Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify ...
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This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify changes in their profiles during the 1990s. Comparisons are made between the social backgrounds of party members and those of Liberal Democrat voters to determine what differences, if any, exist between the two types of party supporters. Activism within the party and whether there is any evidence of a decline in participation in recent years are analyzed. The evidence suggests that while many party members are active, there has been a decline in party activism over time and a weakening of the ties between the party and its members.Less
This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify changes in their profiles during the 1990s. Comparisons are made between the social backgrounds of party members and those of Liberal Democrat voters to determine what differences, if any, exist between the two types of party supporters. Activism within the party and whether there is any evidence of a decline in participation in recent years are analyzed. The evidence suggests that while many party members are active, there has been a decline in party activism over time and a weakening of the ties between the party and its members.
Dieter Fuchs
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Taking the example of unified Germany, this chapter examines how a democratic culture can develop among people who have lived for decades in an autocratic state. The first section outlines the ...
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Taking the example of unified Germany, this chapter examines how a democratic culture can develop among people who have lived for decades in an autocratic state. The first section outlines the theoretical framework, starting with the concept of political support, and going on to consider various normative models of democracy in order to understand what type of democracy people in West and East Germany ultimately prefer. Discusses the formation of democratic attitudes within state‐socialist systems, comparing demonstration and socialization hypotheses on the influence of the social structure on political attitudes. On this basis, expectations about attitudes towards democracy among the East German population are formulated. Develops the empirical analysis further by examining trends in democratic attitudes among West and East Germans—including the commitment to democratic values and principles, support for democratic institutions, and satisfaction with democratic performance. The conclusion summarizes the most important findings and considers their consequences for the prospects of democracy in a unified Germany.Less
Taking the example of unified Germany, this chapter examines how a democratic culture can develop among people who have lived for decades in an autocratic state. The first section outlines the theoretical framework, starting with the concept of political support, and going on to consider various normative models of democracy in order to understand what type of democracy people in West and East Germany ultimately prefer. Discusses the formation of democratic attitudes within state‐socialist systems, comparing demonstration and socialization hypotheses on the influence of the social structure on political attitudes. On this basis, expectations about attitudes towards democracy among the East German population are formulated. Develops the empirical analysis further by examining trends in democratic attitudes among West and East Germans—including the commitment to democratic values and principles, support for democratic institutions, and satisfaction with democratic performance. The conclusion summarizes the most important findings and considers their consequences for the prospects of democracy in a unified Germany.
John T. Jost, Aaron C. Kay, and Hulda Thorisdottir (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195320916
- eISBN:
- 9780199869541
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320916.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This volume both reflects and exemplifies the recent resurgence of interest in the social and psychological characteristics and processes that give rise to ideological forms. Ideology is an elusive, ...
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This volume both reflects and exemplifies the recent resurgence of interest in the social and psychological characteristics and processes that give rise to ideological forms. Ideology is an elusive, multifaceted construct that can usefully be analyzed in terms of “top-down” processes related to the social construction and dissemination of ideology, as well as to “bottom-up” processes, including dispositional and situational factors, that make certain ideological outcomes more likely than others. The twenty chapters of this volume focus on the cognitive and motivational antecedents and consequences of adopting specific ideologies, the functions served by those ideologies, and the myriad ways in which people accept and justify (versus reject) aspects of the social and political worlds they inhabit. Current challenges and future directions for the study of ideology and system justification are also discussed in several chapters. The volume represents a wide variety of research traditions bearing on the social and psychological bases of ideology and system justification. These traditions include (a) the study of attitudes, social cognition, and information processing at both conscious and nonconscious levels of awareness, (b) theories of motivated reasoning and goal-directed cognition, (c) research on personality and dispositional correlates of political orientation, (d) work on social justice and the origins of moral values, (e) the myriad ways in which social and political opinions are shaped by local situations and environments, and (f) studies of stereotyping, prejudice, and the ideological correlates of intergroup attitudes.Less
This volume both reflects and exemplifies the recent resurgence of interest in the social and psychological characteristics and processes that give rise to ideological forms. Ideology is an elusive, multifaceted construct that can usefully be analyzed in terms of “top-down” processes related to the social construction and dissemination of ideology, as well as to “bottom-up” processes, including dispositional and situational factors, that make certain ideological outcomes more likely than others. The twenty chapters of this volume focus on the cognitive and motivational antecedents and consequences of adopting specific ideologies, the functions served by those ideologies, and the myriad ways in which people accept and justify (versus reject) aspects of the social and political worlds they inhabit. Current challenges and future directions for the study of ideology and system justification are also discussed in several chapters. The volume represents a wide variety of research traditions bearing on the social and psychological bases of ideology and system justification. These traditions include (a) the study of attitudes, social cognition, and information processing at both conscious and nonconscious levels of awareness, (b) theories of motivated reasoning and goal-directed cognition, (c) research on personality and dispositional correlates of political orientation, (d) work on social justice and the origins of moral values, (e) the myriad ways in which social and political opinions are shaped by local situations and environments, and (f) studies of stereotyping, prejudice, and the ideological correlates of intergroup attitudes.
