Margarita López‐Maya
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Causa R offered an alternative to the established parties in Venezuela that achieved considerable success as a result of both the major decentralization reforms of 1988 and then economic crises, ...
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Causa R offered an alternative to the established parties in Venezuela that achieved considerable success as a result of both the major decentralization reforms of 1988 and then economic crises, neo‐liberal reforms, and the riots and coup attempts of 1989–92. The chapter traces the history of the party from the early 1970s when small groups of dissident Marxists sought new forms of political action. Its base was among dissident unions, new neighbourhood organizations, and students. Its first successes politically were the election of Causa R mayors and a provincial governor in the state of Bolivar. In the multiple crises at the end of the 1980s, its anti‐corruption, anti‐party organization image allowed it to win the mayoralty of Caracas and receive a 22% share of the Presidential vote in 1993.Less
Causa R offered an alternative to the established parties in Venezuela that achieved considerable success as a result of both the major decentralization reforms of 1988 and then economic crises, neo‐liberal reforms, and the riots and coup attempts of 1989–92. The chapter traces the history of the party from the early 1970s when small groups of dissident Marxists sought new forms of political action. Its base was among dissident unions, new neighbourhood organizations, and students. Its first successes politically were the election of Causa R mayors and a provincial governor in the state of Bolivar. In the multiple crises at the end of the 1980s, its anti‐corruption, anti‐party organization image allowed it to win the mayoralty of Caracas and receive a 22% share of the Presidential vote in 1993.
Sherry L. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449178
- eISBN:
- 9780801460821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449178.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter introduces two sets of focus group participants—all women of voting age living in the Tokyo metropolitan area. These women use emphatic narratives about education, self-improvement, ...
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This chapter introduces two sets of focus group participants—all women of voting age living in the Tokyo metropolitan area. These women use emphatic narratives about education, self-improvement, community, and national development when talking about electoral participation. They assume responsibility for teaching themselves and analyze their own interactions with the state in everyday life as their primary data source for evaluating national politics. Participants transform the focus group into a “community of practice” and through this process provide insight into how any study group, regardless of topic, upends traditional modes of knowledge production. Women's study groups yield alternative definitions of democracy and political practices that clash with “elite” national politics in Japan.Less
This chapter introduces two sets of focus group participants—all women of voting age living in the Tokyo metropolitan area. These women use emphatic narratives about education, self-improvement, community, and national development when talking about electoral participation. They assume responsibility for teaching themselves and analyze their own interactions with the state in everyday life as their primary data source for evaluating national politics. Participants transform the focus group into a “community of practice” and through this process provide insight into how any study group, regardless of topic, upends traditional modes of knowledge production. Women's study groups yield alternative definitions of democracy and political practices that clash with “elite” national politics in Japan.
Gianni Vattimo and Santiago Zabala
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231158039
- eISBN:
- 9780231528078
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231158039.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This introductory chapter proposes hermeneutic communism as an alternative to the current capitalist and neoliberalist strategies that currently dominate the political landscape. Communism cannot be ...
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This introductory chapter proposes hermeneutic communism as an alternative to the current capitalist and neoliberalist strategies that currently dominate the political landscape. Communism cannot be translated into a particular philosophical stance, nor can hermeneutics be translated into a political position, yet both draw our attention to a current lack of emergency, that is, the increasing homologizing of the political, economic, and social structures of power. As the political alternative to the impositions of neoliberal capitalism and the philosophy of the interpretative nature of truth, communism and hermeneutics have become alternative responses for the losers of history, that is, the weak. South American communism and philosophical hermeneutics in particular are shown to be effective examples of emergency, alternative, and change—and it is these models that will be discussed in succeeding chapters.Less
This introductory chapter proposes hermeneutic communism as an alternative to the current capitalist and neoliberalist strategies that currently dominate the political landscape. Communism cannot be translated into a particular philosophical stance, nor can hermeneutics be translated into a political position, yet both draw our attention to a current lack of emergency, that is, the increasing homologizing of the political, economic, and social structures of power. As the political alternative to the impositions of neoliberal capitalism and the philosophy of the interpretative nature of truth, communism and hermeneutics have become alternative responses for the losers of history, that is, the weak. South American communism and philosophical hermeneutics in particular are shown to be effective examples of emergency, alternative, and change—and it is these models that will be discussed in succeeding chapters.
Mililani B. Trask
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824830151
- eISBN:
- 9780824869243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824830151.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Pacific Studies
This chapter recounts the history of U.S. violations of its international trust obligations to Native peoples mandated in the Charter of the United Nations. Among its other trust responsibilities, ...
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This chapter recounts the history of U.S. violations of its international trust obligations to Native peoples mandated in the Charter of the United Nations. Among its other trust responsibilities, the United States was to ensure that Hawaiians would be able to develop self-government. Instead, the United States imposed statehood on Hawai‘i without providing political alternatives such as independence, thus violating Native Hawaiians' rights to self-government. Furthermore, the United Nations never inquired into the statehood plebiscite, nor did the United Nations monitor the process. As a matter of fact, the U.N. record reveals that the United States was a permanent member of the U.N. committee that received and acted upon America's report on statehood.Less
This chapter recounts the history of U.S. violations of its international trust obligations to Native peoples mandated in the Charter of the United Nations. Among its other trust responsibilities, the United States was to ensure that Hawaiians would be able to develop self-government. Instead, the United States imposed statehood on Hawai‘i without providing political alternatives such as independence, thus violating Native Hawaiians' rights to self-government. Furthermore, the United Nations never inquired into the statehood plebiscite, nor did the United Nations monitor the process. As a matter of fact, the U.N. record reveals that the United States was a permanent member of the U.N. committee that received and acted upon America's report on statehood.
