Lea Ypi
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199593873
- eISBN:
- 9780191731426
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593873.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores two key components of activist political theory: the dialectical method and the concept of the avant-garde. Combining features from both ideal and nonideal approaches, and ...
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This chapter explores two key components of activist political theory: the dialectical method and the concept of the avant-garde. Combining features from both ideal and nonideal approaches, and defined as a method based on learning from the trials, errors, and successes of the past, dialectic assists theorists in identifying normative interpretations that aim to offer both a fundamentally appropriate analysis of conflict and to promote political transformation. The chapter introduces the idea of avant-garde political agency in the context of illustrating a process of moral learning informing the dialectical development of normative views. It explains how avant-garde political agents contribute to conceptual innovation by rendering normative views politically effective and motivationally sustainable, and by preparing the ground for the emergence and development of progressive normative theories.Less
This chapter explores two key components of activist political theory: the dialectical method and the concept of the avant-garde. Combining features from both ideal and nonideal approaches, and defined as a method based on learning from the trials, errors, and successes of the past, dialectic assists theorists in identifying normative interpretations that aim to offer both a fundamentally appropriate analysis of conflict and to promote political transformation. The chapter introduces the idea of avant-garde political agency in the context of illustrating a process of moral learning informing the dialectical development of normative views. It explains how avant-garde political agents contribute to conceptual innovation by rendering normative views politically effective and motivationally sustainable, and by preparing the ground for the emergence and development of progressive normative theories.
Danielle L. Chubb
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231161367
- eISBN:
- 9780231536325
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231161367.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter assesses the usefulness of both traditional and critical approaches to the study of inter-Korean relations. After outlining the approaches that have informed analysis of inter-Korean ...
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This chapter assesses the usefulness of both traditional and critical approaches to the study of inter-Korean relations. After outlining the approaches that have informed analysis of inter-Korean relations to date, it develops a conceptual framework that incorporates the normative role played by political activists as they promote their own ideas regarding the pursuit of justice in inter-Korean relations. It argues that that the parameters of contemporary debates over inter-Korean relations were formed over years of contentious advocacy by South Korean political activists with regard to three core beliefs: unification, democracy, and human rights. A conceptual framework that focuses on the role of ethical argument and the negotiated nature of discourse helps elucidate this hypothesis in two ways. First, recognition of the important normative role played by political activists, as discursive agents, reveals the centrality of justice-related questions to the current debate over inter-Korean relations. Second, the conceptual framework deals with the question of power and provides a contextual dimension to the debate over inter-Korean relations.Less
This chapter assesses the usefulness of both traditional and critical approaches to the study of inter-Korean relations. After outlining the approaches that have informed analysis of inter-Korean relations to date, it develops a conceptual framework that incorporates the normative role played by political activists as they promote their own ideas regarding the pursuit of justice in inter-Korean relations. It argues that that the parameters of contemporary debates over inter-Korean relations were formed over years of contentious advocacy by South Korean political activists with regard to three core beliefs: unification, democracy, and human rights. A conceptual framework that focuses on the role of ethical argument and the negotiated nature of discourse helps elucidate this hypothesis in two ways. First, recognition of the important normative role played by political activists, as discursive agents, reveals the centrality of justice-related questions to the current debate over inter-Korean relations. Second, the conceptual framework deals with the question of power and provides a contextual dimension to the debate over inter-Korean relations.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the condition and situation of the French Communist intellectuals in the wider tradition of political activity in France. Though the French Communist Party (PCF) occupied the ...