Michael R. Kulisheck and Brian F. Crisp
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The inaugural mixed‐member proportional (MMP) elections were held in Venezuela in 1993. According to the MMP electoral rules in Venezuela, approximately half of the Chamber of Deputies is elected ...
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The inaugural mixed‐member proportional (MMP) elections were held in Venezuela in 1993. According to the MMP electoral rules in Venezuela, approximately half of the Chamber of Deputies is elected from single‐seat districts in the nominal tier of the system, and half is elected from closed party lists in the list tier. Analyzes how electoral incentives associated with the two tiers affect campaigns, elections, legislative entrepreneurship, and representation, and considers political behaviour and attitudes to be responses both to the institutional incentives associated with electoral rules and party structures, and to the actions of politically active citizens and interest organizations. The chapter has three sections: the first discusses the effects of MMP on the interparty dimension, examining proportionality and the effective number of parties, and analyzing party strategies for joining pre‐election coalitions in the nominal and list tier elections; the second and third sections look at the intraparty dimension, analyzing distinctions between the incentives and behaviour of members elected in each tier. The second section analyzes legislative entrepreneurship in the Chamber of Deputies before and after the adoption of the MMP system; the third section (Legislators, Parties and Representation) shows that legislators elected in the nominal and list tiers view campaigns and legislative representation differently, but that the adoption of MMP rules has not altered the strong relationships between established interest organizations and representatives in the Congress.Less
The inaugural mixed‐member proportional (MMP) elections were held in Venezuela in 1993. According to the MMP electoral rules in Venezuela, approximately half of the Chamber of Deputies is elected from single‐seat districts in the nominal tier of the system, and half is elected from closed party lists in the list tier. Analyzes how electoral incentives associated with the two tiers affect campaigns, elections, legislative entrepreneurship, and representation, and considers political behaviour and attitudes to be responses both to the institutional incentives associated with electoral rules and party structures, and to the actions of politically active citizens and interest organizations. The chapter has three sections: the first discusses the effects of MMP on the interparty dimension, examining proportionality and the effective number of parties, and analyzing party strategies for joining pre‐election coalitions in the nominal and list tier elections; the second and third sections look at the intraparty dimension, analyzing distinctions between the incentives and behaviour of members elected in each tier. The second section analyzes legislative entrepreneurship in the Chamber of Deputies before and after the adoption of the MMP system; the third section (Legislators, Parties and Representation) shows that legislators elected in the nominal and list tiers view campaigns and legislative representation differently, but that the adoption of MMP rules has not altered the strong relationships between established interest organizations and representatives in the Congress.
Richard Gunther, Jose Ramon Montero, and Hans-Jürgen Puhle (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199202836
- eISBN:
- 9780191695452
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202836.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behaviour and support for democracy in thirteen countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys ...
