Ignacio Cano and Patrícia Salvão Ferreira
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, ...
More
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.Less
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.
Gholam R. Afkhami
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520253285
- eISBN:
- 9780520942165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520253285.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The attempted “revolutionary execution” of Prime Minister Ala was one in a series of assassinations and assassination attempts by the Fadaiyan dating from its inception in the early 1940s. Though ...
More
The attempted “revolutionary execution” of Prime Minister Ala was one in a series of assassinations and assassination attempts by the Fadaiyan dating from its inception in the early 1940s. Though intellectually limited, the Fadaiyan preached in the burlesque the seemingly more sophisticated discourse of the learned ulama on apostasy, the corrupting of the earth, the war against God and Islam, and the reasons that killing might be justified. Indeed, most Fadaiyan insisted on obtaining a religious fatwa from an established Mujtahid before they set out on an assassination. They were the first in Iran after World War II to advocate and to strive to establish an Islamic government and the first to employ assassination as politics by other means. In the 1960s, the Fadaiyan murdered another prime minister and attempted to assassinate the shah, this time in association with movements devoted to Khomeini.Less
The attempted “revolutionary execution” of Prime Minister Ala was one in a series of assassinations and assassination attempts by the Fadaiyan dating from its inception in the early 1940s. Though intellectually limited, the Fadaiyan preached in the burlesque the seemingly more sophisticated discourse of the learned ulama on apostasy, the corrupting of the earth, the war against God and Islam, and the reasons that killing might be justified. Indeed, most Fadaiyan insisted on obtaining a religious fatwa from an established Mujtahid before they set out on an assassination. They were the first in Iran after World War II to advocate and to strive to establish an Islamic government and the first to employ assassination as politics by other means. In the 1960s, the Fadaiyan murdered another prime minister and attempted to assassinate the shah, this time in association with movements devoted to Khomeini.
Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041877
- eISBN:
- 9780252050565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041877.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
The conclusions discusses how political assassinations committed by Italian anarchists were not the product of conspiracies carried out by criminals and madmen. Rather they were the consequence of ...
More
The conclusions discusses how political assassinations committed by Italian anarchists were not the product of conspiracies carried out by criminals and madmen. Rather they were the consequence of Italy’s grinding poverty and authoritarian methods of dealing with popular unrest and dissent, of the economic and political pressures that fostered mass migration, and finally, of the cosmopolitan nature of Italian anarchism. All six of the attentatori discussed in this book did not engage in acts of terrorism against faceless victims but instead struck out against those monarchs and chiefs of state deemed responsible, directly or indirectly, for crimes perpetrated against themselves, the people, or the anarchist movement.Less
The conclusions discusses how political assassinations committed by Italian anarchists were not the product of conspiracies carried out by criminals and madmen. Rather they were the consequence of Italy’s grinding poverty and authoritarian methods of dealing with popular unrest and dissent, of the economic and political pressures that fostered mass migration, and finally, of the cosmopolitan nature of Italian anarchism. All six of the attentatori discussed in this book did not engage in acts of terrorism against faceless victims but instead struck out against those monarchs and chiefs of state deemed responsible, directly or indirectly, for crimes perpetrated against themselves, the people, or the anarchist movement.
Trevor B. McCrisken and Andrew Pepper
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748614899
- eISBN:
- 9780748670666
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748614899.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
More than any other American film director in recent years, Oliver Stone has looked to American history for his inspiration and subject matter. With his trilogy of Vietnam War films (Platoon, Born on ...