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This chapter examines the condition and situation of the French Communist intellectuals in the wider tradition of political activity in France. Though the French Communist Party (PCF) occupied the same terrain as the republican tradition, it was also deep-rooted in Leninist and syndicalist origins, which ensured that the initial political culture of French Communism differed in a number of ways to the core principles and values of republicanism. Thus, the position of intellectuals in the party differed considerably from the republican paradigm. Bourgeois were welcome in the party but they were kept away from the levers of power in the organization, and the party's leadership remained in the hands of working class political activists.Less
This chapter examines the condition and situation of the French Communist intellectuals in the wider tradition of political activity in France. Though the French Communist Party (PCF) occupied the same terrain as the republican tradition, it was also deep-rooted in Leninist and syndicalist origins, which ensured that the initial political culture of French Communism differed in a number of ways to the core principles and values of republicanism. Thus, the position of intellectuals in the party differed considerably from the republican paradigm. Bourgeois were welcome in the party but they were kept away from the levers of power in the organization, and the party's leadership remained in the hands of working class political activists.
Boris Nemtsov
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195300611
- eISBN:
- 9780199850754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300611.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
Boris Nemtsov was a liberal, pro-market politician who had served in a variety of roles since 1992: He was the young, innovative, reforming governor of Nizhny Novgorod, a region of about four million ...
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Boris Nemtsov was a liberal, pro-market politician who had served in a variety of roles since 1992: He was the young, innovative, reforming governor of Nizhny Novgorod, a region of about four million people; the key minister in charge of monopoly; the key minister in charge of energy; and a member of the upper house of Parliament (the council of Federation) in the early 1990s. He was active in Yeltsin's government until its resignation in August 1998, when the Russian ruble was hit with a financial crisis. The interview discusses issues concerning Putin's handling of economic and political decisions. Nemtsov also states his stand not only for democratic arrangements and freedom of speech but also for a market economy based on genuine competition, transparent rules, and private ownership of assets. He also suggested adequate representation in the Duma to recognize regional economic interests.Less
Boris Nemtsov was a liberal, pro-market politician who had served in a variety of roles since 1992: He was the young, innovative, reforming governor of Nizhny Novgorod, a region of about four million people; the key minister in charge of monopoly; the key minister in charge of energy; and a member of the upper house of Parliament (the council of Federation) in the early 1990s. He was active in Yeltsin's government until its resignation in August 1998, when the Russian ruble was hit with a financial crisis. The interview discusses issues concerning Putin's handling of economic and political decisions. Nemtsov also states his stand not only for democratic arrangements and freedom of speech but also for a market economy based on genuine competition, transparent rules, and private ownership of assets. He also suggested adequate representation in the Duma to recognize regional economic interests.
Melina Pappademos
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834909
- eISBN:
- 9781469602769
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869178_pappademos
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
While it was not until 1871 that slavery in Cuba was finally abolished, African-descended people had high hopes for legal, social, and economic advancement as the republican period started. This book ...
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While it was not until 1871 that slavery in Cuba was finally abolished, African-descended people had high hopes for legal, social, and economic advancement as the republican period started. This book analyzes the racial politics and culture of black civic and political activists during the Cuban Republic. The path to equality, the author reveals, was often stymied by successive political and economic crises, patronage politics, and profound racial tensions. In the face of these issues, black political leaders and members of black social clubs developed strategies for expanding their political authority, and for winning respectability and socioeconomic resources. Rather than appeal to a monolithic black Cuban identity based on the assumption of shared experience, these black activists, politicians, and public intellectuals consistently recognized the class, cultural, and ideological differences that existed within the black community, thus challenging conventional wisdom about black community formation and anachronistic ideas of racial solidarity. The author illuminates the central, yet often silenced, intellectual and cultural role of black Cubans in the formation of the nation's political structures; in doing so, she shows that black activism was only partially motivated by race.Less
While it was not until 1871 that slavery in Cuba was finally abolished, African-descended people had high hopes for legal, social, and economic advancement as the republican period started. This book analyzes the racial politics and culture of black civic and political activists during the Cuban Republic. The path to equality, the author reveals, was often stymied by successive political and economic crises, patronage politics, and profound racial tensions. In the face of these issues, black political leaders and members of black social clubs developed strategies for expanding their political authority, and for winning respectability and socioeconomic resources. Rather than appeal to a monolithic black Cuban identity based on the assumption of shared experience, these black activists, politicians, and public intellectuals consistently recognized the class, cultural, and ideological differences that existed within the black community, thus challenging conventional wisdom about black community formation and anachronistic ideas of racial solidarity. The author illuminates the central, yet often silenced, intellectual and cultural role of black Cubans in the formation of the nation's political structures; in doing so, she shows that black activism was only partially motivated by race.