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This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behaviour and support for democracy in thirteen countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys held in ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies in Europe (Germany, Britain, Spain, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Bulgaria), North and South America (the United States, Chile and Uruguay), and Asia (Hong Kong) between 1990 and 2004. The book's core concern is ‘political intermediation’ (i.e. the flow of political information from parties and candidates to voters through the mass media, membership in secondary associations, and face-to-face contacts within interpersonal networks), which was first introduced to the study of electoral behaviour by Paul Lazarsfeld and his collaborators in the 1940s. In addition to reviving that long-neglected analytical framework, this book explores the impact of socio-political values on electoral behaviour. It also analyzes the role of political intermediation in forming basic attitudes towards democracy (which are crucial for the consolidation of new democracies) and, in turn, channelling those orientations into various forms of political behaviour. Some of the findings presented in this book are dramatic, and clearly reveal that these channels of information are among the most powerful factors influencing the development of political attitudes and partisan electoral behaviour. So, too, are socio-political values in some countries (particularly the United States).Less
This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behaviour and support for democracy in thirteen countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys held in ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies in Europe (Germany, Britain, Spain, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Bulgaria), North and South America (the United States, Chile and Uruguay), and Asia (Hong Kong) between 1990 and 2004. The book's core concern is ‘political intermediation’ (i.e. the flow of political information from parties and candidates to voters through the mass media, membership in secondary associations, and face-to-face contacts within interpersonal networks), which was first introduced to the study of electoral behaviour by Paul Lazarsfeld and his collaborators in the 1940s. In addition to reviving that long-neglected analytical framework, this book explores the impact of socio-political values on electoral behaviour. It also analyzes the role of political intermediation in forming basic attitudes towards democracy (which are crucial for the consolidation of new democracies) and, in turn, channelling those orientations into various forms of political behaviour. Some of the findings presented in this book are dramatic, and clearly reveal that these channels of information are among the most powerful factors influencing the development of political attitudes and partisan electoral behaviour. So, too, are socio-political values in some countries (particularly the United States).
Shalom H. Schwartz
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151458
- eISBN:
- 9781400840298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151458.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explains how values structure political attitudes and behavior, by laying out the theoretical framework and arguing for the relevance of these personal values to politics. It defines ten ...
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This chapter explains how values structure political attitudes and behavior, by laying out the theoretical framework and arguing for the relevance of these personal values to politics. It defines ten broad values according to the motivation that underlies each of them. These ten values may encompass the full range of motivationally distinct values recognized across cultures. They are likely to be universal because they are grounded in one or more of three universal requirements of human existence, with which they help people cope: needs of people as biological organisms, requisites of coordinated social interaction, and survival and welfare needs of groups. The chapter's analyses indicate that some of the personal values—in particular, tradition, conformity, hedonism, and universalism—have both direct and indirect effects on voting behavior and political attitudes.Less
This chapter explains how values structure political attitudes and behavior, by laying out the theoretical framework and arguing for the relevance of these personal values to politics. It defines ten broad values according to the motivation that underlies each of them. These ten values may encompass the full range of motivationally distinct values recognized across cultures. They are likely to be universal because they are grounded in one or more of three universal requirements of human existence, with which they help people cope: needs of people as biological organisms, requisites of coordinated social interaction, and survival and welfare needs of groups. The chapter's analyses indicate that some of the personal values—in particular, tradition, conformity, hedonism, and universalism—have both direct and indirect effects on voting behavior and political attitudes.
Jeff Manza, Jennifer A. Heerwig, and Brian J. McCabe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133317
- eISBN:
- 9781400845569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133317.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
This chapter asks whether conservatism in political affiliations, national spending priorities, and social issue stances grew between 1972 and 2006. Some trends certainly accord with this image: ...
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This chapter asks whether conservatism in political affiliations, national spending priorities, and social issue stances grew between 1972 and 2006. Some trends certainly accord with this image: Discernably more adults described themselves as “conservative” and identified as Republicans. Moreover, conservatives became much more apt to identify as Republicans, and gaps between Republicans and Democrats on some social issues widened, signaling limited rises in some forms of polarization. Other findings, however, are at odds with claims of a rising conservative tide. For example, in most years more adults described themselves as “moderate” than as either liberal or conservative. Public opinion favored spending increases rather than reductions in many domestic arenas, though Americans were reticent to call for greater government intervention. The overall portrait of political attitude trends observed is decidedly qualified and mixed.Less
This chapter asks whether conservatism in political affiliations, national spending priorities, and social issue stances grew between 1972 and 2006. Some trends certainly accord with this image: Discernably more adults described themselves as “conservative” and identified as Republicans. Moreover, conservatives became much more apt to identify as Republicans, and gaps between Republicans and Democrats on some social issues widened, signaling limited rises in some forms of polarization. Other findings, however, are at odds with claims of a rising conservative tide. For example, in most years more adults described themselves as “moderate” than as either liberal or conservative. Public opinion favored spending increases rather than reductions in many domestic arenas, though Americans were reticent to call for greater government intervention. The overall portrait of political attitude trends observed is decidedly qualified and mixed.