More
More than any other American film director in recent years, Oliver Stone has looked to American history for his inspiration and subject matter. With his trilogy of Vietnam War films (Platoon, Born on the Fourth of July and Heaven and Earth) and his two political dramas (JFK and Nixon), Stone has produced a body of work that reconfigures the history of what might be called the traumatic decade from the assassination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 to the resignation of Richard Nixon in 1974. The events of this decade — multiple political assassinations; widespread civil upheaval and unrest; an increasingly bloody and unpopular foreign war that ended in the defeat of American objectives; and the revelations of corruption and abuse of power at the highest levels — shook the very fabric of American society and threatened to finally destroy the belief in American exceptionalism. As a scriptwriter and director, Stone is not afraid to focus the audience's gaze upon the darker, questionable aspects of the United States' recent political and social past.Less
More than any other American film director in recent years, Oliver Stone has looked to American history for his inspiration and subject matter. With his trilogy of Vietnam War films (Platoon, Born on the Fourth of July and Heaven and Earth) and his two political dramas (JFK and Nixon), Stone has produced a body of work that reconfigures the history of what might be called the traumatic decade from the assassination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 to the resignation of Richard Nixon in 1974. The events of this decade — multiple political assassinations; widespread civil upheaval and unrest; an increasingly bloody and unpopular foreign war that ended in the defeat of American objectives; and the revelations of corruption and abuse of power at the highest levels — shook the very fabric of American society and threatened to finally destroy the belief in American exceptionalism. As a scriptwriter and director, Stone is not afraid to focus the audience's gaze upon the darker, questionable aspects of the United States' recent political and social past.
Avi Shlaim
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294597
- eISBN:
- 9780191685057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294597.003.0045
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the political situation in Jordan in 1951. This year was marked by political turmoil, acute economic crisis, continuing isolation within the Arab world, and persistent tensions ...
More
This chapter examines the political situation in Jordan in 1951. This year was marked by political turmoil, acute economic crisis, continuing isolation within the Arab world, and persistent tensions on the border with Israel. But the most unsettling problem was the internal struggle for power and the Palestinian challenge to King Abdullah's authority. His new Palestinian subjects outnumbered the East Bankers and though they offered him their tokens of obedience they owed him no love or loyalty. And in July 1951, King Abdullah was shot dead by a Palestinian while visiting a mosque in Jerusalem.Less
This chapter examines the political situation in Jordan in 1951. This year was marked by political turmoil, acute economic crisis, continuing isolation within the Arab world, and persistent tensions on the border with Israel. But the most unsettling problem was the internal struggle for power and the Palestinian challenge to King Abdullah's authority. His new Palestinian subjects outnumbered the East Bankers and though they offered him their tokens of obedience they owed him no love or loyalty. And in July 1951, King Abdullah was shot dead by a Palestinian while visiting a mosque in Jerusalem.
Matthew G. Schoenbachler
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125664
- eISBN:
- 9780813135373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125664.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The news of the murder of Solomon Sharp spread quickly in the early morning hours of November 7, 1824, causing a sensation “deep beyond description”, a gloom among the townspeople “of the deepest ...
More
The news of the murder of Solomon Sharp spread quickly in the early morning hours of November 7, 1824, causing a sensation “deep beyond description”, a gloom among the townspeople “of the deepest cast”. The first to suspect the young man was Joel Scott, even before he was aware of Jereboam Beauchamp's connection to Anna Cooke. Well before Beauchamp was brought back to town, the murder of Sharp was becoming politicized. Whether or not Beauchamp's murder of Sharp had political causes, it certainly had political consequences and in fact became, as one nineteenth-century biographer asserted, “not merely ... a private but ... a public calamity”. The partisan implications of Sharp's death only fueled the speculations that the murder was in fact a political assassination. Investigating the possibility of a conspiracy, the grand jury concluded that there was no evidence that Beauchamp had had an accomplice.Less
The news of the murder of Solomon Sharp spread quickly in the early morning hours of November 7, 1824, causing a sensation “deep beyond description”, a gloom among the townspeople “of the deepest cast”. The first to suspect the young man was Joel Scott, even before he was aware of Jereboam Beauchamp's connection to Anna Cooke. Well before Beauchamp was brought back to town, the murder of Sharp was becoming politicized. Whether or not Beauchamp's murder of Sharp had political causes, it certainly had political consequences and in fact became, as one nineteenth-century biographer asserted, “not merely ... a private but ... a public calamity”. The partisan implications of Sharp's death only fueled the speculations that the murder was in fact a political assassination. Investigating the possibility of a conspiracy, the grand jury concluded that there was no evidence that Beauchamp had had an accomplice.
Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041877
- eISBN:
- 9780252050565
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041877.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Italian anarchists compiled a formidable record of political assassinations during the 1890s: President Marie François Sadi Carnot of France was killed by Santo Caserio in 1894; Prime Minister ...
More
Italian anarchists compiled a formidable record of political assassinations during the 1890s: President Marie François Sadi Carnot of France was killed by Santo Caserio in 1894; Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo of Spain by Michele Angiolillo in 1897; Empress Elizabeth of Austria by Luigi Luccheni in 1898; and King Umberto I of Italy by Gaetano Bresci in 1900. No less important were the unsuccessful assassination attempts committed during the same decade: Paolo Lega against Italian Prime Minister Francesco Crispi in 1894; and Pietro Acciarito against King Umberto in 1897. This book, through a specific focus on attentats along with attempted and successful acts of political assassination, provides a full-length study of the historical, economic, social, cultural and political conditions, the social conflicts and left-wing politics along with the transnational experiences in Italy, France, Spain, Switzerland and the United States that led to Italian anarchist violence at the end of the 19th century.Less
Italian anarchists compiled a formidable record of political assassinations during the 1890s: President Marie François Sadi Carnot of France was killed by Santo Caserio in 1894; Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo of Spain by Michele Angiolillo in 1897; Empress Elizabeth of Austria by Luigi Luccheni in 1898; and King Umberto I of Italy by Gaetano Bresci in 1900. No less important were the unsuccessful assassination attempts committed during the same decade: Paolo Lega against Italian Prime Minister Francesco Crispi in 1894; and Pietro Acciarito against King Umberto in 1897. This book, through a specific focus on attentats along with attempted and successful acts of political assassination, provides a full-length study of the historical, economic, social, cultural and political conditions, the social conflicts and left-wing politics along with the transnational experiences in Italy, France, Spain, Switzerland and the United States that led to Italian anarchist violence at the end of the 19th century.
Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041877
- eISBN:
- 9780252050565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041877.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, ...
More
Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, the same was not the case for the bombings perpetrated by their Italian comrades. Spanish and French anarchists bombed activities and locations that attracted large numbers of people, especially members of the bourgeoisie. In contrast, instead of an abstract class enemy, Italian anarchists (in whatever country they struck) bombed buildings or targeted specific personalities along with tangible symbols of state power and repressive policies. The determination to strike those held responsible for repressive policies led to two attentats: Paolo Lega’s attempt on Prime Minister Francesco Crispi’s life followed by Sante Caserio’s assassination of the president of France, Marie Francois Sadi Carnot.Less
Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, the same was not the case for the bombings perpetrated by their Italian comrades. Spanish and French anarchists bombed activities and locations that attracted large numbers of people, especially members of the bourgeoisie. In contrast, instead of an abstract class enemy, Italian anarchists (in whatever country they struck) bombed buildings or targeted specific personalities along with tangible symbols of state power and repressive policies. The determination to strike those held responsible for repressive policies led to two attentats: Paolo Lega’s attempt on Prime Minister Francesco Crispi’s life followed by Sante Caserio’s assassination of the president of France, Marie Francois Sadi Carnot.
Simone Castaldi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604737493
- eISBN:
- 9781604737776
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604737493.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Comics Studies
Exploring an overlooked era of Italian history roiled by domestic terrorism, political assassination, and student protests, this book shines a new light on what was a dark decade, but an unexpectedly ...