Danielle L. Chubb
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231161367
- eISBN:
- 9780231536325
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231161367.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the relationship between South Korean political activism and the trajectory of debate over inter-Korean relations that emerged in the 1980s. It determines the main claims made ...
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This chapter analyzes the relationship between South Korean political activism and the trajectory of debate over inter-Korean relations that emerged in the 1980s. It determines the main claims made by the government through scrutiny of official discourses surrounding three key events: Chun Doo Hwan’s proposal for a “Unity Formula” (1982) and North Korea’s subsequent rejection of it; the Rangoon incident of 1983; and the Third Plenary Session of the Advisory Council on Unification (1984). Following this exposé of the normative beliefs and behavioral norms contained within the dominant discourses, subsequent sections of the chapter examine the normative negotiations undertaken by human rights and democracy activists around the themes of transnationalization and radicalization. From a broader perspective, the chapter emphasizes the ways in which actors utilized ethical argumentation to negotiate a persuasive position among a variety of resonant norms.Less
This chapter analyzes the relationship between South Korean political activism and the trajectory of debate over inter-Korean relations that emerged in the 1980s. It determines the main claims made by the government through scrutiny of official discourses surrounding three key events: Chun Doo Hwan’s proposal for a “Unity Formula” (1982) and North Korea’s subsequent rejection of it; the Rangoon incident of 1983; and the Third Plenary Session of the Advisory Council on Unification (1984). Following this exposé of the normative beliefs and behavioral norms contained within the dominant discourses, subsequent sections of the chapter examine the normative negotiations undertaken by human rights and democracy activists around the themes of transnationalization and radicalization. From a broader perspective, the chapter emphasizes the ways in which actors utilized ethical argumentation to negotiate a persuasive position among a variety of resonant norms.
Alexander Thomas T. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079696
- eISBN:
- 9781781703052
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079696.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This chapter examines the evidence presented to a public inquiry convened in November 2002 during the Fifth Periodic Review of Parliamentary Boundaries in Scotland, exploring the political struggle ...
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This chapter examines the evidence presented to a public inquiry convened in November 2002 during the Fifth Periodic Review of Parliamentary Boundaries in Scotland, exploring the political struggle between local Tories and their opponents over an apparently banal form: electoral boundaries. Although this inquiry concerned proposals to redraw Westminster constituencies that would otherwise have had little (if any) impact on elections to local government and the Scottish Parliament, it became a major focus for political activists in the months prior to the Scottish Parliament elections. Local Labour Party activists and their allies, for instance, feared that through the Boundary Commission's strict application of the electoral quota, or by playing ‘the numbers game’, an identity neatly encapsulated in the name attributed to natives of Dumfries (Doonhamers) would be lost. The chapter goes on to ask what activists in the region meant when they described a proposed new parliamentary constituency in southern Scotland as ‘a hybrid unit’ made up of disparate parts that did not belong to the whole.Less
This chapter examines the evidence presented to a public inquiry convened in November 2002 during the Fifth Periodic Review of Parliamentary Boundaries in Scotland, exploring the political struggle between local Tories and their opponents over an apparently banal form: electoral boundaries. Although this inquiry concerned proposals to redraw Westminster constituencies that would otherwise have had little (if any) impact on elections to local government and the Scottish Parliament, it became a major focus for political activists in the months prior to the Scottish Parliament elections. Local Labour Party activists and their allies, for instance, feared that through the Boundary Commission's strict application of the electoral quota, or by playing ‘the numbers game’, an identity neatly encapsulated in the name attributed to natives of Dumfries (Doonhamers) would be lost. The chapter goes on to ask what activists in the region meant when they described a proposed new parliamentary constituency in southern Scotland as ‘a hybrid unit’ made up of disparate parts that did not belong to the whole.