Adam J. Berinsky and Howard Lavine
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151458
- eISBN:
- 9781400840298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151458.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter considers self-monitoring, which assesses the extent to which people modify their behavior in response to the social context. In a climate governed by tolerant beliefs, analysts of ...
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This chapter considers self-monitoring, which assesses the extent to which people modify their behavior in response to the social context. In a climate governed by tolerant beliefs, analysts of public opinion face concerns about the accuracy with which attitudes and beliefs in sensitive domains (for example, race, sexuality) are measured. The chapter argues that self-monitoring can be useful in understanding which respondents are motivated to misrepresent their real preferences in surveys, and moreover presents several intriguing analyses that point to the value of self-monitoring in understanding responses to socially sensitive political topics. It proposes a question battery to account for how people's personality characteristics affect the answers they give to questions involving politically controversial topics.Less
This chapter considers self-monitoring, which assesses the extent to which people modify their behavior in response to the social context. In a climate governed by tolerant beliefs, analysts of public opinion face concerns about the accuracy with which attitudes and beliefs in sensitive domains (for example, race, sexuality) are measured. The chapter argues that self-monitoring can be useful in understanding which respondents are motivated to misrepresent their real preferences in surveys, and moreover presents several intriguing analyses that point to the value of self-monitoring in understanding responses to socially sensitive political topics. It proposes a question battery to account for how people's personality characteristics affect the answers they give to questions involving politically controversial topics.
John H. Aldrich and Kathleen M. McGraw (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151458
- eISBN:
- 9781400840298
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151458.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The American National Election Studies (ANES) is the premier social science survey program devoted to voting and elections. Conducted during the presidential election years and midterm Congressional ...
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The American National Election Studies (ANES) is the premier social science survey program devoted to voting and elections. Conducted during the presidential election years and midterm Congressional elections, the survey is based on interviews with voters and delves into why they make certain choices. This book brings together a group of leading social scientists that developed and tested new measures that might be added to the ANES, with the ultimate goal of extending scholarly understanding of the causes and consequences of electoral outcomes. The chapters illuminate some of the most important questions and results from the ANES 2006 pilot study. They cover such varied topics as self-monitoring in the expression of political attitudes, personal values and political orientations, alternate measures of political trust, perceptions of similarity and disagreement in partisan groups, measuring ambivalence about government, gender preferences in politics, and the political issues of abortion, crime, and taxes. Testing new ideas in the study of politics and the political psychology of voting choices and turnout, this book will be a resource for all students and scholars working to understand the American electorate.Less
The American National Election Studies (ANES) is the premier social science survey program devoted to voting and elections. Conducted during the presidential election years and midterm Congressional elections, the survey is based on interviews with voters and delves into why they make certain choices. This book brings together a group of leading social scientists that developed and tested new measures that might be added to the ANES, with the ultimate goal of extending scholarly understanding of the causes and consequences of electoral outcomes. The chapters illuminate some of the most important questions and results from the ANES 2006 pilot study. They cover such varied topics as self-monitoring in the expression of political attitudes, personal values and political orientations, alternate measures of political trust, perceptions of similarity and disagreement in partisan groups, measuring ambivalence about government, gender preferences in politics, and the political issues of abortion, crime, and taxes. Testing new ideas in the study of politics and the political psychology of voting choices and turnout, this book will be a resource for all students and scholars working to understand the American electorate.
Mark Peffley and Jon Hurwitz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195335453
- eISBN:
- 9780199893904
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335453.003.0011
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
While political science has made effective use of research on the psychology of stereotyping, psychology has not benefited from political science in the same way. This chapter argues that the study ...
