Ulrich Sedelmeier
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297574
- eISBN:
- 9780191598982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297572.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines the EU’s policy towards Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). It argues that the EU’s collective identity includes the notion of a ‘special responsibility’ towards ...
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This chapter examines the EU’s policy towards Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). It argues that the EU’s collective identity includes the notion of a ‘special responsibility’ towards CEECs. It involves purely self-interested behaviour by policymakers acting on behalf of the EU, and prescribes a degree of accommodation for CEECs’ preferences in EU policy. This component of collective identity limits the range of available policy options by precluding certain options as inappropriate, and reinforcing the legitimacy of others.Less
This chapter examines the EU’s policy towards Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). It argues that the EU’s collective identity includes the notion of a ‘special responsibility’ towards CEECs. It involves purely self-interested behaviour by policymakers acting on behalf of the EU, and prescribes a degree of accommodation for CEECs’ preferences in EU policy. This component of collective identity limits the range of available policy options by precluding certain options as inappropriate, and reinforcing the legitimacy of others.
Dermot Hodson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199572502
- eISBN:
- 9780191728860
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572502.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy, European Union
Can the euro area survive without a centralized economic policy? What lessons can be drawn from Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) about new modes of policymaking in the European Union? Have euro area ...
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Can the euro area survive without a centralized economic policy? What lessons can be drawn from Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) about new modes of policymaking in the European Union? Have euro area members spoken with one voice on the international stage and what does this mean for the European Union's ambitions to be a global actor? This book explores these key questions through an in-depth study of euro area governance from the launch of the single currency in 1999 to the sovereign debt crisis of 2010. Drawing insights from the study of European Union politics, comparative political economy, and international political economy, it examines: Economic and Monetary Union's break from the European Union's traditional modus operandi, the Community method; the European Central Bank's ambivalence about ever closer union; the Eurogroup's rise and fall as a forum for coordination; the interplay between national institutions and the stability and growth pact; the Broad Economic Policy Guidelines' failure to apply peer pressure; the European Union's influence within the G20 and the International Monetary Fund at the height of the global financial crisis; euro diplomacy towards China and other rising powers; and debates about the fate of EMU and the reform of euro area governance in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. The book's conclusions challenge claims that the euro area is in crisis because of its decentralized approach to decision-making alone and the corollary that the euro can be saved only through a further transfer of sovereignty to the supranational level.Less
Can the euro area survive without a centralized economic policy? What lessons can be drawn from Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) about new modes of policymaking in the European Union? Have euro area members spoken with one voice on the international stage and what does this mean for the European Union's ambitions to be a global actor? This book explores these key questions through an in-depth study of euro area governance from the launch of the single currency in 1999 to the sovereign debt crisis of 2010. Drawing insights from the study of European Union politics, comparative political economy, and international political economy, it examines: Economic and Monetary Union's break from the European Union's traditional modus operandi, the Community method; the European Central Bank's ambivalence about ever closer union; the Eurogroup's rise and fall as a forum for coordination; the interplay between national institutions and the stability and growth pact; the Broad Economic Policy Guidelines' failure to apply peer pressure; the European Union's influence within the G20 and the International Monetary Fund at the height of the global financial crisis; euro diplomacy towards China and other rising powers; and debates about the fate of EMU and the reform of euro area governance in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. The book's conclusions challenge claims that the euro area is in crisis because of its decentralized approach to decision-making alone and the corollary that the euro can be saved only through a further transfer of sovereignty to the supranational level.
Lanny W. Martin and Georg Vanberg
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199607884
- eISBN:
- 9780191729676
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199607884.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Coalition governments are the norm in most of the world’s parliamentary democracies. Because these governments are comprised of multiple political parties, they are subject to tensions that are ...