James I. Charlton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520207950
- eISBN:
- 9780520925441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520207950.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Medical Anthropology
This chapter provides a synthesis of experiences, stories, and anecdotes from the disability rights activists interviewed. The influences of family and class, school, poverty and injustice, war and ...
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This chapter provides a synthesis of experiences, stories, and anecdotes from the disability rights activists interviewed. The influences of family and class, school, poverty and injustice, war and violence, and chance are acutely evident. Empowered consciousness is essential for political activists. Without a conscious interest in everyday life, social change is subject to whimsy and chance. The only way to empowerment is through the conscious activity of people themselves. In the end, the only successful way to tear down an ideological system is to systematically attack its political, economic, and sociocultural foundation. Identifying and strategically chipping away at this foundation is a critical challenge for the DRM, for it threatens to undermine the energy, moral authority, and unity of the DRM itself.Less
This chapter provides a synthesis of experiences, stories, and anecdotes from the disability rights activists interviewed. The influences of family and class, school, poverty and injustice, war and violence, and chance are acutely evident. Empowered consciousness is essential for political activists. Without a conscious interest in everyday life, social change is subject to whimsy and chance. The only way to empowerment is through the conscious activity of people themselves. In the end, the only successful way to tear down an ideological system is to systematically attack its political, economic, and sociocultural foundation. Identifying and strategically chipping away at this foundation is a critical challenge for the DRM, for it threatens to undermine the energy, moral authority, and unity of the DRM itself.
Danielle Chubb
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231161367
- eISBN:
- 9780231536325
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231161367.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book traces the development of various policy disputes and perspectives from the period of South Korea’s democratic transition and provides an understanding of how policymakers have managed ...
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This book traces the development of various policy disputes and perspectives from the period of South Korea’s democratic transition and provides an understanding of how policymakers have managed inter-Korean relations. It shows how, in South Korea, the contentious debate over relations with the North transcends traditional considerations of physical and economic security. It also describes how political activists play a critical role in shaping the discussion of these issues as they pursue the separate yet connected agendas of democracy, human rights, and unification. The book focuses on four case studies—the 1980 Kwangju uprising, the June 1987 uprising, the move toward democracy in the 1990s, and the decade of “progressive” government that began with the election of Kim Dae Jung in 1997. It tracks activists’ complex views on reunification along with the rise and fall of more radical voices encouraging the adoption of a North Korean style of socialism. It shows that, while these specific arguments have dissipated over the years, their vestiges can still be found in recent discussions over how to engage with North Korea and bring security and peace to the peninsula. The book shows how the historical trajectory of norms and beliefs can have a significant effect on a state’s threat perceptions and security policy.Less
This book traces the development of various policy disputes and perspectives from the period of South Korea’s democratic transition and provides an understanding of how policymakers have managed inter-Korean relations. It shows how, in South Korea, the contentious debate over relations with the North transcends traditional considerations of physical and economic security. It also describes how political activists play a critical role in shaping the discussion of these issues as they pursue the separate yet connected agendas of democracy, human rights, and unification. The book focuses on four case studies—the 1980 Kwangju uprising, the June 1987 uprising, the move toward democracy in the 1990s, and the decade of “progressive” government that began with the election of Kim Dae Jung in 1997. It tracks activists’ complex views on reunification along with the rise and fall of more radical voices encouraging the adoption of a North Korean style of socialism. It shows that, while these specific arguments have dissipated over the years, their vestiges can still be found in recent discussions over how to engage with North Korea and bring security and peace to the peninsula. The book shows how the historical trajectory of norms and beliefs can have a significant effect on a state’s threat perceptions and security policy.
Vijayalakshmi Balakrishnan
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198071266
- eISBN:
- 9780199080779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198071266.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses in the relationship between the State and the social workers. These social workers, primarily women, helped displaced women and children following Partition. They were all ...