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While political science has made effective use of research on the psychology of stereotyping, psychology has not benefited from political science in the same way. This chapter argues that the study of racial stereotypes can be improved by a mutual effort on the part of political scientists and psychologists alike to better understand and apply the methods and perspectives that dominate each discipline. Discussion focuses on three principal disciplinary contrasts. First, while psychology has typically been concerned with the processes underlying stereotypes, political science has focused on the collective sources and political consequences of stereotyping. Second, while political science could benefit from more experimentation, psychologists should implement research designs to enhance the external validity of their research. Finally, both disciplines are limited to the extent that they typically focus on the beliefs of the dominant group, and stereotyping research would benefit from a greater emphasis on the beliefs of racial minorities.Less
While political science has made effective use of research on the psychology of stereotyping, psychology has not benefited from political science in the same way. This chapter argues that the study of racial stereotypes can be improved by a mutual effort on the part of political scientists and psychologists alike to better understand and apply the methods and perspectives that dominate each discipline. Discussion focuses on three principal disciplinary contrasts. First, while psychology has typically been concerned with the processes underlying stereotypes, political science has focused on the collective sources and political consequences of stereotyping. Second, while political science could benefit from more experimentation, psychologists should implement research designs to enhance the external validity of their research. Finally, both disciplines are limited to the extent that they typically focus on the beliefs of the dominant group, and stereotyping research would benefit from a greater emphasis on the beliefs of racial minorities.
Scott L. Althaus and David H. Tewksbury
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151458
- eISBN:
- 9781400840298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151458.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that while the ANES media exposure measures used in 2004 and before may have been problematic on methodological grounds, it is important to continue asking questions about the ...
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This chapter argues that while the ANES media exposure measures used in 2004 and before may have been problematic on methodological grounds, it is important to continue asking questions about the process of information acquisition. A measurement strategy based on information retention, this chapter contends, requires survey instrumentation that is election-specific and unlikely to be valid over long stretches of time. The resulting problems of longitudinal continuity make this approach unsuitable as a stand-alone measurement strategy for the ANES. The chapter suggests that an expanded set of retooled media exposure measures can provide researchers with the variables needed to better understand the predictors of campaign knowledge, political attitudes, and voter turnout.Less
This chapter argues that while the ANES media exposure measures used in 2004 and before may have been problematic on methodological grounds, it is important to continue asking questions about the process of information acquisition. A measurement strategy based on information retention, this chapter contends, requires survey instrumentation that is election-specific and unlikely to be valid over long stretches of time. The resulting problems of longitudinal continuity make this approach unsuitable as a stand-alone measurement strategy for the ANES. The chapter suggests that an expanded set of retooled media exposure measures can provide researchers with the variables needed to better understand the predictors of campaign knowledge, political attitudes, and voter turnout.
Thierry Devos
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199735204
- eISBN:
- 9780199894581
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199735204.003.0010
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Despite the outcome of the 2008 presidential election, the scientific literature reveals that race and racial attitudes continue to shape how political candidates are perceived and voting behavior. ...
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Despite the outcome of the 2008 presidential election, the scientific literature reveals that race and racial attitudes continue to shape how political candidates are perceived and voting behavior. This chapter discusses the multiple ways in which racial attitudes and identity play aubiquitous role in American politics. Blatant expressions of resentments, fears, or concerns for group interests have declined, but research on symbolic racism suggest that lingering racial biases account for affective and cognitive responses to political candidates and social policies. Today, racial prejudices operate largely at an automatic or unconscious level. In addition, the prevalence of egalitarian principles and an increasingly multicultural societal context have fostered more complex racial stereotypes and categorizations. Finally, the election of Barack Obama may produce paradoxical effects on political attitudes that underscore the challenges of overcoming racial divisions and oppression.Less
Despite the outcome of the 2008 presidential election, the scientific literature reveals that race and racial attitudes continue to shape how political candidates are perceived and voting behavior. This chapter discusses the multiple ways in which racial attitudes and identity play aubiquitous role in American politics. Blatant expressions of resentments, fears, or concerns for group interests have declined, but research on symbolic racism suggest that lingering racial biases account for affective and cognitive responses to political candidates and social policies. Today, racial prejudices operate largely at an automatic or unconscious level. In addition, the prevalence of egalitarian principles and an increasingly multicultural societal context have fostered more complex racial stereotypes and categorizations. Finally, the election of Barack Obama may produce paradoxical effects on political attitudes that underscore the challenges of overcoming racial divisions and oppression.
PAUL SMITH
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206231
- eISBN:
- 9780191677045
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206231.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Although pertaining to oneself as a feminist would indeed entail political undertones, the question persists about how feminists and feminism itself could be handled through political parties. ...