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Coalition governments are the norm in most of the world’s parliamentary democracies. Because these governments are comprised of multiple political parties, they are subject to tensions that are largely absent under single-party government. The pressures of electoral competition and the necessity of delegating substantial authority to ministers affiliated with specific parties threaten the compromise agreements that are at the heart of coalition governance. The central argument of this book is that strong legislative institutions play a critical role in allowing parties to deal with these tensions and to enforce coalition bargains. Based on an analysis of roughly 1,300 government bills across five democracies (Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, and the Netherlands), the book paints a detailed picture of the treatment of government legislation in contemporary parliaments. Two central contributions emerge. First, the book forces a reconsideration of the common perception that legislatures are largely irrelevant institutions in European democracies. The data presented here make a compelling case that parliaments that feature strong committee systems play an influential role in shaping policy. Second, the book contributes to the field of coalition governance. While scholars have developed detailed accounts of the birth and death of coalitions, much less is known about the manner in which coalitions govern between these bookend events. This book contributes to a richer understanding of how multiparty governments make policy.Less
Coalition governments are the norm in most of the world’s parliamentary democracies. Because these governments are comprised of multiple political parties, they are subject to tensions that are largely absent under single-party government. The pressures of electoral competition and the necessity of delegating substantial authority to ministers affiliated with specific parties threaten the compromise agreements that are at the heart of coalition governance. The central argument of this book is that strong legislative institutions play a critical role in allowing parties to deal with these tensions and to enforce coalition bargains. Based on an analysis of roughly 1,300 government bills across five democracies (Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, and the Netherlands), the book paints a detailed picture of the treatment of government legislation in contemporary parliaments. Two central contributions emerge. First, the book forces a reconsideration of the common perception that legislatures are largely irrelevant institutions in European democracies. The data presented here make a compelling case that parliaments that feature strong committee systems play an influential role in shaping policy. Second, the book contributes to the field of coalition governance. While scholars have developed detailed accounts of the birth and death of coalitions, much less is known about the manner in which coalitions govern between these bookend events. This book contributes to a richer understanding of how multiparty governments make policy.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter begins with a brief overview of the EU’s policymaking processes in comparison with national processes. It then outlines the EU’s impact on the macro patterns of its member-states’ ...
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This chapter begins with a brief overview of the EU’s policymaking processes in comparison with national processes. It then outlines the EU’s impact on the macro patterns of its member-states’ national policymaking and its impact on the micro patterns of member-states’ sectoral policymaking. This is followed by an extensive illustration of both macro and micro patterns of policymaking in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. Although Europeanization has been equally (although differently) disruptive to the statist patterns of policymaking of France and of Britain, Britain has had a harder time accepting EU-related changes but an easier time in influencing their formulation. Europeanization has yet again been least disruptive to Germany’s corporatist and legalistic patterns of policymaking, and most salutary to those of Italy, by reinforcing corporatism while denying clientelism.Less
This chapter begins with a brief overview of the EU’s policymaking processes in comparison with national processes. It then outlines the EU’s impact on the macro patterns of its member-states’ national policymaking and its impact on the micro patterns of member-states’ sectoral policymaking. This is followed by an extensive illustration of both macro and micro patterns of policymaking in France, Britain, Germany, and Italy. Although Europeanization has been equally (although differently) disruptive to the statist patterns of policymaking of France and of Britain, Britain has had a harder time accepting EU-related changes but an easier time in influencing their formulation. Europeanization has yet again been least disruptive to Germany’s corporatist and legalistic patterns of policymaking, and most salutary to those of Italy, by reinforcing corporatism while denying clientelism.
Tetsuro Toya and Jennifer Amyx
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292394
- eISBN:
- 9780191603525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292396.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter examines what can be said about the new developments in financial politics since 1995. It considers the case of the Financial Diet of 1998, an extraordinary legislative session held to ...
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This chapter examines what can be said about the new developments in financial politics since 1995. It considers the case of the Financial Diet of 1998, an extraordinary legislative session held to deal with the bad debt problem in banking. It is shown that the new developments observed in the case of the Big Bang represent a more general trend in financial politics, evident since 1995. This trend is one in which the public matters more than ever in the policymaking process.Less
This chapter examines what can be said about the new developments in financial politics since 1995. It considers the case of the Financial Diet of 1998, an extraordinary legislative session held to deal with the bad debt problem in banking. It is shown that the new developments observed in the case of the Big Bang represent a more general trend in financial politics, evident since 1995. This trend is one in which the public matters more than ever in the policymaking process.
Tetsuro Toya and Jennifer Amyx
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292394
- eISBN:
- 9780191603525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292396.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter examines the applicability of the study’s findings to other cases in the political economy, generating hypotheses about the determinants of regulatory reform. It discusses the policy ...