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This chapter focuses in the relationship between the State and the social workers. These social workers, primarily women, helped displaced women and children following Partition. They were all political activists who had combined political work with long service advancing the constructive programme during the struggle for Independence. They and their colleagues in official positions perceived the resettlement efforts as part of the political programme of nation-building.Less
This chapter focuses in the relationship between the State and the social workers. These social workers, primarily women, helped displaced women and children following Partition. They were all political activists who had combined political work with long service advancing the constructive programme during the struggle for Independence. They and their colleagues in official positions perceived the resettlement efforts as part of the political programme of nation-building.
Fergus Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273249
- eISBN:
- 9780191706387
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273249.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of ...
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In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of living. By 1921, however, the living conditions of many of them had been transformed by a series of Land Acts that revolutionized the system of land holding in Ireland. This book examines agrarian conflict in Ireland during the neglected period between the death of Parnell (1891) and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), and demonstrates that land reform was often introduced in response to popular protest. This book provides an account of popular political activity in late 19th- and 20th-century Ireland and the social background, ideas, and activities of grassroots political activists are explored, as are the class conflicts that threatened to fragment the unity of the nationalist movement in rural communities. This book suggests new interpretations of a number of critical developments including the failure of ‘constructive unionism’, the origins of Sinn Féin, and the nature and dynamics of the Irish revolution (1916-23).Less
In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of living. By 1921, however, the living conditions of many of them had been transformed by a series of Land Acts that revolutionized the system of land holding in Ireland. This book examines agrarian conflict in Ireland during the neglected period between the death of Parnell (1891) and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), and demonstrates that land reform was often introduced in response to popular protest. This book provides an account of popular political activity in late 19th- and 20th-century Ireland and the social background, ideas, and activities of grassroots political activists are explored, as are the class conflicts that threatened to fragment the unity of the nationalist movement in rural communities. This book suggests new interpretations of a number of critical developments including the failure of ‘constructive unionism’, the origins of Sinn Féin, and the nature and dynamics of the Irish revolution (1916-23).
Ami Ayalon
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195087802
- eISBN:
- 9780199854516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195087802.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter shows the development of the private press from the years 1855 to 1882. Lebanon in the mid-nineteenth century was the scene of growing intellectual ferment. Printing was advancing. ...
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This chapter shows the development of the private press from the years 1855 to 1882. Lebanon in the mid-nineteenth century was the scene of growing intellectual ferment. Printing was advancing. Lebanon would blaze the trail for the cultural and later nationalist society. They pioneered in the revival of language and literature and the establishment of theater and the press. For the Ottoman government, the publication of an Arabic paper in the capital by someone of Shidyaq's acumen was a development of advantageous potential. Shidyaq was at once an authority on Arabic literature and grammar well-versed in European culture. Europe, the new home of so many Arab political activists became an important base for the ideological struggle for political freedom. During the later years, expatriate Arab writers would continue to publish in Europe and elsewhere but with a different objective: they would cater mainly to the ever expanding communities of Arab emigrants.Less
This chapter shows the development of the private press from the years 1855 to 1882. Lebanon in the mid-nineteenth century was the scene of growing intellectual ferment. Printing was advancing. Lebanon would blaze the trail for the cultural and later nationalist society. They pioneered in the revival of language and literature and the establishment of theater and the press. For the Ottoman government, the publication of an Arabic paper in the capital by someone of Shidyaq's acumen was a development of advantageous potential. Shidyaq was at once an authority on Arabic literature and grammar well-versed in European culture. Europe, the new home of so many Arab political activists became an important base for the ideological struggle for political freedom. During the later years, expatriate Arab writers would continue to publish in Europe and elsewhere but with a different objective: they would cater mainly to the ever expanding communities of Arab emigrants.
Carole Boyce Davies
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038020
- eISBN:
- 9780252095863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038020.003.0012
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This chapter engages some of the political realities of living as a Caribbean person in the United States. It examines the movements of some of the most visibly representative figures largely from ...