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Although pertaining to oneself as a feminist would indeed entail political undertones, the question persists about how feminists and feminism itself could be handled through political parties. Initially, the feminist movement was recognized as a part of the republican opposition to the Second Empire after 1870 in France wherein the leaders were moderate republicans. While this movement was resisted by conservatives and those who comprised the Paris Commune, the movement soon made allies with various activities and arguments exhibited by liberal republicanism. Because the new generation of feminists had a nature that is different from that of the earlier generations, and because of the reestablishment of political attitudes, the movement's situation started to change during the 1890s. This chapter discusses the relationship between feminist organizations and political parties with the emerge of women's sections in Communist parties.Less
Although pertaining to oneself as a feminist would indeed entail political undertones, the question persists about how feminists and feminism itself could be handled through political parties. Initially, the feminist movement was recognized as a part of the republican opposition to the Second Empire after 1870 in France wherein the leaders were moderate republicans. While this movement was resisted by conservatives and those who comprised the Paris Commune, the movement soon made allies with various activities and arguments exhibited by liberal republicanism. Because the new generation of feminists had a nature that is different from that of the earlier generations, and because of the reestablishment of political attitudes, the movement's situation started to change during the 1890s. This chapter discusses the relationship between feminist organizations and political parties with the emerge of women's sections in Communist parties.
Jan Carle
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861343680
- eISBN:
- 9781447304388
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861343680.003.0011
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter explores the political attitudes and political participation among unemployed youth, and how welfare regimes may influence political activity and attitudes. It also investigates the ...
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This chapter explores the political attitudes and political participation among unemployed youth, and how welfare regimes may influence political activity and attitudes. It also investigates the differences between the countries and the differences among the young (concentrating on differences concerning gender, occupation and experience of unemployment). The results show that the young unemployed people in Scotland and Germany clearly do not have sympathies with the right, while at least in Denmark, Norway, Finland and Italy about one third of the young unemployed have such sympathies. The general participation rate in all political actions was also very low in Finland and Germany, but was higher in Scotland for some actions. It is also noted that the experience of unemployment correlates with reluctance to participate.Less
This chapter explores the political attitudes and political participation among unemployed youth, and how welfare regimes may influence political activity and attitudes. It also investigates the differences between the countries and the differences among the young (concentrating on differences concerning gender, occupation and experience of unemployment). The results show that the young unemployed people in Scotland and Germany clearly do not have sympathies with the right, while at least in Denmark, Norway, Finland and Italy about one third of the young unemployed have such sympathies. The general participation rate in all political actions was also very low in Finland and Germany, but was higher in Scotland for some actions. It is also noted that the experience of unemployment correlates with reluctance to participate.
Rahsaan Maxwell
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199311316
- eISBN:
- 9780199344918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199311316.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines trade-offs between assimilation and political attitudes. It focuses on two aspects of incorporation: political trust and government satisfaction. It argues that successful ...
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This chapter examines trade-offs between assimilation and political attitudes. It focuses on two aspects of incorporation: political trust and government satisfaction. It argues that successful assimilation may yield many positive incorporation results but can lead to more negative political attitudes. In addition, greater segregation may indicate many incorporation difficulties but can also be associated with more positive political attitudes. This suggests that incorporation is an uneven process in which positive outcomes on some dimensions may undermine other aspects of life.Less
This chapter examines trade-offs between assimilation and political attitudes. It focuses on two aspects of incorporation: political trust and government satisfaction. It argues that successful assimilation may yield many positive incorporation results but can lead to more negative political attitudes. In addition, greater segregation may indicate many incorporation difficulties but can also be associated with more positive political attitudes. This suggests that incorporation is an uneven process in which positive outcomes on some dimensions may undermine other aspects of life.
Lester K. Spence
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816669875
- eISBN:
- 9781452947068
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816669875.003.0003
- Subject:
- Music, Popular
This chapter discusses the influence of the extent of rap consumption and exposure on black youth attitudes by considering two different points in time: 1994, when the generation most affiliated with ...
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This chapter discusses the influence of the extent of rap consumption and exposure on black youth attitudes by considering two different points in time: 1994, when the generation most affiliated with the development of hip-hop were just reaching adulthood; and 2003, when the nation waged war against Iraq. Social position and exposure to black information sources shape levels of support for black political ideologies. These sources identify forms of antiblack racism and areas of black political possibility, as well as help define the meaning of blackness; such sources include black newspapers and magazines, television programs and movies, music, public speeches of black political leaders. The chapter presents two surveys as part of understanding the interrelationship between rap consumption, rap exposure, and political attitudes.Less
This chapter discusses the influence of the extent of rap consumption and exposure on black youth attitudes by considering two different points in time: 1994, when the generation most affiliated with the development of hip-hop were just reaching adulthood; and 2003, when the nation waged war against Iraq. Social position and exposure to black information sources shape levels of support for black political ideologies. These sources identify forms of antiblack racism and areas of black political possibility, as well as help define the meaning of blackness; such sources include black newspapers and magazines, television programs and movies, music, public speeches of black political leaders. The chapter presents two surveys as part of understanding the interrelationship between rap consumption, rap exposure, and political attitudes.