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This chapter examines the applicability of the study’s findings to other cases in the political economy, generating hypotheses about the determinants of regulatory reform. It discusses the policy implications of the analysis and identifies issues for additional research. It argues the need to shift the emphasis from ‘stability’ to ‘change’ in conceptualizing Japanese politics today. This shift should take place not only at the level of theory but also at the level of practice, given the fast pace of technological innovation, the deepening global integration, and change in the institutional environment. Accordingly, public administration must be carried out with the assumption of ‘change’ rather than the assumption of ‘continuity’, and the long-established emphasis on following precedents in policymaking abandoned.Less
This chapter examines the applicability of the study’s findings to other cases in the political economy, generating hypotheses about the determinants of regulatory reform. It discusses the policy implications of the analysis and identifies issues for additional research. It argues the need to shift the emphasis from ‘stability’ to ‘change’ in conceptualizing Japanese politics today. This shift should take place not only at the level of theory but also at the level of practice, given the fast pace of technological innovation, the deepening global integration, and change in the institutional environment. Accordingly, public administration must be carried out with the assumption of ‘change’ rather than the assumption of ‘continuity’, and the long-established emphasis on following precedents in policymaking abandoned.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Executive and regulatory agencies are decentralized state organizations that implement policies. When the law clearly defines the policy, we have a state policy; when it leaves the precise definition ...
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Executive and regulatory agencies are decentralized state organizations that implement policies. When the law clearly defines the policy, we have a state policy; when it leaves the precise definition to the incumbent administration, we have a government policy. Regulatory agencies are supposed to execute state policies and be more autonomous from the administration, whereas executive agencies will be less autonomous politically but equally independent in administrative terms. Policies introduced by executive agencies are supposed to change the moment that the opposition political party or political coalition wins an election and a new administration begins, whereas the policies introduced by regulatory policies do not change so easily. Government policies may be changed either by the parliament or by the executive, whereas state policies may be changed only by the parliament. Executive agencies are supposed to have administrative autonomy, regulatory agencies, decision autonomy, but policies are not or should not be their responsibility.Less
Executive and regulatory agencies are decentralized state organizations that implement policies. When the law clearly defines the policy, we have a state policy; when it leaves the precise definition to the incumbent administration, we have a government policy. Regulatory agencies are supposed to execute state policies and be more autonomous from the administration, whereas executive agencies will be less autonomous politically but equally independent in administrative terms. Policies introduced by executive agencies are supposed to change the moment that the opposition political party or political coalition wins an election and a new administration begins, whereas the policies introduced by regulatory policies do not change so easily. Government policies may be changed either by the parliament or by the executive, whereas state policies may be changed only by the parliament. Executive agencies are supposed to have administrative autonomy, regulatory agencies, decision autonomy, but policies are not or should not be their responsibility.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter considers what happens after parties negotiate a government. How far do they succeed in carrying out their original intentions and thereby effectuating the preferences of the median ...
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This chapter considers what happens after parties negotiate a government. How far do they succeed in carrying out their original intentions and thereby effectuating the preferences of the median voter? The analysis of government declarations gives mixed signals about who is in control of policy. On a general Left-Right orientation, the policy position marked by a country's median voter is the most reliably consistent indicator of what a government intends to do. If this effect is causal, it would have to be due to parliaments and governments looking over their shoulders at what the election communicated about the median voter Left–Right position and anticipating policy benefits at the next election, as opposed to the median voter effectively selecting a median parliamentary position that then takes control of the general tenor of policy. If the parliamentary median were the major influence, it would be the variable that withstood controls for the government and electorate. It does not come close to this however. And, while the government's Left–Right position nearly withstands statistical controls, the magnitude of its effect pales in comparison to that of the electorate's position.Less
This chapter considers what happens after parties negotiate a government. How far do they succeed in carrying out their original intentions and thereby effectuating the preferences of the median voter? The analysis of government declarations gives mixed signals about who is in control of policy. On a general Left-Right orientation, the policy position marked by a country's median voter is the most reliably consistent indicator of what a government intends to do. If this effect is causal, it would have to be due to parliaments and governments looking over their shoulders at what the election communicated about the median voter Left–Right position and anticipating policy benefits at the next election, as opposed to the median voter effectively selecting a median parliamentary position that then takes control of the general tenor of policy. If the parliamentary median were the major influence, it would be the variable that withstood controls for the government and electorate. It does not come close to this however. And, while the government's Left–Right position nearly withstands statistical controls, the magnitude of its effect pales in comparison to that of the electorate's position.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Manifestoes and declarations state priorities for policy rather than getting down to the nitty-gritty. Actual decision-making involves the allocation of scarce resources, and this is examined in this ...
