by motives of comfort, wealth, and, above all, personal and familial aggrandizement.Less
Ralph Montagu, later first duke of Montagu, served as ambassador to the court of Louis XIV on two occasions and, at a time when French taste was gaining ground across Europe amongst the aristocratic and political elites, he appears as one of its most enthusiastic supporters. His material legacy – including Boughton House with its extraordinary collection of seventeenth-century decorative art and paintings, furniture, and textiles – has prompted much interest from art historians who have suggested that he was dazzled by the French court and became a leader of the new taste on his return to England. This chapter looks beyond the extant material evidence and considers in more detail his political career, which was inextricably bound up with his social and cultural life, and tries to address what lay behind his lavish consumption. It shows that Montagu’s artistic patronage was politically inspired, a way of manipulating his environment; it was driven by motives of comfort, wealth, and, above all, personal and familial aggrandizement.