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This chapter engages some of the political realities of living as a Caribbean person in the United States. It examines the movements of some of the most visibly representative figures largely from the Anglophone Caribbean, from the formative period of black activism leading up to the Black Power period of the 1970s. In pursuing earlier work on Claudia Jones that focused largely on the 1930s—1950s, the author was able to see some patterns emerging in the surrounding intellectuals and activists with whom Jones' work intersected and intersects, that is, the African American activists in the U.S. context and the larger Caribbean and Pan-African and international contexts. Jones' Caribbean left politics addresses the question of how to “remake” inherited political positions for usability in black communities.Less
This chapter engages some of the political realities of living as a Caribbean person in the United States. It examines the movements of some of the most visibly representative figures largely from the Anglophone Caribbean, from the formative period of black activism leading up to the Black Power period of the 1970s. In pursuing earlier work on Claudia Jones that focused largely on the 1930s—1950s, the author was able to see some patterns emerging in the surrounding intellectuals and activists with whom Jones' work intersected and intersects, that is, the African American activists in the U.S. context and the larger Caribbean and Pan-African and international contexts. Jones' Caribbean left politics addresses the question of how to “remake” inherited political positions for usability in black communities.
Carolyn Nordstrom and Antonius C. G. M. Robben
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520089938
- eISBN:
- 9780520915718
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520089938.003.0010
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Theory and Practice
Attentiveness to the ethical responsibilities of anthropologists raises the question of where research ends and personal involvement begins. This chapter looks at ethnographic research of Euzkadi Ta ...
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Attentiveness to the ethical responsibilities of anthropologists raises the question of where research ends and personal involvement begins. This chapter looks at ethnographic research of Euzkadi Ta Azkatasuna (ETA) violence in the author's native Basque land. For him, it is also an autobiographical search that brings him face-to-face with the ethical dilemma of being both a privileged scholarly outsider and a neighborly cultural insider. His boyhood friends from the town of Itziar have become prominent members of the ETA, and he wonders how he, like the PCSI of the community, can reconcile these conflicting images of the political activists as heroes and terrorists.Less
Attentiveness to the ethical responsibilities of anthropologists raises the question of where research ends and personal involvement begins. This chapter looks at ethnographic research of Euzkadi Ta Azkatasuna (ETA) violence in the author's native Basque land. For him, it is also an autobiographical search that brings him face-to-face with the ethical dilemma of being both a privileged scholarly outsider and a neighborly cultural insider. His boyhood friends from the town of Itziar have become prominent members of the ETA, and he wonders how he, like the PCSI of the community, can reconcile these conflicting images of the political activists as heroes and terrorists.
Laura Gribbon and Sarah Hawas
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774165337
- eISBN:
- 9781617971303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165337.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Translates some of the most decisive and influential discursive and performative moments that shaped the early drama of the unfolding text of Egypt's uprising. By drawing on analytical tools from the ...
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Translates some of the most decisive and influential discursive and performative moments that shaped the early drama of the unfolding text of Egypt's uprising. By drawing on analytical tools from the fields of translation, performance, and gender studies, as well as social movement theory, the authors translate at both the linguistic and semiotic levels selections from these transformative moments that impacted millions of Egyptians on social and conventional media networks by such diverse actors as activists Asmaa Mahfouz and Wael Ghoneim, former president Hosni Mubarak and General Mohsen al-Fangari. The authors read these discursive interventions as theatrical performances, the impact of which can only be understood through a thick translation that attends not just to the linguistic but to the affective, emotive, and semiotic levels of these transformative discourses.Less
Translates some of the most decisive and influential discursive and performative moments that shaped the early drama of the unfolding text of Egypt's uprising. By drawing on analytical tools from the fields of translation, performance, and gender studies, as well as social movement theory, the authors translate at both the linguistic and semiotic levels selections from these transformative moments that impacted millions of Egyptians on social and conventional media networks by such diverse actors as activists Asmaa Mahfouz and Wael Ghoneim, former president Hosni Mubarak and General Mohsen al-Fangari. The authors read these discursive interventions as theatrical performances, the impact of which can only be understood through a thick translation that attends not just to the linguistic but to the affective, emotive, and semiotic levels of these transformative discourses.