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Manifestoes and declarations state priorities for policy rather than getting down to the nitty-gritty. Actual decision-making involves the allocation of scarce resources, and this is examined in this chapter. The policies selected are those that square with those investigated in government declarations. One involves two sets of indicators of the size of a country's public economy — one for 1982 and another for 1992 — measured by central government spending as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP). These are analyzed in relationship both to the Left–Right positions of electorates, parliaments, and governments as well as to the planning versus market orientation of parliaments, governments, and finance ministries. A second set comes from two indicators of support for welfare. One is Esping–Anderson's (1990) scoring of welfare provision from the early 1980s; the other is the level of social spending as a percentage of GDP from the early 1990s. The third policy is covered by another two indicators, of a peaceful versus militarist orientation to international affairs. One is the level of foreign economic aid as a percentage of GDP from the early 1980s, and the other the ratio of foreign economic aid to defence spending from the early 1990s.Less
Manifestoes and declarations state priorities for policy rather than getting down to the nitty-gritty. Actual decision-making involves the allocation of scarce resources, and this is examined in this chapter. The policies selected are those that square with those investigated in government declarations. One involves two sets of indicators of the size of a country's public economy — one for 1982 and another for 1992 — measured by central government spending as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP). These are analyzed in relationship both to the Left–Right positions of electorates, parliaments, and governments as well as to the planning versus market orientation of parliaments, governments, and finance ministries. A second set comes from two indicators of support for welfare. One is Esping–Anderson's (1990) scoring of welfare provision from the early 1980s; the other is the level of social spending as a percentage of GDP from the early 1990s. The third policy is covered by another two indicators, of a peaceful versus militarist orientation to international affairs. One is the level of foreign economic aid as a percentage of GDP from the early 1980s, and the other the ratio of foreign economic aid to defence spending from the early 1990s.
Narayan Lakshman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198069980
- eISBN:
- 9780199081288
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198069980.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Why has there not been more progress with reducing poverty in India? Patrons of the Poor offers a rich and contemporary account of politics and policymaking in India, as it seeks to provide an answer ...
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Why has there not been more progress with reducing poverty in India? Patrons of the Poor offers a rich and contemporary account of politics and policymaking in India, as it seeks to provide an answer to this vital question. Despite unprecedented economic growth, the last twenty years have witnessed a growing divergence across Indian states in terms of their poverty alleviation records. In that context, and given that state governments are responsible for a wide range of redistributive policies, this book analyses trends in state politics and policymaking. Based on the analysis, it explains why some Indian states have managed to reduce poverty more effectively than others. Using detailed case studies from Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, the author examines the policymaking processes and political histories of these states. He argues that patterns of caste dominance combined with the degree of competition in populist policies can significantly explain whether states adopt pro-poor policies or not. Lakshman’s analysis combines a deep reading of state-specific political and sociological data with a range of interviews with top political leaders, senior bureaucrats, and academics to corroborate his core argument. This volume will interest students, scholars, and researchers of political science, political economy, sociology, development studies, and economics, especially those working on state and regional politics, and poverty. It will also be of interest to journalists and the general reader.Less
Why has there not been more progress with reducing poverty in India? Patrons of the Poor offers a rich and contemporary account of politics and policymaking in India, as it seeks to provide an answer to this vital question. Despite unprecedented economic growth, the last twenty years have witnessed a growing divergence across Indian states in terms of their poverty alleviation records. In that context, and given that state governments are responsible for a wide range of redistributive policies, this book analyses trends in state politics and policymaking. Based on the analysis, it explains why some Indian states have managed to reduce poverty more effectively than others. Using detailed case studies from Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, the author examines the policymaking processes and political histories of these states. He argues that patterns of caste dominance combined with the degree of competition in populist policies can significantly explain whether states adopt pro-poor policies or not. Lakshman’s analysis combines a deep reading of state-specific political and sociological data with a range of interviews with top political leaders, senior bureaucrats, and academics to corroborate his core argument. This volume will interest students, scholars, and researchers of political science, political economy, sociology, development studies, and economics, especially those working on state and regional politics, and poverty. It will also be of interest to journalists and the general reader.
John L. Campbell and Ove K. Pedersen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150314
- eISBN:
- 9781400850365
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150314.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In politics, ideas matter. They provide the foundation for economic policymaking, which in turn shapes what is possible in domestic and international politics. Yet until now, little attention has ...