Peter K. Hatemi and Rose McDermott (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226319094
- eISBN:
- 9780226319117
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226319117.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book brings together a diverse group of contributors to examine the ways in which evolutionary theory and biological research are increasingly informing analyses of political behavior. Focusing ...
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This book brings together a diverse group of contributors to examine the ways in which evolutionary theory and biological research are increasingly informing analyses of political behavior. Focusing on the theoretical, methodological, and empirical frameworks of a variety of biological approaches to political attitudes and preferences, the authors consider a wide range of topics, including the comparative basis of political behavior, the utility of formal modeling informed by evolutionary theory, the genetic bases of attitudes and behaviors, psychophysiological methods and research, and the wealth of insight generated by recent research on the human brain. Through this approach, the book reveals the biological bases of many previously unexplained variances within the extant models of political behavior.Less
This book brings together a diverse group of contributors to examine the ways in which evolutionary theory and biological research are increasingly informing analyses of political behavior. Focusing on the theoretical, methodological, and empirical frameworks of a variety of biological approaches to political attitudes and preferences, the authors consider a wide range of topics, including the comparative basis of political behavior, the utility of formal modeling informed by evolutionary theory, the genetic bases of attitudes and behaviors, psychophysiological methods and research, and the wealth of insight generated by recent research on the human brain. Through this approach, the book reveals the biological bases of many previously unexplained variances within the extant models of political behavior.
Anthony F. Heath, Stephen D. Fisher, Gemma Rosenblatt, David Sanders, and Maria Sobolewska
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199656639
- eISBN:
- 9780191765247
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656639.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book analyses the extent and nature of the political integration of Britain’s main ethnic-minority groups (Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, black Africans, and black Caribbeans). The issues ...
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This book analyses the extent and nature of the political integration of Britain’s main ethnic-minority groups (Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, black Africans, and black Caribbeans). The issues covered include political knowledge and interest, political values and policy preferences, perceptions of parties, preferences for parties, representation and what parties offer ethnic minorities, voter registration, electoral behaviour (turnout and vote choice), other forms of political participation (such as signing petitions and demonstrations), trust in political institutions and satisfaction with the democratic system. The book considers the ways in which ethnic minorities resemble or differ from the white British population, and differences between minority groups. The analysis is based on the largest and broadest academic survey of ethnic-minority political attitudes and behaviour, the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Election Study (EMBES) in conjunction with the nationally representative British Election Study (BES) and other surveys. The findings are based on complex statistical models but they are presented and interpreted for more general readers. Despite its close links with discrimination, prejudice and racism, which might lead minorities to feel alienated, social exclusion does not preclude political integration. Moreover, while some bemoan that multiculturalism can encourage minorities to lead separate lives, bonding social capital can strengthen political engagement. Also, differences between immigrants and their descendants reveal important processes of generational change which mean that politicians and political parties cannot take the continued political support of ethnic minorities for granted.Less
This book analyses the extent and nature of the political integration of Britain’s main ethnic-minority groups (Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, black Africans, and black Caribbeans). The issues covered include political knowledge and interest, political values and policy preferences, perceptions of parties, preferences for parties, representation and what parties offer ethnic minorities, voter registration, electoral behaviour (turnout and vote choice), other forms of political participation (such as signing petitions and demonstrations), trust in political institutions and satisfaction with the democratic system. The book considers the ways in which ethnic minorities resemble or differ from the white British population, and differences between minority groups. The analysis is based on the largest and broadest academic survey of ethnic-minority political attitudes and behaviour, the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Election Study (EMBES) in conjunction with the nationally representative British Election Study (BES) and other surveys. The findings are based on complex statistical models but they are presented and interpreted for more general readers. Despite its close links with discrimination, prejudice and racism, which might lead minorities to feel alienated, social exclusion does not preclude political integration. Moreover, while some bemoan that multiculturalism can encourage minorities to lead separate lives, bonding social capital can strengthen political engagement. Also, differences between immigrants and their descendants reveal important processes of generational change which mean that politicians and political parties cannot take the continued political support of ethnic minorities for granted.