Alessia Belli
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780748646944
- eISBN:
- 9780748684281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748646944.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Muslim women activists, who struggle against, on the one hand, stereotypical perceptions of Muslim women while also having to cope with traditions of male social dominance in both Muslim and ...
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Muslim women activists, who struggle against, on the one hand, stereotypical perceptions of Muslim women while also having to cope with traditions of male social dominance in both Muslim and non-Muslim communities, find it especially difficult to work in and be recognised as part of the European environment. This chapter analyses the growing political visibility of Muslim women in Italy and the UK. The lens of gender offers a privileged insight into the two political systems and stimulates an interesting debate on national identity. The study sets out to counter mainstream research approaches on Muslims in Europe that focus on deviant behaviours and terrorism-related issues. Instead of blindly following the ‘domestication of Islam’ agenda pursued by many European governments, this research looks at and tries to understand the interesting dynamics involving Muslims that are taking place across Europe.Less
Muslim women activists, who struggle against, on the one hand, stereotypical perceptions of Muslim women while also having to cope with traditions of male social dominance in both Muslim and non-Muslim communities, find it especially difficult to work in and be recognised as part of the European environment. This chapter analyses the growing political visibility of Muslim women in Italy and the UK. The lens of gender offers a privileged insight into the two political systems and stimulates an interesting debate on national identity. The study sets out to counter mainstream research approaches on Muslims in Europe that focus on deviant behaviours and terrorism-related issues. Instead of blindly following the ‘domestication of Islam’ agenda pursued by many European governments, this research looks at and tries to understand the interesting dynamics involving Muslims that are taking place across Europe.
Bharathi Ray
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198083818
- eISBN:
- 9780199082186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198083818.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
This chapter reports the story of Sarala Devi Chaudhurani’s and Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s efforts at organizing women. Swarnakumari Devi was the first woman to have shaped a women’s samiti. She ...
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This chapter reports the story of Sarala Devi Chaudhurani’s and Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s efforts at organizing women. Swarnakumari Devi was the first woman to have shaped a women’s samiti. She left her daughter, Sarala the foundation of an all India women’s organization, formed by women, for women, of women, and led by women. Sarala’s central focus was on woman-power. She was a political activist for the women’s cause. Rokeya’s focus was clearly gender. She believed that women were in a particularly abject condition and that this suited men’s interests. She also saw nothing but humiliation in a Muslim woman’s position in the family and in the larger society. Despite their limitations, both Sarala and Rokeya anticipated some of the crucial concerns of today’s women activists, and raised some important questions.Less
This chapter reports the story of Sarala Devi Chaudhurani’s and Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s efforts at organizing women. Swarnakumari Devi was the first woman to have shaped a women’s samiti. She left her daughter, Sarala the foundation of an all India women’s organization, formed by women, for women, of women, and led by women. Sarala’s central focus was on woman-power. She was a political activist for the women’s cause. Rokeya’s focus was clearly gender. She believed that women were in a particularly abject condition and that this suited men’s interests. She also saw nothing but humiliation in a Muslim woman’s position in the family and in the larger society. Despite their limitations, both Sarala and Rokeya anticipated some of the crucial concerns of today’s women activists, and raised some important questions.
Anders Walker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195181746
- eISBN:
- 9780199870660
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195181746.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that “the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, ...