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In politics, ideas matter. They provide the foundation for economic policymaking, which in turn shapes what is possible in domestic and international politics. Yet until now, little attention has been paid to how these ideas are produced and disseminated, and how this process varies between countries. This book provides the first comparative analysis of how “knowledge regimes”—communities of policy research organizations like think tanks, political party foundations, ad hoc commissions, and state research offices, and the institutions that govern them—generate ideas and communicate them to policymakers. The book examines how knowledge regimes are organized, operate, and have changed over the last thirty years in the United States, France, Germany, and Denmark. It shows how there are persistent national differences in how policy ideas are produced. Some countries do so in contentious, politically partisan ways, while others are cooperative and consensus oriented. The book finds that while knowledge regimes have adopted some common practices since the 1970s, tendencies toward convergence have been limited and outcomes have been heavily shaped by national contexts. Drawing on extensive interviews with top officials at leading policy research organizations, this book demonstrates why knowledge regimes are as important to capitalism as the state and the firm, and sheds new light on debates about the effects of globalization, the rise of neoliberalism, and the orientation of comparative political economy in political science and sociology.Less
In politics, ideas matter. They provide the foundation for economic policymaking, which in turn shapes what is possible in domestic and international politics. Yet until now, little attention has been paid to how these ideas are produced and disseminated, and how this process varies between countries. This book provides the first comparative analysis of how “knowledge regimes”—communities of policy research organizations like think tanks, political party foundations, ad hoc commissions, and state research offices, and the institutions that govern them—generate ideas and communicate them to policymakers. The book examines how knowledge regimes are organized, operate, and have changed over the last thirty years in the United States, France, Germany, and Denmark. It shows how there are persistent national differences in how policy ideas are produced. Some countries do so in contentious, politically partisan ways, while others are cooperative and consensus oriented. The book finds that while knowledge regimes have adopted some common practices since the 1970s, tendencies toward convergence have been limited and outcomes have been heavily shaped by national contexts. Drawing on extensive interviews with top officials at leading policy research organizations, this book demonstrates why knowledge regimes are as important to capitalism as the state and the firm, and sheds new light on debates about the effects of globalization, the rise of neoliberalism, and the orientation of comparative political economy in political science and sociology.
John S. Lapinski
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137810
- eISBN:
- 9781400848638
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137810.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Lawmaking is crucial to American democracy because it completely defines and regulates the public life of the nation. Yet despite its importance, political scientists spend very little time studying ...
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Lawmaking is crucial to American democracy because it completely defines and regulates the public life of the nation. Yet despite its importance, political scientists spend very little time studying the direct impact that the politics surrounding a particular issue has on lawmaking. This book draws on a vast range of historical and empirical data to better understand how lawmaking works across different policy areas. Specifically, the book introduces a theoretically grounded method for parsing policy issues into categories, and shows how policymaking varies in predictable ways based on the specific issue area being addressed. The book examines the ways in which key factors that influence policymaking matter for certain types of policy issues, and it includes an exhaustive look at how elite political polarization shifts across these areas. The book considers how Congress behaves according to the policy issue at hand, and how particular areas—such as war, sovereignty issues, and immigration reform—change legislative performance. Relying on records of all Congressional votes since Reconstruction and analyzing voting patterns across policy areas from the late nineteenth to late twentieth centuries, the book provides a comprehensive historical perspective on lawmaking in order to shed light on current practices. Giving a clear picture of Congressional behavior in the policymaking process over time, this book provides insights into the critical role of American lawmaking.Less
Lawmaking is crucial to American democracy because it completely defines and regulates the public life of the nation. Yet despite its importance, political scientists spend very little time studying the direct impact that the politics surrounding a particular issue has on lawmaking. This book draws on a vast range of historical and empirical data to better understand how lawmaking works across different policy areas. Specifically, the book introduces a theoretically grounded method for parsing policy issues into categories, and shows how policymaking varies in predictable ways based on the specific issue area being addressed. The book examines the ways in which key factors that influence policymaking matter for certain types of policy issues, and it includes an exhaustive look at how elite political polarization shifts across these areas. The book considers how Congress behaves according to the policy issue at hand, and how particular areas—such as war, sovereignty issues, and immigration reform—change legislative performance. Relying on records of all Congressional votes since Reconstruction and analyzing voting patterns across policy areas from the late nineteenth to late twentieth centuries, the book provides a comprehensive historical perspective on lawmaking in order to shed light on current practices. Giving a clear picture of Congressional behavior in the policymaking process over time, this book provides insights into the critical role of American lawmaking.
Tommy H. Clausen
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199551552
- eISBN:
- 9780191720819
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199551552.003.0013
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Innovation
This chapter presents an empirical analysis of contemporary Norwegian innovation policy with a particular emphasis on research and development (R&D). It investigates whether and to what extent the ...