David Sanders, Pedro Magalhaes, and Gabor Toka (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199602339
- eISBN:
- 9780199949908
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602339.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
This book provides a broad overview of the main trends in mass attitudes towards domestic politics and European integration from the 1970s until today. Particularly in the last two decades, the ‘end ...
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This book provides a broad overview of the main trends in mass attitudes towards domestic politics and European integration from the 1970s until today. Particularly in the last two decades, the ‘end of the permissive consensus’ around European integration has forced analysts to place public opinion at the centre of their concerns. The book faces this challenge head on, and the overview it provides goes well beyond the most commonly used indicators. On the one hand, it shows how integration's deepening and enlargement involved polities and societies whose fundamental traits in terms of political culture — regime support, political engagement, ideological polarization — have remained anything but static or homogeneous. On the other hand, it addresses systematically what Scharpf (1999) has long identified as the main sources of the democratic deficits of the EU: the lack of a sense of collective identity, the lack of a Europe-wide structure for political accountability, and the lack of recognition of the EU as a legitimate political authority. In other words, it focuses on the fundamental dimensions of how Europeans relate to the EU: identity (the sense of an ‘European political community’; representation (the perception that European elites and institutions articulate citizens' interests and are responsive to them); and policy scope (the legitimacy awarded to the EU as a proper locus of policy-making). It does so by employing a cohesive theoretical framework derived from the entire IntUne project, survey and macro-social data encompassing all EU member countries, and state-of-the-art methods.Less
This book provides a broad overview of the main trends in mass attitudes towards domestic politics and European integration from the 1970s until today. Particularly in the last two decades, the ‘end of the permissive consensus’ around European integration has forced analysts to place public opinion at the centre of their concerns. The book faces this challenge head on, and the overview it provides goes well beyond the most commonly used indicators. On the one hand, it shows how integration's deepening and enlargement involved polities and societies whose fundamental traits in terms of political culture — regime support, political engagement, ideological polarization — have remained anything but static or homogeneous. On the other hand, it addresses systematically what Scharpf (1999) has long identified as the main sources of the democratic deficits of the EU: the lack of a sense of collective identity, the lack of a Europe-wide structure for political accountability, and the lack of recognition of the EU as a legitimate political authority. In other words, it focuses on the fundamental dimensions of how Europeans relate to the EU: identity (the sense of an ‘European political community’; representation (the perception that European elites and institutions articulate citizens' interests and are responsive to them); and policy scope (the legitimacy awarded to the EU as a proper locus of policy-making). It does so by employing a cohesive theoretical framework derived from the entire IntUne project, survey and macro-social data encompassing all EU member countries, and state-of-the-art methods.
Stuart Ball
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199667987
- eISBN:
- 9780191751356
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199667987.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The chapter explores the foundation of the Conservative Party in this period, and what common ground of ideas and attitudes its members shared. It examines the nature of Conservatism and its overtly ...
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The chapter explores the foundation of the Conservative Party in this period, and what common ground of ideas and attitudes its members shared. It examines the nature of Conservatism and its overtly defined principles, including aspects such as human nature and the role of the state. It also considers the underlying attitudes and temperament, to reveal what Conservatives cared about most and their outlook on the world. To balance this, the chapter also looks at Conservative views of their opponents, and especially their fear of the rise of Socialism. The chapter concludes with an examination of Conservative identity and the party's own self-image, and argues that broad the agreement of principles and outlook amongst Conservatives was an important element in keeping the party together and discouraging defections or splits.Less
The chapter explores the foundation of the Conservative Party in this period, and what common ground of ideas and attitudes its members shared. It examines the nature of Conservatism and its overtly defined principles, including aspects such as human nature and the role of the state. It also considers the underlying attitudes and temperament, to reveal what Conservatives cared about most and their outlook on the world. To balance this, the chapter also looks at Conservative views of their opponents, and especially their fear of the rise of Socialism. The chapter concludes with an examination of Conservative identity and the party's own self-image, and argues that broad the agreement of principles and outlook amongst Conservatives was an important element in keeping the party together and discouraging defections or splits.