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In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that “the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to “order” than to justice.” To date, our understanding of the Civil Rights era has been largely defined by high-profile public events such as the crisis at Little Rock high school, bus boycotts, and sit-ins-incidents that were met with massive resistance and brutality. The resistance of Southern moderates to racial integration was much less public and highly insidious, with far-reaching effects. This book draws long-overdue attention to the moderate tactics that stalled the progress of racial equality in the South. This book explores how three moderate Southern governors formulated masked resistance in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education. J. P. Coleman in Mississippi, Luther Hodges in North Carolina, and LeRoy Collins in Florida each developed workable, lasting strategies to neutralize black political activists and control white extremists. Believing it possible to reinterpret Brown on their own terms, these governors drew on creative legal solutions that allowed them to perpetuate segregation without overtly defying the federal government. Hodges, Collins, and Coleman instituted seemingly neutral criteria-academic, economic, and moral-in place of racial classifications, thereby laying the foundations for a new way of rationalizing racial inequality.Less
In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that “the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to “order” than to justice.” To date, our understanding of the Civil Rights era has been largely defined by high-profile public events such as the crisis at Little Rock high school, bus boycotts, and sit-ins-incidents that were met with massive resistance and brutality. The resistance of Southern moderates to racial integration was much less public and highly insidious, with far-reaching effects. This book draws long-overdue attention to the moderate tactics that stalled the progress of racial equality in the South. This book explores how three moderate Southern governors formulated masked resistance in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education. J. P. Coleman in Mississippi, Luther Hodges in North Carolina, and LeRoy Collins in Florida each developed workable, lasting strategies to neutralize black political activists and control white extremists. Believing it possible to reinterpret Brown on their own terms, these governors drew on creative legal solutions that allowed them to perpetuate segregation without overtly defying the federal government. Hodges, Collins, and Coleman instituted seemingly neutral criteria-academic, economic, and moral-in place of racial classifications, thereby laying the foundations for a new way of rationalizing racial inequality.
John Denvir
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814720141
- eISBN:
- 9780814785348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814720141.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the role that free speech activists play in the democratic debate. It considers how these free speech activists nurture ideas that are later adopted by major political parties ...
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This chapter examines the role that free speech activists play in the democratic debate. It considers how these free speech activists nurture ideas that are later adopted by major political parties and instilled as national policy. It argues that the First Amendment must not only protect the autonomy of these activist groups from government harassment but also ensure that they are given full access to the public forum to make their case to the American people. In particular, it contends that these activists must be given the right of peaceful protest. The chapter cites the civil rights movement as an example of the way free speech activists play a catalytic role in the process of political change and concludes by discussing the First Amendment dimensions of national security investigations as they relate to the rights of political activists.Less
This chapter examines the role that free speech activists play in the democratic debate. It considers how these free speech activists nurture ideas that are later adopted by major political parties and instilled as national policy. It argues that the First Amendment must not only protect the autonomy of these activist groups from government harassment but also ensure that they are given full access to the public forum to make their case to the American people. In particular, it contends that these activists must be given the right of peaceful protest. The chapter cites the civil rights movement as an example of the way free speech activists play a catalytic role in the process of political change and concludes by discussing the First Amendment dimensions of national security investigations as they relate to the rights of political activists.
Caitlin Casey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041051
- eISBN:
- 9780252099595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252041051.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
By the late sixties, America’s rebellious youth had adopted a multitude of forms – political activists, cultural activists, anti-activism dropouts, and everything in between. Yet, even in this ...
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By the late sixties, America’s rebellious youth had adopted a multitude of forms – political activists, cultural activists, anti-activism dropouts, and everything in between. Yet, even in this multifaceted subculture, one group stood out, according to activist Susan Stern, as “the downright dirtiest, skuzziest, and loudest group of people I’d ever laid eyes on” – the Motherfuckers, short for Up Against the Wall Motherfucker (UAW/MF), a militant Lower East Side-based activist group rooted in the anarchist tradition and equally devoted to political and cultural activism, to performing and being recognized on a national and local scale. Although a small group, they inspired a substantial following among the denizens of the Lower East Side from late 1967 to mid-1969Less
By the late sixties, America’s rebellious youth had adopted a multitude of forms – political activists, cultural activists, anti-activism dropouts, and everything in between. Yet, even in this multifaceted subculture, one group stood out, according to activist Susan Stern, as “the downright dirtiest, skuzziest, and loudest group of people I’d ever laid eyes on” – the Motherfuckers, short for Up Against the Wall Motherfucker (UAW/MF), a militant Lower East Side-based activist group rooted in the anarchist tradition and equally devoted to political and cultural activism, to performing and being recognized on a national and local scale. Although a small group, they inspired a substantial following among the denizens of the Lower East Side from late 1967 to mid-1969