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This chapter presents an empirical analysis of contemporary Norwegian innovation policy with a particular emphasis on research and development (R&D). It investigates whether and to what extent the ‘national champions' strategy’ identified in the historical analysis in Chapter 4 persists in more recent policymaking. In the analysis, it is found that national champions are more inclined to get access to both development and research subsidies from Norwegian technology programs. The results also suggest that subsidies for ‘research’ within firms increase firm-financed R&D spending while subsidies for ‘development’ substitute such R&D.Less
This chapter presents an empirical analysis of contemporary Norwegian innovation policy with a particular emphasis on research and development (R&D). It investigates whether and to what extent the ‘national champions' strategy’ identified in the historical analysis in Chapter 4 persists in more recent policymaking. In the analysis, it is found that national champions are more inclined to get access to both development and research subsidies from Norwegian technology programs. The results also suggest that subsidies for ‘research’ within firms increase firm-financed R&D spending while subsidies for ‘development’ substitute such R&D.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote ...
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The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote social democracy as a means to economic reform. Their influence over New Deal policymaking and their alliances with progressive labor and consumer movements elicited a powerful reaction from conservatives, who accused them of being subversives. This book draws on newly declassified records of the federal employee loyalty program—created in response to fears that Communists were infiltrating the U.S. government—to reveal how disloyalty charges were used to silence these New Dealers and discredit their policies. Because loyalty investigators rarely distinguished between Communists and other leftists, many noncommunist leftists were forced to leave government or deny their political views. This book finds that loyalty defendants were more numerous at higher ranks of the civil service than previously thought, and that many were women, or men with accomplished leftist wives. Uncovering a forceful left-feminist presence in the New Deal, the book shows how opponents on the Right exploited popular hostility to powerful women and their “effeminate” spouses. The loyalty program not only destroyed many promising careers, it prohibited discussion of social democratic policy ideas in government circles, narrowing the scope of political discourse to this day. This book demonstrates how the Second Red Scare undermined the reform potential of the New Deal and crippled the American welfare state.Less
The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote social democracy as a means to economic reform. Their influence over New Deal policymaking and their alliances with progressive labor and consumer movements elicited a powerful reaction from conservatives, who accused them of being subversives. This book draws on newly declassified records of the federal employee loyalty program—created in response to fears that Communists were infiltrating the U.S. government—to reveal how disloyalty charges were used to silence these New Dealers and discredit their policies. Because loyalty investigators rarely distinguished between Communists and other leftists, many noncommunist leftists were forced to leave government or deny their political views. This book finds that loyalty defendants were more numerous at higher ranks of the civil service than previously thought, and that many were women, or men with accomplished leftist wives. Uncovering a forceful left-feminist presence in the New Deal, the book shows how opponents on the Right exploited popular hostility to powerful women and their “effeminate” spouses. The loyalty program not only destroyed many promising careers, it prohibited discussion of social democratic policy ideas in government circles, narrowing the scope of political discourse to this day. This book demonstrates how the Second Red Scare undermined the reform potential of the New Deal and crippled the American welfare state.
Mark Lawrence Schrad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391237
- eISBN:
- 9780199776856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391237.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the prohibition of alcohol, which was global in scope. Coinciding with the outbreak of World War I, prohibition was adopted in ten countries in ...
More
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the prohibition of alcohol, which was global in scope. Coinciding with the outbreak of World War I, prohibition was adopted in ten countries in addition to the United States, as well as countless colonial possessions, all with similar disastrous consequences, and in every case followed by repeal. It considers the basic histories of three vital countries in the global prohibition drama: the most famous (or infamous) prohibition in the United States; Russia as the world's first prohibition country; and Sweden as the source of numerous policy alternatives to prohibition. The chapter then discusses the notion of a “bad policy” and an institutional framework for analysis. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the prohibition of alcohol, which was global in scope. Coinciding with the outbreak of World War I, prohibition was adopted in ten countries in addition to the United States, as well as countless colonial possessions, all with similar disastrous consequences, and in every case followed by repeal. It considers the basic histories of three vital countries in the global prohibition drama: the most famous (or infamous) prohibition in the United States; Russia as the world's first prohibition country; and Sweden as the source of numerous policy alternatives to prohibition. The chapter then discusses the notion of a “bad policy” and an institutional framework for analysis. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.
Mark Lawrence Schrad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391237
- eISBN:
- 9780199776856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391237.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the most famous statutory prohibition, that of the United States. It considers how prohibition came to dominate the public discourse at the expense of rival alcohol control ...