D. G. Webster
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262232708
- eISBN:
- 9780262285872
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262232708.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
The expansion of the fishing industry in the last century has raised concerns over the long-term viability of many fish species. International fisheries have failed to prevent the overfishing of many ...
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The expansion of the fishing industry in the last century has raised concerns over the long-term viability of many fish species. International fisheries have failed to prevent the overfishing of many stocks but have succeeded in curtailing harvests for some key fisheries. This book develops a theoretical approach, the vulnerability response framework, which can increase the understanding of the countries’ positions on the management of international fisheries based on linkages between domestic vulnerabilities and national policy positions. Vulnerability, mainly economic in this context, acts as an indicator for domestic susceptibility to the increasing competition associated with open access and related stock declines. Because of this relationship, it can also be used to trace the trajectory of the countries’ positions on fishery management as they seek political alternatives to economic problems. The author tests this framework by using it to predict national positions for eight cases drawn from the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT). These studies reveal that there is considerable variance in the management measures which ICCAT has adopted—both among different species and in dealing with the same species over time—much of which can be traced to vulnerability response behavior. Little attention has been paid to the ways in which international regimes change over time. The book’s approach illuminates the pressures for change that are generated by economic competition and overexploitation in Atlantic fisheries, and also identifies patterns of adaptive governance, as national responses to such pressures culminate in patterns of change in international management.Less
The expansion of the fishing industry in the last century has raised concerns over the long-term viability of many fish species. International fisheries have failed to prevent the overfishing of many stocks but have succeeded in curtailing harvests for some key fisheries. This book develops a theoretical approach, the vulnerability response framework, which can increase the understanding of the countries’ positions on the management of international fisheries based on linkages between domestic vulnerabilities and national policy positions. Vulnerability, mainly economic in this context, acts as an indicator for domestic susceptibility to the increasing competition associated with open access and related stock declines. Because of this relationship, it can also be used to trace the trajectory of the countries’ positions on fishery management as they seek political alternatives to economic problems. The author tests this framework by using it to predict national positions for eight cases drawn from the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT). These studies reveal that there is considerable variance in the management measures which ICCAT has adopted—both among different species and in dealing with the same species over time—much of which can be traced to vulnerability response behavior. Little attention has been paid to the ways in which international regimes change over time. The book’s approach illuminates the pressures for change that are generated by economic competition and overexploitation in Atlantic fisheries, and also identifies patterns of adaptive governance, as national responses to such pressures culminate in patterns of change in international management.
Jonathan Elmer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479857722
- eISBN:
- 9781479818334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479857722.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This chapter begins by addressing the limitations of a strictly juridico-political understanding of the state of exception in relation to the activation of alternative political knowledges, which are ...
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This chapter begins by addressing the limitations of a strictly juridico-political understanding of the state of exception in relation to the activation of alternative political knowledges, which are linked to the so-called “unauthorized” states of exception. Contrasting three essays (by David Kazanjian, Hester Blum, and Glenn Hendler) against one another and against Herman Melville's “Bartelby, the Scrivener,” the chapter examines their elaboration of writerly politics toward an interrogation of how aesthetics can do justice to the question of humanity that “requires acknowledgment on grounds that can never be provided.” These essays propose an idiom of disruption and spacing; and questions of spacing open up a new perspective on the limit to state rationality, if not always state power.Less
This chapter begins by addressing the limitations of a strictly juridico-political understanding of the state of exception in relation to the activation of alternative political knowledges, which are linked to the so-called “unauthorized” states of exception. Contrasting three essays (by David Kazanjian, Hester Blum, and Glenn Hendler) against one another and against Herman Melville's “Bartelby, the Scrivener,” the chapter examines their elaboration of writerly politics toward an interrogation of how aesthetics can do justice to the question of humanity that “requires acknowledgment on grounds that can never be provided.” These essays propose an idiom of disruption and spacing; and questions of spacing open up a new perspective on the limit to state rationality, if not always state power.
James Martel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190600181
- eISBN:
- 9780190600211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190600181.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses how the figure of God is addressed in Breaking the Waves. In the film, Bess McNeill talks to God, while letting the audience know that God exists only via her own belief. In ...
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This chapter discusses how the figure of God is addressed in Breaking the Waves. In the film, Bess McNeill talks to God, while letting the audience know that God exists only via her own belief. In some way, this invention makes God hers and hers alone. Thus, God produces two contradictory tendencies. First, God produces a sense of fate for Bess, an uncontrollable destiny to which she must submit. Second, God is a means by which she upends that same sense of fate. The metaphor of breaking, in the film’s title, suggests that Bess is broken by God (she is subject to what she sees as God’s unavoidable power). However, that sense of fatedness is itself broken by the way that Bess channels—or invents—God’s voice, thus creating a radical political alternative.Less
This chapter discusses how the figure of God is addressed in Breaking the Waves. In the film, Bess McNeill talks to God, while letting the audience know that God exists only via her own belief. In some way, this invention makes God hers and hers alone. Thus, God produces two contradictory tendencies. First, God produces a sense of fate for Bess, an uncontrollable destiny to which she must submit. Second, God is a means by which she upends that same sense of fate. The metaphor of breaking, in the film’s title, suggests that Bess is broken by God (she is subject to what she sees as God’s unavoidable power). However, that sense of fatedness is itself broken by the way that Bess channels—or invents—God’s voice, thus creating a radical political alternative.