More
Exploring an overlooked era of Italian history roiled by domestic terrorism, political assassination, and student protests, this book shines a new light on what was a dark decade, but an unexpectedly prolific and innovative period among artists of comics intended for adults. Blurring the lines between high art and popular consumption, artists of the Italian comics scene went beyond passively documenting history and began actively shaping it through the creation of fictional worlds where history, cultural data, and pop-realism interacted freely. Featuring brutal Stalinist supermen, gay space travelers, suburban juvenile delinquents, and student activists turned tech-savvy saboteurs, these comics ultimately revealed a volatile era more precisely than any mainstream press. Italian comics developed a journalistic, ideology-free, and sardonic approach in representing the key events of their times. This book makes a case for the importance of the adult comics of the 1970s and 1980s. During those years comic production reached its peak in maturity, complexity, and wealth of cultural references. The comic artists’ analyses of the political and religious landscape reveal fresh perspectives on a transformative period in Italian history.Less
Exploring an overlooked era of Italian history roiled by domestic terrorism, political assassination, and student protests, this book shines a new light on what was a dark decade, but an unexpectedly prolific and innovative period among artists of comics intended for adults. Blurring the lines between high art and popular consumption, artists of the Italian comics scene went beyond passively documenting history and began actively shaping it through the creation of fictional worlds where history, cultural data, and pop-realism interacted freely. Featuring brutal Stalinist supermen, gay space travelers, suburban juvenile delinquents, and student activists turned tech-savvy saboteurs, these comics ultimately revealed a volatile era more precisely than any mainstream press. Italian comics developed a journalistic, ideology-free, and sardonic approach in representing the key events of their times. This book makes a case for the importance of the adult comics of the 1970s and 1980s. During those years comic production reached its peak in maturity, complexity, and wealth of cultural references. The comic artists’ analyses of the political and religious landscape reveal fresh perspectives on a transformative period in Italian history.
Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041877
- eISBN:
- 9780252050565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041877.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Customarily both in Europe and the United States, government officials, the press and historians have described late 19th century anarchists as murderous, bloody thirsty, irrational and wretched ...
More
Customarily both in Europe and the United States, government officials, the press and historians have described late 19th century anarchists as murderous, bloody thirsty, irrational and wretched individuals The introduction details how the book will show that “propaganda of the deed,” as conceived and carried out by Italian anarchists, was the product of the revolutionary tradition of the Risorgimento; the influence of Russian anarchist revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin; the role of government repression in Italy, France and Spain; along with the experiences of Italian migrant laborers at home and abroad. Finally, the introduction described how the book will also provide biographical portraits and analysis of the major Italian perpetrators of political assassinations in fin-de-siècle Italy, France, and Spain.Less
Customarily both in Europe and the United States, government officials, the press and historians have described late 19th century anarchists as murderous, bloody thirsty, irrational and wretched individuals The introduction details how the book will show that “propaganda of the deed,” as conceived and carried out by Italian anarchists, was the product of the revolutionary tradition of the Risorgimento; the influence of Russian anarchist revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin; the role of government repression in Italy, France and Spain; along with the experiences of Italian migrant laborers at home and abroad. Finally, the introduction described how the book will also provide biographical portraits and analysis of the major Italian perpetrators of political assassinations in fin-de-siècle Italy, France, and Spain.
Anthony Richards
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198746966
- eISBN:
- 9780191809255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746966.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers deductively what can be excluded from the author’s understanding as to what constitutes terrorism. Most importantly, acts of violence that primarily intend to secure physical ...