More
This chapter examines the most famous statutory prohibition, that of the United States. It considers how prohibition came to dominate the public discourse at the expense of rival alcohol control options such the Gothenburg system, through the concerted framing efforts of temperance organizations. As elsewhere, the pending crisis of a European war created a “policy window” for the reframing of prohibition as congruent with patriotic sentiments of sacrifice for the greater good. This reframing, combined with the dynamics of positive policy feedback and the altered locus of decision making, helps explain the most baffling historical question of how such an overwhelming majority of Americans could support such a disastrous policy option, to not only ratify a prohibition amendment to the Constitution, but to do so in record time. From there, the chapter looks at the ultimate repeal of prohibition, with reference to the same mechanisms of competing ideas, actors, and feedback processes, which best explain how a supermajority of Americans and their representatives so overwhelmingly — and even more rapidly — defeated a policy that a supermajority comprised of virtually the same pool of citizens adopted just years before.Less
This chapter examines the most famous statutory prohibition, that of the United States. It considers how prohibition came to dominate the public discourse at the expense of rival alcohol control options such the Gothenburg system, through the concerted framing efforts of temperance organizations. As elsewhere, the pending crisis of a European war created a “policy window” for the reframing of prohibition as congruent with patriotic sentiments of sacrifice for the greater good. This reframing, combined with the dynamics of positive policy feedback and the altered locus of decision making, helps explain the most baffling historical question of how such an overwhelming majority of Americans could support such a disastrous policy option, to not only ratify a prohibition amendment to the Constitution, but to do so in record time. From there, the chapter looks at the ultimate repeal of prohibition, with reference to the same mechanisms of competing ideas, actors, and feedback processes, which best explain how a supermajority of Americans and their representatives so overwhelmingly — and even more rapidly — defeated a policy that a supermajority comprised of virtually the same pool of citizens adopted just years before.
Mark Lawrence Schrad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391237
- eISBN:
- 9780199776856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391237.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter asks why Sweden never adopted prohibition, though it seemed almost foreordained at the time, opting instead for a novel alcohol-rationing system. Particular attention is paid to the role ...
More
This chapter asks why Sweden never adopted prohibition, though it seemed almost foreordained at the time, opting instead for a novel alcohol-rationing system. Particular attention is paid to the role of the official Temperance Committee, and the efforts of its most active and influential member, Ivan Bratt. Ultimately, much of the reason that Sweden adopted a stringent system of alcohol control rather than prohibition was the influence of ideational brokers such as Dr. Bratt, who mediated between prohibition and antiprohibition forces and developed new options through bricolage of existing elements of alcohol control, working within the corporatist structure that provided the institutional space for such policy experimentation.Less
This chapter asks why Sweden never adopted prohibition, though it seemed almost foreordained at the time, opting instead for a novel alcohol-rationing system. Particular attention is paid to the role of the official Temperance Committee, and the efforts of its most active and influential member, Ivan Bratt. Ultimately, much of the reason that Sweden adopted a stringent system of alcohol control rather than prohibition was the influence of ideational brokers such as Dr. Bratt, who mediated between prohibition and antiprohibition forces and developed new options through bricolage of existing elements of alcohol control, working within the corporatist structure that provided the institutional space for such policy experimentation.
Mark Lawrence Schrad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391237
- eISBN:
- 9780199776856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391237.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter begins with a brief historical overview — from the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 through the Bol'shevik Revolution of 1917 and into the brutal, autocratic reign of Joseph Stalin, who ...
More
This chapter begins with a brief historical overview — from the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 through the Bol'shevik Revolution of 1917 and into the brutal, autocratic reign of Joseph Stalin, who ultimately repealed prohibition in the Soviet Union — before it addresses the domestic structure of policy decision-making in both late imperial and early Soviet Russia. While it is difficult to imagine a more stark contrast in the political ideology of the ruling classes, the basic structure of policymaking both before and after 1917 exhibits significantly more similarities than differences. The chapter considers the evolution of temperance and prohibitionist sentiments in imperial Russia, and their surprising resilience through the February and October Revolutions of 1917. These disparate threads are woven together into a new interpretation of the Russian experience with prohibition, which embeds consideration of the enormous weight normally given to Tsar Nicholas II within a deeper understanding of the role of autocratic policymaking institutions.Less
This chapter begins with a brief historical overview — from the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 through the Bol'shevik Revolution of 1917 and into the brutal, autocratic reign of Joseph Stalin, who ultimately repealed prohibition in the Soviet Union — before it addresses the domestic structure of policy decision-making in both late imperial and early Soviet Russia. While it is difficult to imagine a more stark contrast in the political ideology of the ruling classes, the basic structure of policymaking both before and after 1917 exhibits significantly more similarities than differences. The chapter considers the evolution of temperance and prohibitionist sentiments in imperial Russia, and their surprising resilience through the February and October Revolutions of 1917. These disparate threads are woven together into a new interpretation of the Russian experience with prohibition, which embeds consideration of the enormous weight normally given to Tsar Nicholas II within a deeper understanding of the role of autocratic policymaking institutions.