More
This chapter considers deductively what can be excluded from the author’s understanding as to what constitutes terrorism. Most importantly, acts of violence that primarily intend to secure physical or tangible gain over and above psychological impact (which may be unintended or incidental) cannot be called acts of terrorism. Thus, for conceptual clarity, one should not, for example, assume that every act that Al Qaeda carries out is an act of terrorism if it does not satisfy the definitional criteria that one has established. The chapter goes on to consider terrorism as a form of psychological warfare, before drawing a distinction between terrorism and other phenomena, such as ‘political assassination’ and ‘cyberterrorism’. It concludes with a discussion on a formidable empirical problem in relation to the way the author (and many others) have conceptualized terrorism: how does one prove what the intent or purpose is behind an act of violence?Less
This chapter considers deductively what can be excluded from the author’s understanding as to what constitutes terrorism. Most importantly, acts of violence that primarily intend to secure physical or tangible gain over and above psychological impact (which may be unintended or incidental) cannot be called acts of terrorism. Thus, for conceptual clarity, one should not, for example, assume that every act that Al Qaeda carries out is an act of terrorism if it does not satisfy the definitional criteria that one has established. The chapter goes on to consider terrorism as a form of psychological warfare, before drawing a distinction between terrorism and other phenomena, such as ‘political assassination’ and ‘cyberterrorism’. It concludes with a discussion on a formidable empirical problem in relation to the way the author (and many others) have conceptualized terrorism: how does one prove what the intent or purpose is behind an act of violence?
Chibli Mallat
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199394203
- eISBN:
- 9780199394234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199394203.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Private International Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter concludes Part II by suggesting that although the constitutional moment proceeds irrespective of whether the revolution was nonviolent or not, nonviolence makes the passage to a working ...
More
This chapter concludes Part II by suggesting that although the constitutional moment proceeds irrespective of whether the revolution was nonviolent or not, nonviolence makes the passage to a working constitution naturally easier, for instance in the large mobilization in the wake of political assassinations in Tunisia after the revolution. It also concludes that the battle for the constitution continues along a fault line determined by nonviolence: how not to reproduce dictatorship under any guise, religious, military, or corporatist. This battle requires a world vision of the philosophy of nonviolence being applicable not just during the revolutionary moment, but during the constitution-making and justice moments as well.Less
This chapter concludes Part II by suggesting that although the constitutional moment proceeds irrespective of whether the revolution was nonviolent or not, nonviolence makes the passage to a working constitution naturally easier, for instance in the large mobilization in the wake of political assassinations in Tunisia after the revolution. It also concludes that the battle for the constitution continues along a fault line determined by nonviolence: how not to reproduce dictatorship under any guise, religious, military, or corporatist. This battle requires a world vision of the philosophy of nonviolence being applicable not just during the revolutionary moment, but during the constitution-making and justice moments as well.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226289649
- eISBN:
- 9780226289663
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226289663.003.0005
- Subject:
- Anthropology, African Cultural Anthropology
This chapter describes autochthony movements in Europe, where the language of belonging and autochthony spread especially in relation to popular concerns about immigrant labor. It concentrates on the ...
More
This chapter describes autochthony movements in Europe, where the language of belonging and autochthony spread especially in relation to popular concerns about immigrant labor. It concentrates on the Netherlands and what appeared to be an abrupt switch in this country after 2000—marked by two shocking political assassinations—from a multiculturalist approach to a forceful policy of cultural integration. These include the murder of populist politician Pim Fortuyn, and the even bloodier murder of filmmaker Theo van Gogh. Fortuyn's impact in politics may have caused a landslide. The notion of allochtonen appeared to be a neutral term that could cover all the various groups of immigrants. Culture and history became central themes in Paul Scheffer's articles and in the Dutch debate on integration in general. Culture is a useful notion in debates on how to live with immigration only if it includes difference rather than excluding it.Less
This chapter describes autochthony movements in Europe, where the language of belonging and autochthony spread especially in relation to popular concerns about immigrant labor. It concentrates on the Netherlands and what appeared to be an abrupt switch in this country after 2000—marked by two shocking political assassinations—from a multiculturalist approach to a forceful policy of cultural integration. These include the murder of populist politician Pim Fortuyn, and the even bloodier murder of filmmaker Theo van Gogh. Fortuyn's impact in politics may have caused a landslide. The notion of allochtonen appeared to be a neutral term that could cover all the various groups of immigrants. Culture and history became central themes in Paul Scheffer's articles and in the Dutch debate on integration in general. Culture is a useful notion in debates on how to live with immigration only if it includes difference rather than excluding it.