Mark Lawrence Schrad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391237
- eISBN:
- 9780199776856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391237.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter weaves together the transnational temperance movement in Chapter 2 with policymaking at the national level in Chapters 3 through 5, by examining the extent to which alcohol control ...
More
This chapter weaves together the transnational temperance movement in Chapter 2 with policymaking at the national level in Chapters 3 through 5, by examining the extent to which alcohol control policy ideas and experiences in one country influence policy developments in another. By focusing on the invocation of foreign ideas — anchored in experience beyond the control of national policymakers and requiring explicit investigation and comparison of foreign conditions — we can trace the influence of ideas within different institutional contexts at different stages in the policy process. While transnational ideational influences are broadly similar with respect to agenda setting in society-dominated, corporatist, and autocratic governance structures, these similarities disappear with the shift to policy debate and adoption that comes with the opening of a window for policy change. Society-dominated structures, such as in the United States, are predisposed toward the influence of normative ideational elements — frames and public sentiments — whereas corporatist structures, as in the Swedish case, are predisposed toward the influence of cognitive ideational elements: policy programs and paradigms. In autocratic structures, as in Russia, the elements at the forefront of the policy debate — policy programs and frames — are more salient.Less
This chapter weaves together the transnational temperance movement in Chapter 2 with policymaking at the national level in Chapters 3 through 5, by examining the extent to which alcohol control policy ideas and experiences in one country influence policy developments in another. By focusing on the invocation of foreign ideas — anchored in experience beyond the control of national policymakers and requiring explicit investigation and comparison of foreign conditions — we can trace the influence of ideas within different institutional contexts at different stages in the policy process. While transnational ideational influences are broadly similar with respect to agenda setting in society-dominated, corporatist, and autocratic governance structures, these similarities disappear with the shift to policy debate and adoption that comes with the opening of a window for policy change. Society-dominated structures, such as in the United States, are predisposed toward the influence of normative ideational elements — frames and public sentiments — whereas corporatist structures, as in the Swedish case, are predisposed toward the influence of cognitive ideational elements: policy programs and paradigms. In autocratic structures, as in Russia, the elements at the forefront of the policy debate — policy programs and frames — are more salient.
Mark Lawrence Schrad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391237
- eISBN:
- 9780199776856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391237.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter provides a more explicit comparison of the institutional differences in feedback mechanisms, highlighting the features inherent in each institutional arrangement that predisposed ...
More
This chapter provides a more explicit comparison of the institutional differences in feedback mechanisms, highlighting the features inherent in each institutional arrangement that predisposed decision makers in each country toward or away from a particular policy, while also enhancing the understanding of how different institutional arrangements respond to crises by accelerating the policy debate, and thereby altering the political discourse to impact the course of policy development. In drawing together such diverse insights, the chapter also poses an explanation for the international alcohol control/prohibition policy “wave” of the early 20th century. In brief, the wave can be explained only with reference to a combination of transnationally diffused temperance ideas, varyingly translated into policy through institutionalized channels of decision making, with a common external stimulus of a world war. War explains the timing of the policy wave, transnational temperance information networks explain the direction of the policy change, and domestic institutional constraints explain the ultimate form of that change.Less
This chapter provides a more explicit comparison of the institutional differences in feedback mechanisms, highlighting the features inherent in each institutional arrangement that predisposed decision makers in each country toward or away from a particular policy, while also enhancing the understanding of how different institutional arrangements respond to crises by accelerating the policy debate, and thereby altering the political discourse to impact the course of policy development. In drawing together such diverse insights, the chapter also poses an explanation for the international alcohol control/prohibition policy “wave” of the early 20th century. In brief, the wave can be explained only with reference to a combination of transnationally diffused temperance ideas, varyingly translated into policy through institutionalized channels of decision making, with a common external stimulus of a world war. War explains the timing of the policy wave, transnational temperance information networks explain the direction of the policy change, and domestic institutional constraints explain the ultimate form of that change.
